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Saturday, September 05, 2026

 

Understanding women's biology could reshape the future of heart disease research



Women have long been underrepresented in cardiovascular research, while biological sex differences remain poorly reflected in models of the heart's arteries. A new ERC-funded project at Aarhus University aims to help close this knowledge gap



Aarhus University





When a woman develops heart disease, it is not always the same disease - or driven by the same biological mechanisms - as in men.

Some cardiovascular diseases occur almost exclusively in women. Others present with different symptoms, develop differently or are associated with different risk factors.

This is no coincidence. Part of the explanation is that women have historically been underrepresented in cardiovascular research. But according to Monika Colombo, Associate Professor at Aarhus University, that is only half the story.

"Fortunately, we have become much better at including women in clinical research. But we are still not very good at incorporating the biology that makes women and men different into the models we use to understand cardiovascular disease. That is the fundamental knowledge we are still missing," she says.

Colombo now hopes to address that challenge through DISSEX, a research project awarded a prestigeous €1.5 million ERC Starting Grant under the European Union's Horizon Europe programme.

The project will investigate how hormones, stress and genetic factors influence women's coronary arteries and develop new models to explain why certain cardiovascular diseases affect women differently from men.

Why does an artery suddenly become vulnerable?

Researchers already understand a great deal about how blood flows through the coronary arteries and the mechanical forces acting on the vessel wall.

What they understand far less well is how the body's own biological signals influence the cells that make up those blood vessels.

How do hormonal changes affect the strength of an artery throughout life? What role does physical and psychological stress play? And how do genetic factors interact with the mechanical forces that arteries experience every second of every day?

Current scientific models can only partly answer those questions.

Through DISSEX, Colombo's team will bridge biology and biomechanics. By combining laboratory experiments, advanced medical imaging and computational modelling, the researchers will investigate how biological signals gradually alter the properties of blood vessels—and how those changes may eventually make an artery vulnerable to rupture.

"Today we can measure hormones and we can study the shape of blood vessels. What we still lack is an understanding of how the body's biology changes the cells within the vessel wall over time. That is the missing connection we are trying to uncover," says Colombo.

A disease that exposes a wider knowledge gap

The project focuses on Spontaneous Coronary Artery Dissection (SCAD), a condition in which a spontaneous tear develops within the wall of a coronary artery.

SCAD predominantly affects women, many of whom have none of the traditional risk factors associated with cardiovascular disease.

Simon Winter sees these patients in his clinical work. He is a consultant cardiologist at the Department of Cardiology at Gødstrup Regional Hospital and a clinical professor at Aarhus University, and serves as an advisor to the project.

"We see younger women coming in with what initially looks like a heart attack, but the underlying cause is not the usual build-up of plaque in the arteries. Instead, a tear develops in the artery wall, which can obstruct the flow of blood. It is a serious condition that can strike relatively early in life, and it can also take a considerable psychological toll on patients," he says.

This is precisely why SCAD challenges our current understanding of cardiovascular disease.

If clinicians are to become better at identifying who is at risk, understanding the mechanics of blood vessels alone is not enough. They also need to understand how hormones, stress and genetic factors shape the biology of the artery wall throughout a person's life.

To achieve this, the researchers will study living human coronary artery tissue and combine those findings with patient data and advanced computational models. Their goal is to uncover the biological mechanisms that gradually make an artery more susceptible to dissection.

"This is an area where we still lack fundamental knowledge. We need to understand why the condition occurs. Are some artery walls particularly vulnerable? Do hormones play a role? Or is it the result of several factors interacting? If we can identify markers and gain a better understanding of how the disease develops, we may also become better at knowing what to look out for in our patients," says Simon Winter.

From fundamental biology to more precise cardiovascular medicine

In the longer term, the researchers aim to develop personalised rupture-risk maps of the coronary arteries.

By integrating knowledge about hormones, genetics and biomechanics, they hope to identify patients at increased risk earlier and provide clinicians with better tools for diagnosis, monitoring and treatment planning.

For Colombo, however, the project's significance extends well beyond a single disease.

She hopes DISSEX will help reshape how researchers investigate women's cardiovascular health more broadly.

"If we want precision medicine, we also need models that reflect the biological diversity of patients. Women's cardiovascular physiology should not simply be regarded as a variation of a male standard. It deserves to be understood on its own biological terms," she says.


Aarhus University is home to several major initiatives focusing on women’s health. Here are five examples:

  • The research project Women’s Health and Well-being is conducting Denmark’s largest-ever study of women’s health and well-being, including a survey of 300,000 women.
  • PREG-AID investigates how medicines used to treat autoimmune diseases affect both mother and child during pregnancy.
  • The FEMaLe project uses artificial intelligence and health data to improve the detection and treatment of endometriosis. The project has helped raise awareness of the disease in both Denmark and the EU.
  • The BIOSFER project investigates the reasons behind declining fertility and explores how biological, social and psychological factors contribute.
  • The Women’s Health Network brings together researchers and other stakeholders to strengthen research into women’s health.

How new moms cope with stressful news may matter more than the news itself, study finds



By Tracy DeStazio



University of Notre Dame

Kristine Joy Chua 

image: 

Kristine Joy Chua, a biological anthropologist in the University of Notre Dame’s Department of Anthropology.

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Credit: University of Notre Dame






The everchanging social, political, and economic landscape in many countries has become more tenuous and intense in recent years. Respondents in a 2026 report from the World Economic Forum indicated a prevailing mood of uncertainty, with 50 percent of them anticipating a turbulent or stormy outlook on life over the next two years. This negative perception swells to 57 percent of respondents when looking ahead to the next 10 years.

Social structures, government policies, and cultural norms shape how people think, live, and interact. If those factors are in constant flux, the repercussions can have adverse effects. More worrisome, however, is how external stressors affect pregnant women, who are already experiencing significant physiological changes in preparation for the birth of a baby and, subsequently, adjusting to life with a newborn.

If there are additional factors in a mother’s own life—such as violent, turbulent, or uncertain social or political circumstances—then her fear and anxiety will likely increase, potentially putting her and her unborn child’s health at risk. The impacts of these sociopolitical stressors could lead to preterm birth, among other complications, not to mention the psychological and physiological effects.

“Yet, we know very little about how mothers cope with these stressors,” said Kristine Joy Chua, assistant professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Notre Dame. Chua researches reproductive biology, maternal health, and health inequities, particularly within Filipino communities and communities of color.

This gap motivated Chua and her fellow researchers to ask the question: How do expectant mothers manage these uncertainties and cope with sociopolitical stressors? The answer became the focus of their recently published study in the journal Social Science and Medicine, of which Chua was the lead author.

Interviewing 21 pregnant Filipina women across multiple regions of the Philippines in 2021, Chua and her team sought to understand how these women internalized such stressors. They found that they used creative coping strategies, some of which are grounded in Filipino cultural practices and shaped how they navigated such uncertainties. Some reframed difficult circumstances and maintained a positive outlook, while others deliberately disengaged from political stressors and focused instead on the well-being of their families.

What causes stress and where does it come from?

According to Chua and her co-authors, previous research had been limited in that it did not address how pregnant individuals perceive and embody outside stressors and the implications for health. Nor did it address the various coping strategies they found useful in dealing with stress in order to protect their bodies and pregnancies.

The research team specifically chose to study pregnant women in the Philippines, a country marked by intense state violence, high poverty rates, political corruption, and a highly publicized war on drugs, as well as some of the world’s strictest COVID pandemic lockdown restrictions during the research period.

Their interviews with the pregnant women revealed how interconnected social, political, and economic stressors can be—with 67 percent of study participants citing financial stress, 38 percent indicating access to quality medical care, and 52 percent saying cultural pressures affected their emotional, physical, and mental well-being.

One of the societal challenges compounding this predicament for citizens of the Philippines is their outsized reliance on social media for gathering news and information—an open portal that has the potential to continuously feed them negative or politicized discourse. According to Chua and her co-authors, 62 percent of their study participants cited Facebook or other social media sites as their primary source of information, adding that the “news they ingested had a profound impact on their perceived stress levels.”


Pregnant mom in the Philippines 

Artwork by Elissa Chudzicki/University of Notre Dame

What are some ways new moms cope?

The interviewees revealed that not all of the negative news they consumed necessarily affected them adversely. Many described relying on creative coping strategies pulled from within their Filipino identity and upbringing.

For example, noted the researchers, many expectant mothers found ways to reframe those stressors. One way to accomplish that is through the concept of “community viewing”—comparing oneself to others to determine who might be “doing better.” The realization that others within their circle might actually be relatively worse off (experiencing death, food scarcity, and extreme poverty, for example) allowed them to manage the difficulties of their own situations.

Second, maintaining a positive outlook on life and being able to “laugh things off” gave them a new perspective and renewed state of mind that enabled them to ‘build resiliency against adversity.”

Another reframing technique many expectant moms found useful was looking toward their relationships with family members and appreciating the positive aspects of their lives. Said one study participant: “We cope by remembering the blessings we have [now] and that are yet to come.”

Chua said that participants also found ways to exercise their own agency, which could manifest in one of three cultural practices. One is disengaging and remaining indifferent or resistant to the news of the day—letting the negative news “go in one ear and out the other,” as one participant described.

A second method is to invoke the mentality of bahala na—a phrase that translates to “whatever happens, happens” and is driven by a belief that God will provide. In other words, they believe that regardless of how difficult things are or how far out of their control the situation may become, these new moms and their families will somehow prevail.

Finally, respondents found outright avoidance to be a surefire way to leave some of those stressors behind and move forward with daily living. Deliberately staying silent—as opposed to engaging in political debates or trying to change others’ political opinions—allowed them to protect themselves against unpleasant, negative, and stressful experiences during pregnancy, the co-authors wrote. Rather, they focused “on concerns within their immediate control,” such as the current safety and health of their children and the general well-being of their families.

Chua emphasized that “the intent of the work is not to romanticize what might be viewed as a passive outlook or response, but to investigate the strategies these women have at their disposal to cope and deal with challenging circumstances. Doing so is harmful to the participants and to the field of study.”

What can these findings mean for other mothers?

While these specific coping strategies were utilized by the pregnant Filipina women included in Chua’s study, their insights may extend to any expectant mother living with social, political, and financial stressors.

“Maternal and fetal health is influenced not only by medical care but also by the broader social and political environment,” Chua said. “And politics definitely plays a significant role in shaping perinatal health.”

Chua said the research highlighted how further work is needed to fully understand this interaction, as well as how these coping strategies affect stress biology during pregnancy and its impact on newborn health. “Future study also needs to take into account how helpful or harmful these coping strategies may be,” she added.

“Our study is one of the first to examine how Filipina women embody politics during pregnancy,” the co-authors wrote. “We expect these findings to contribute to the advancement of women’s health on a local and global level by demonstrating the complexities associated with stress embodiment, management, and its impact on fetal development.”

Contact: Tracy DeStazio, associate director of media relations, 574-631-9958 or tdestazi@nd.edu



Tell DHL to stop union-busting



Workers in the Philippines need our solidarity today.


After DHL workers organised a union, management announced it was closing the warehouse, claiming its supermarket-chain contract had not been renewed.

Workers saw this as union busting, especially since DHL had announced in December that it had secured a three-year contract.

With negotiations blocked and their jobs at risk, the workers went on strike on 17 August, demanding that DHL sign a collective bargaining agreement and guarantee their jobs if the warehouse reopens.

They've requested an international online campaign and we've created one.

Please click here to learn more and to send off your message of protest and solidarity.


Unions and the climate crisis


Sean Sweeney is the founder and coordinator of Trade Unions for Energy Democracy (TUED), a global network of trade unionists who are trying change the way we deal with the global climate crisis. Instead of failed neo-liberal solutions, TUED is pushing for 'public pathways' to confront the climate emergency.

Yesterday, I interviewed him for the LabourStart podcast. Listen to it here.

In November, Sean will be in Turkey for COP 31, the People's Climate Summit and TUED's own Inter-Regional Meeting. (In the interview, he explains that these terms mean, as many of you may not know about COP 31).

LabourStart will be there as well, proud to be part of TUED's great initiative.



Organising workers in Kenya - where paying bribes to the police is just part of the job

This week I also interviewed Joseph Ndiritu Karobia, General Secretary of the Public Transport Operators Union (PUTON) in Kenya.

Joe's union has managed to win a couple of legal battles ensuring that drivers working in Kenya's informal sector have rights. But employers are resisting and the struggle is not yet won. Joe tells us about some of the challenges that his members face including 16 hour work days -- and regular bribes to the police.

Listen to this fascinating interview here.


Friday, September 04, 2026

 World Nuclear News


Decommissioning of Chernobyl units progressing




Preparatory work for the next phase of decommissioning the three intact reactor units at Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant is due to be completed by the end of 2028, the operators of the site say.
 
(Image: ChNPP)

The accident in 1986 destroyed the plant's unit 4, but three other units were undamaged and continued to operate afterwards - the last one was only shut down 14 years later.

According to an update from Chornobyl Nuclear Power Plant (ChNPP), its staff have now completed 94% of preparatory work for the decommissioning of unit 2, with 44% also completed at unit 1.

Planning for the work at unit 3 is currently taking place, with "physical works scheduled to begin in 2027".

The work includes: decommissioning of systems and components located within the conservation zone premises; removal of thermal insulation and combustible materials; removal of power, signalling and control cables; sealing of wall penetrations, installation and process openings at the boundary between the conservation zone premises and the control zones; and installation of fire-resistant panels and mats at the points where wall penetrations and installation openings have been sealed, and on air ducts within the conservation zone.

Maksym Protsenko, Head of the Chornobyl NPP Engineering Centre, said: "We have decided to carry out these works using the plant's own personnel, as part of ongoing operations and in accordance with the work execution plans developed by the Chornobyl NPP Engineering Centre."

The current work is described as the second of four stages of decommissioning and "the final shutdown and conservation of the reactor installations of Units 1, 2 and 3".

These three units, all RBMK-1000 reactors, closed down in 1991, 1996 and 2000, respectively. There are also two almost-completed ones, being decommissioned.

The first phase of the work was completed by 2015, when all units were offline and had their nuclear fuel removed and transferred to the used nuclear fuel storage facility.

Once the current stage is completed, contractors will undertake work, including lowering the height of parts of the units by 12-16 metres, as well as the dismantling of loading and unloading machinery and hoisting mechanisms.

ChNPP says there will also be work to carry out "key measures aimed at ensuring safety and preparing the reactor units for long-term controlled storage" which includes:

- Dismantling systems and plant components external to the nuclear reactor
- Strengthening the barriers to the release of radioactive substances
- Reliable preservation of plant components that are not subject to dismantling
- The creation of conditions for the temporary controlled storage of radioactive substances remaining within the plant
- The collection and conditioning of radioactive waste generated during the works, and its transfer to specialised organisations for further management

ChNPP says: "The safe storage stage involves a period during which the level of radioactivity is expected to decrease naturally to acceptable levels. It is planned to move to this stage in 2034, following verification of the safety of long-term storage of radioactive materials within the limits and for the duration specified in the nuclear facility decommissioning project."

During the next stage - the dismantling of the reactor units - systems and components subject to control as sources of ionising radiation will be dismantled and removed, and subsequently placed in radioactive waste repositories. Protsenko said: "This approach to the decommissioning of the Chornobyl NPP complies with national regulations and international standards."

What about unit 4?

The situation with the fourth unit, which was destroyed during the accident in April 1986, is different. A shelter was constructed in a matter of months to encase the damaged unit, which allowed the other units at the plant to continue operating. It still contains the molten core of the reactor and an estimated 200 tonnes of highly radioactive material.

However that shelter was not designed for the very long-term, and so the New Safe Confinement - the largest moveable land-based structure ever built - was constructed to cover a much larger area including the original shelter. The New Safe Confinement has a span of 257 metres, a length of 162 metres, a height of 108 metres and a total weight of 36,000 tonnes and was designed for a lifetime of about 100 years. It was damaged by a drone strike last year and there is work taking place to return it to its full design functions before the proposed safety work on the original shelter can take place.

Read more: Chernobyl unit 4 and the decommissioning challenge


(Images: ChNPP) 


Rosatom signs EPC contract for Kazakhstan nuclear plant

An engineering, procurement and construction contract for Kazakhstan's proposed Balkhash Nuclear Power Plant has been signed by Rosatom and Kazakhstan Nuclear Power Plants.
 
(Image: Rosatom)

Russia's state nuclear corporation Rosatom was selected last year to lead an international consortium to build the proposed 2,400 MW capacity plant in the Zhambyl district of the Almaty region.

The new contract sets out the responsibilities of the two sides in the project, with Rosatom responsible for the project implementation "from design and procurement to construction, commissioning, and handover of the completed facility to the customer".

Survey work began in the chosen area in August 2025, with more than 60 boreholes up to 120 metres deep drilled for samples to be analysed to help in the selection of the preferred location for the units. This work is due to be completed next year, followed by the preparation of documentation for the permit application process.

The plant is due to consist of two of Rosatom's VVER-1200 pressurised water reactors, the type being used in projects in Belarus, China, Turkey, Bangladesh, Egypt and Hungary.

Rosatom Director General Alexei Likhachev said: "The signed document marks a new stage in our cooperation with Kazakhstan. Rosatom will soon complete design work and create an international consortium of equipment suppliers. At every stage of the project, we remain steadfast in our commitment to our core objective: to build and commission power units that meet the most stringent international safety and efficiency requirements. We are confident that Russian nuclear technologies will provide a reliable foundation for the energy independence and sustainable development of the Republic of Kazakhstan."

Background

An intergovernmental agreement setting out the key principles - and export loan financing - for Kazakhstan's first nuclear power plant project was signed in May during Russian President Vladimir Putin's state visit to the country.

Further details of the financing was not included in the official announcements, although the official news agency Kazinform said that preliminary estimates put the cost of the two units at about USD14.4 billion, with another USD2 billion earmarked for physical security systems and social infrastructure. It reported that the construction start was targeted for 2027, and the aim was for operation of the first unit in 2034.

In his comments after signing the agreement in May, Kazakhstan's President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said: "There's every reason to single out energy as a very successful area of ​​cooperation. In my view, the agreement signed today on the construction of the Balkhash Nuclear Power Plant is of exceptional significance."

Kazakhstan is the world's leading producer of uranium. Although it does not currently use nuclear energy, it is not without nuclear experience: it has three operating research reactors, and a Russian-designed BN-350 sodium-cooled fast reactor operated near Aktau for 26 years, until 1999.

Kazakhstan has been preparing for a possible nuclear power programme to reduce its reliance on fossil fuels, diversify its energy mix and reduce CO2 emissions for some time. Kazakhstan Nuclear Power Plant (KNPP), a subsidiary of Kazakhstan's Samruk-Kazyna National Welfare Fund JSC, was set up in 2014. In a referendum in 2024 more than 70% of the 7.8 million people who voted answered 'yes' to the question: "Do you agree with the construction of a nuclear power plant in Kazakhstan?"

In addition to the initial nuclear power plant, China National Nuclear Corporation is lined up to build a second one, at a site also in the Zhambyl district, adjacent to the site selected for the first plant, as well as a third plant, Kazinform News Agency reported last July. The government has set a target for nuclear to produce a 5% share of the national generation mix by 2035.

Industrial zone plan to boost localisation for Uzbek nuclear project



Uzbekistan President Shavkat Mirziyoyev has said there should be an increase in localisation of work as he reviewed the construction and infrastructure plans for the country's first nuclear power plant.
 
(Image: Uzbek Presidential website)

Excavation work began in October last year for the pit for the first of the small modular reactors at the site. About 1.5 million cubic metres of soil were excavated during the digging of a pit 13 metres deep. In March this year, Rosatom said that about 900 cubic metres were being poured during the concrete foundation work for the reactor building. After that was levelled and waterproofed, a ceremony was held in June to mark the pouring of the first concrete for the reactor building's foundation slab.

According to a presidential website report on a progress briefing to the president, it says he was told that excavation work has been completed on an area of 100 hectares at the construction and installation base, with 450 workers and specialists, and more than 100 items of specialised equipment, working at the site.

"According to preliminary estimates, local production accounts for 21 percent of the project … the head of state noted that this figure is insufficient. The goal is to increase the share of domestic production in the project to at least 30 percent, ensure that 65 percent of construction and installation work is carried out by national enterprises, and attract 7,000 local workers and specialists," the report says.

To help this process, the president approved a plan for a 200-hectare industrial zone which would attract tax and customs benefits for firms, which are expected to include "at least 100 joint ventures" and help "localise production in 15 areas through technology transfer".

For the infrastructure works - which include 39 kilometres of roads, 11 kilometres of railway and 388 kilometres of electrical networks - the president said he wanted to see a 60-70 percent share of local products and services.

There is also a plan for a 200-hectare city for nuclear workers, which will have around 10,000 apartments for about 33,000 residents and include "energy-efficient multi-story buildings, schools and preschools, healthcare, sports, and cultural facilities, recreation areas, and extensive green spaces".

The presidential office's report adds: "Taking into account the expansion of the functions of the Uzatom Agency and the Directorate for Nuclear Power Plant Construction, proposals for a phased strengthening of their organisational and personnel potential were considered.

"The head of state gave specific instructions to responsible officials to ensure high quality, safety, and timely construction of the nuclear power plant and the city of nuclear workers, expand the participation of domestic enterprises, and coordinate the implementation of infrastructure projects and personnel training programmes."

Background

Uzbekistan has a long nuclear-related history with considerable mineral deposits - it is the world’s fifth-ranking uranium supplier. It has also had two research reactors, a 10 MW tank type - WWR-SM - which has been operating since 1959 at the Institute of Nuclear Physics, Uzbek Academy of Sciences near Tashkent, and a small 20 kW one operated by JSC Foton in Tashkent which was decommissioned between 2015-19.

It has had long-term plans to develop nuclear energy capacity and a contract was signed in May 2024, during a visit to the country by Russian President Vladimir Putin. It was originally for the construction of a 330 MW capacity nuclear power plant featuring six units of the RITM-200N water-cooled small modular reactor (SMR), which is adapted from nuclear-powered icebreakers' technology, with thermal power of 190 MW or 55 MWe and with an intended service life of 60 years. The first unit was scheduled to go critical in late 2029 with units commissioned one by one.

In 2025, a supplemental agreement to the contract for the new nuclear power plant - in the Jizzakh region - covered the decision to change its contents to two gigawatt-scale VVER-1000 units and two SMRs. This increased the proposed capacity to more than 2,100 MWe, compared with the previous 330 MWe. It is the first export order for Russia's SMR. The first land-based version is currently being built in Yakut, Russia, with the launch of the first unit scheduled for 2027.

TerraPower selects more suppliers for Natrium components



US small modular reactor developer TerraPower has announced the selection of 12 supplier awards as it continues to build out the supply chain needed to support its first Natrium sodium-cooled fast reactor power plant, in Kemmerer, Wyoming.
 
A rendering of the Kemmerer plant (Image: TerraPower)

The awards include work for Merrick & Company (two contracts), Mirion Technologies Inc, BWXT Canada Ltd, Teledyne Brown Engineering Inc, Marmen Inc, Thermal Engineering International (USA) Inc, Jensen Hughes, Boston Government Services LLC, James Fisher Technologies LLC, KROHNE Nuclear, and Valserve.

TerraPower's Natrium technology features a 345 MWe sodium-cooled fast reactor with a molten salt-based energy storage system. The storage technology can temporarily boost the system's output to 500 MWe when needed, enabling the plant to follow daily electric load changes and integrate seamlessly with fluctuating renewable resources. TerraPower began non-nuclear construction for its first Natrium plant, in Kemmerer, in June 2024, and expects construction of the plant - which it says will be the first commercial-scale, advanced nuclear project in the USA - to be complete in 2030. The first Natrium project is being developed through the US Department of Energy's Advanced Reactor Demonstration Program. The Natrium reactor is a TerraPower and GE Vernova Hitachi Nuclear Energy technology.

TerraPower has already secured all the long-lead items for the project as well as the entire Natrium reactor enclosure system.

In addition to the first Natrium plant under construction, TerraPower has an agreement with Facebook and Instagram owner Meta for up to eight Natrium plants by 2035.

"These equipment awards support the construction of the Natrium plant, as well as support completion of the first-of-a-kind sodium test and fill facility that is also being constructed on the Natrium site in Wyoming," TerraPower said. "Through these award selections for the first Natrium plant, TerraPower is establishing a resilient and sustainable supply chain to bring a fleet of Natrium reactors online in the coming decade.

"Securing contracts up and down the supply chain is critical to ensuring project milestones are met and the US manufacturing base is well positioned to support the exponential growth in advanced nuclear deployment anticipated in the coming decade."

Pat Young, senior vice president and Natrium project director at TerraPower, added: "Securing supplier contracts is fundamental to establishing the resilient and sustainable supply chain needed to build advanced nuclear plants. With each contract awarded, we are strengthening our network of qualified partners and ensuring critical milestones are met as we bring the Natrium reactor to market."

Last month, TerraPower signed agreements with South Korea's Hyundai Engineering & Construction (HDEC) and SK Innovation to develop and commercialise its Natrium reactor technology across the USA, Korea and select international markets. The agreements were signed in Seoul during the first meeting among the top executives of the three companies since HD Hyundai, TerraPower and HDEC signed a trilateral memorandum of understanding in May to cooperate on next-generation sodium reactor projects.

Consortium formed for Swedish SMR project


Studsvik has selected GE Vernova Hitachi Nuclear Energy and Samsung C&T as its strategic partners for an initial four-unit BWRX-300 small modular reactor project, either at its existing licensed nuclear site in Nyköping or at the Målma site in Valdemarsvik.
 
(Image: Studsvik)

Swedish nuclear technical services provider Studsvik, GE Vernova Hitachi Nuclear Energy (GVH), GE Vernova Financial Services, DS Investment Partners and Samsung C&T announced the signing of an agreement to advance the ReFirm nuclear programme at Studsvik's sites in Sweden. The agreement is exclusive for a fixed period, which the parties may extend.

ReFirm is a multi-site small modular reactor (SMR) and new nuclear development programme that became part of the Studsvik Group through the acquisition of Kärnfull Next earlier this year. The programme is focused on light-water SMR technology, with plans for multiple units at "SMR parks". Its plan is for the first unit to be commissioned in the mid-2030s. Kärnfull Next has worked with GE Vernova Hitachi on BWRX-300 deployment in Sweden since 2022 and entered a strategic teaming agreement with Samsung C&T in December 2024.

Under the new agreement, the partners will begin joint development work immediately, including commercial, technical, regulatory and financing activities during the exclusivity period. Studsvik will lead permitting, the environmental impact assessment, site rights, community engagement and the dialogue with the Swedish state. GVH will lead reactor design, licensing support and cost estimation and acts as design authority, and, together with Samsung C&T, acts as the execution team, giving the project single-point responsibility for design and construction delivery. During the exclusivity period, South Korean investment firm DS Investment Partners will lead the investment and GE Vernova Financial Services participates in an advisory and financial structuring capacity in support of the consortium.

A joint project company will be established to support development, financing, construction, ownership and operation of the plants, with details to be finalised in definitive agreements, Studsvik said. It noted that the agreement marks the next phase of development and does not constitute a final investment decision or authorisation to construct.


Illustration of a multi-unit SMR campus (Image: Studsvik)

The agreement covers sites at Nyköping and Valdemarsvik and provides for development to commence with a four-unit BWRX-300 project of about 1,200 MWe in total at one of them.

Studsvik has been investigating the possibility of constructing and operating SMRs on its industrial site near Nyköping on Sweden's east coast. The company has previously said the site is in a strategic location and houses the company's broad expertise in nuclear technology, including fuel and materials technology, reactor analysis software and fuel optimisation, decommissioning and radiation protection services as well as technical solutions for handling, conditioning and volume reduction of radioactive waste.

In March this year, Kärnfull Next submitted an application to build a power plant based on SMRs in the municipality of Valdemarsvik in Östergötland county in southeastern Sweden. It was the first application under Sweden's new Act on Government Approval of Nuclear Facilities. The application - submitted by project company ReFirm Målma AB - covers a planned SMR campus in Valdemarsvik, initially planned to host between four and six small light water reactors. In February 2025, Kärnfull Next announced it had secured land rights for the Valdemarsvik project. The property includes areas that were identified as suitable for nuclear power in studies going back as far as the 1970s.

In June, Studsvik submitted an application to the Swedish government for state support for up to 1,400 MW of new nuclear power, featuring SMRs, in the southern part of the country, with options at Valdemarsvik and Nyköping forming the basis of the application.

Studsvik said the site that hosts the first project will be decided during the development work.

"The phased, multi-unit structure is intended to support standardisation across the programme and creates opportunities to capture lessons learned from early deployment and apply them to subsequent units, helping improve cost, schedule and productivity outcomes," Studsvik said. "It will also help maximise Swedish industrial participation throughout engineering, procurement, construction, and long-term operations. This reflects the broader objective of building a supply chain that can support not only the first project, but also follow-on units and wider deployment opportunities in Sweden and Europe."

GVH's BWRX-300 is a 300 MWe water-cooled, natural circulation SMR with passive safety systems that leverages the design and licensing basis of GEH's ESBWR boiling water reactor. The first BWRX-300 is under construction at Ontario Power Generation's Darlington site in Canada, with completion expected by the end of the decade.

Agreement welcomed

"Sweden's electricity supply is a long-term play: existing nuclear capacity is ageing, and demand for baseload power is growing," said Studsvik President and CEO Karl Thedéen. "To meet that, we have looked for long-term partners and for the conditions that let projects like this succeed. In GE Vernova Hitachi and Samsung C&T we have found them. We intend to build the first project either on an existing nuclear site or on greenfield. One reactor is a project. Four is the start of an industry."

Jason Cooper, CEO of GE Vernova Hitachi Nuclear Energy, added: "Today's announcement is about helping Sweden turn its energy ambitions into reality in a timeframe that matters for its communities and industries. The country has a strong foundation of nuclear expertise and operational excellence, and the BWRX-300 combines proven boiling water reactor technology with the lessons being learned every day at the Darlington New Nuclear Project in Canada. Together with a growing global pipeline of projects across North America and Europe, this experience gives Sweden access to a technology that is moving from first-of-a-kind deployment toward fleet-scale execution."

"Samsung C&T is honoured to partner with Studsvik, GE Vernova Hitachi and the other members of the development team to support Sweden's next generation of nuclear energy," said Oh Se-chul, President and CEO, Engineering & Construction Group, Samsung C&T. "By combining proven technology, world-class EPC execution, operational excellence and financing capability, we are establishing a strong foundation for the successful development of the ReFirm programme. We are equally committed to strengthening Sweden's industrial capability, expanding local supply chains and building a long-term strategic partnership that creates lasting value for Studsvik and Sweden."

Ebba Busch, Sweden's Deputy Prime Minister, Minister for Energy, and Minister for Business and Industry, welcomed the signing of the agreement, saying: "It is an important step, a great success for Sweden as a nuclear power country and a clear acknowledgment that Sweden is once again a country where world-leading companies want to develop new nuclear power projects ... We have built strong relationships with both the United States and South Korea through several cooperation agreements, including the Technology Prosperity Deal. Now we are moving from words to action, from plans to concrete projects."

Thursday, September 03, 2026

Review

The Early Comintern in Context


Thursday 3 September 2026, by Kay Mann





Lenin’s Comintern Revisited
By John Riddell
Leiden, Brill: Historical Materialism, 2026, xiv + 321 pages,
bibliography and index, Haymarket paperback $30.99.

READERS WILL FIND inside this austerely presented and written book a rich vein of political analysis from the documents and debates of the Communist International (CI), or Comintern as it came to be known, as it sought to analyze and shape tumultuous events during the period of victories and defeats following the 1917 Russian Revolution.

Lenin’s Comintern Revisited is the latest in a series of books by the Comintern Publishing Project, founded in 1983 by Riddell who served as general editor. Riddell has been aided by Mike Taber, who has been the general editor of the project since 2019.

As Taber explains in the Foreword, the present book is actually an introduction to the whole series and the Communist International itself. He also explains the project’s origins and how he and Riddell came to it.

Ten volumes of documents are already published, and an eleventh on “Revolutionary Youth” is in preparation. (xi-xiv) [1]

This volume introduces the first four congresses of the Comintern and plenums; meetings of the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI); and other documents of the Communist International from its founding in 1919 to 1924.

The book is a combination of guide to large sets of documents, some only recently available in English and others for the first time; a rough annotated guide to Comintern documents; and focused treatments, summaries, and commentary on a series of political themes and debates set in the historical context in which they unfolded.

Given the sheer volume of documents related to these questions, Riddell’s summaries are both useful on their own but can also be thought of as guides to further research which would undoubtedly lead to more insights. An index is included for those wishing to further pursue study of the themes treated in this volume.

Comintern Origins and Debates

The broad outlines of the Comintern’s history are well known. The founding of the Communist International in 1919 against the backdrop of World War I and the Russian Revolution, and the 21 conditions for admission of national parties to the International, have long been debated on the left.

The first four congresses of the Comintern were understood in Marxist circles as belonging to the revolutionary phase of the International, ending in the late 1920s when Stalinism took hold of the Russian-dominated Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the International. But the documentation upon which that knowledge was drawn represented only a portion of the documents and oral interventions that the Comintern produced.

Difficulty in obtaining those documents and speeches has been compounded by their being in different languages mostly Russian, German, French and English. Riddell’s familiarity with those languages, his solid command of the particular and global historical context in which they unfolded, and his firm Marxist grasp of the method and ideology that guided Lenin and the Comintern leadership and its sections, give coherence and educational value to this book.

Riddell draws on both written reports, resolutions and other documents of the congresses and plenums, as well as transcripts of the proceedings in which delegate’s reports and interventions were recorded.

Riddell deftly presents Comintern debates as they unfolded and lets its various spokespeople speak in their own words, while also suggesting interpretations in instances when events proved and disproved the power and efficacy of competing analyses and courses of action.

Central to the Comintern leadership were Karl Radek, Leon Trotsky, Zinoviev and to a lesser degree, Bukharin and Kamenev and Joseph Stalin.

Lenin himself emerges as a sort of senior statesman often chairing meetings and intervening sparingly around carefully chosen themes. But he invested considerable energy around issues that he believed to be central for the International such as anti-Imperialism, the struggle against the remnants of Second International reformism or what the Bolsheviks called “opportunism,” and the United Front.

The volume begins with a chapter titled “The Second International: Birth and Death” which outlines the backdrop of the founding of the CI. The Second International was founded in 1889 and consisted of mass Socialist parties mostly in Europe, the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) being its largest and most influential.

Despite wide agreement on antiwar texts approved by the International in 1907, 1910 and 1912 proclaiming that declarations of the impending Imperialist war would be met with calls for a general strike and total parliamentary opposition, the leaders of the German, French, British and other Socialist Parties supported the war aims of their respective governments.

The Russian and Italian parties were opposed, and during the war Lenin became the leader of the Zimmerwald antiwar left (named after the Swiss village where a small, but significant gathering of antiwar Socialist Party leaders to took place in 1915).

The First Congress

Following the war and the Russian Revolution, Lenin led a left movement against the “opportunism” of the Second International which led to the Communist or Third International. Chapter 3, “Towards a New International” reviews the antiwar Zimmerwald movement and the Russian Revolution as background events leading to the founding of the Third International.

The congresses and the plenums which took place between them were held in Moscow under the auspices of the Russian Communist Party, which enjoyed the prestige of having led the world’s first proletarian socialist revolution and the state power and resources that went accompanied it.

But travel to revolutionary Russia in times of war and blockade was long, difficult and dangerous. Three delegates perished on their way home from the first congress.

The First congress of the Communist International in Moscow in 1919 was hastily called and convened under difficult conditions, including food and fuel shortages.

These conditions contributed to the limited representative scope of the congress, heavily weighted in favor of European parties. There were relatively few representatives from Asia or other colonized parts of the world. There were few women. A German delegate argued that its limited representativeness meant that it should not proclaim itself a new International.

Lenin and others strongly disagreed, arguing that proclaiming the International would be a clear break with the opportunist, reformist Second international that had betrayed the working class and socialism through its support for the imperialist war, and send a revolutionary message to the left-moving workers of the world inspired by the Russian Revolution.

The Second Congress

The Second congress took place in 1920 under much more promising conditions. The counterrevolutionary White armies had been defeated, and it seemed for at time that workers elsewhere were following the revolutionary example of the Russian Revolution.

This congress was much broader in representation, with considerable participation from non-European parts of the world, particularly Asia, and matched by strident declarations in favor of the anti-Imperialist and anti-colonial struggle.

This was the congress where the famous 21 conditions for admission were debated and approved. As the Communist parties and the International stimulated considerable interest and prestige in advanced working-class circles worldwide, Lenin and the Bolsheviks wanted to be certain that the reformists who had betrayed socialist internationalism in 1914 would be barred from admission.

Anti-Imperialism was a key theme discussed at the Second Congress, and Riddell offers an extended analysis of the debates and resolutions on this question. The importance to which Comintern leaders beginning with Lenin accorded the struggles of peoples dominated by Imperial power, such as those under Romanov rule in the vast Russian empire, underscored their commitment to anti-Imperialist struggle.

Rightwing voices in the Second International had justified colonial exploitation on the most racist basis. Some spoke of the “barbaric backwardness” of colonized peoples and the need for future European socialist societies to maintain colonies.

The First Congress had passed resolutions clearly condemning colonial and Imperialist plunder. But as Riddell points out, this denunciation of Imperialism and solidarity with its colonial victims lacked a vision of agency on the part of colonial subjects themselves.

The Second Congress went much further in elaborating a thorough, anti-imperialist program and practice.

The Baku Congress

The Comintern also sponsored an historic conference of non-European largely colonized peoples in the Baku, the capital of Soviet Azerbaijan in 1920.

The conference drew 2050 participants including 1891 delegates, most of whom were from new Soviet republics in Asia, but also Turkey, Armenia, Iran and Georgia. It was a stunning expression of anti-Imperialism and gave considerable prestige to the International.

Those wishing to learn more about this remarkable conference Riddell edited a volume from the series, “To See the Dawn: 1920-First Congress of the Peoples of the East,” the complete record of its speeches, interventions, and documents.

A smaller conference sponsored by the Comintern, of the “Toilers of the East” was held in Moscow in 1922, further underscoring Lenin’s and the Comintern’s commitment to full support of the colonial revolution and national liberation movements. Riddell also outlines the debate on how Communist parties were to relate to anti-colonial bourgeois forces and governments.

Early Comintern documents supporting the struggles of colonized peoples did not explicitly mention Black liberation, but the implication was clear and noticed by Black revolutionary nationalists in the United States. Here too, the Comintern broke with earlier conceptions that viewed the oppression of Black and other peoples of color simply as part of their exploitation as workers.

The Comintern recognized the Black struggle in the United States as a form of colonial repression. Black delegates who were part of the U.S. delegation consulted with Lenin during the congress.

Riddell sums up Comintern thinking on Black liberation noting that its leaders “held that the liberation struggle of Black people formed part of the world uprising of oppressed peoples against colonialism and racism, and that oppressed Black people thus constituted a central force in the worldwide struggle for socialism” (229).

The United Front

The Third Congress in 1921 was held amid a period of revolutionary hope and then counterrevolution. That congress saw the elaboration of the United Front, a rich discussion on party organization and democratic centralism, and some discussion of fascism.

One of the most significant developments in the Comintern was the elaboration of the United Front policy, which in the words of Riddell “became of the most effective tools for working class action inherited from the era of Lenin and the Russian Revolution” (127). Indeed, the question of alliances and with whom, remains an enduring feature of socialist politics.

Riddell presents the development of the policy by reviewing the debates and documents in close connection with the political events in Germany as they unfolded. In 1920, a far-right military coup, the Kapp putsch, overthrew the Social Democratic SPD government.

In response the German Comintern section, the KPD appealed to other working class political organizations-the SPD, the USPD which was a left split from the SPD, and the KAPD, which had split from the KPD, for united working-class resistance.

The UPSD opposed the appeal, citing the radical demands of its platform, while the KAPD opposed the alliance from an ultraleft, sectarian position. But workers responded with strikes and vigorous resistance and chased the Kapp putschists out of power, leading to the restoration of the SPD government. The strategy became generalized and theorized in the Comintern as the United Front.

The debate on the United Front was complicated by its connection to at least three other questions that arose alongside the German events: 1) the “theory of the offensive” advanced by the leadership of the KAPD and other Comintern figures, 2) the workers’ government demand, and 3) the transitional approach.

The establishment of short-lived Soviet governments in Hungary and parts of Germany produced a wave of enthusiasm and optimism. Lenin was particularly enthused. But the overthrow of these, and the failure of the 1920 Italian general strike to move from defensive and limited demands to a drive for power, eventually made it clear that the period opened by the Russian revolution, that of revolutionary openings had ended.

Yet as the revolutionary crescendo descended, some like the KAPD leadership around Ruth Fischer and Arkady Maslow misread, as soon became clear, the period as still being one of revolutionary possibility and proposed an insurrectionary offensive involving a “united front from below” to bypass the leaderships of other workers’ organizations.

This approach was rejected by the Comintern. Lenin, Trotsky, Radek and others, pointing out that attempting to bypass the leaders of reformist parties and unions would not be a united front at all. Following the “theory of the offensive,” the KAPD and its allied VKPD and after initial hesitation, the KPD attempted an insurrection in March 1921. Workers responded to the call in series of cities, but right-wing military units crushed the movement with heavy losses.

For A Workers’ Government

In this context, the question arose regarding what type of alternative to capitalist rule would a united front propose, and how it could be widely embraced in the working class and its organizations?

Following the United Front logic, the answer was proposing a “workers’ government” to be made up of recognized workers’ organizations that would defend working class interests.

Communists would support such a government but not necessarily participate in it, but in any event retain their right to criticize such a government if they felt that it was not serving working class interests. Such a government would be a prelude to anticapitalist transformation.

There was a debate regarding the possibility of such a government emerging from parliamentary elections. The document “Theses on Tactics” is the main document that discusses the workers’ government.

The congress also discussed the importance of raising transitional demands to bridge the gap between the current state of working-class consciousness and the revolutionary consciousness necessary for socialist revolution. This would later be codified in the founding document of the Fourth International (1938), drafted by Trotsky.

United Front and Fascism

The Fourth Congress in the words of Riddell “tied together the united front, transitional demands, and the prospect of a worker’s government in a single arc reaching from today’s movements to a struggle for power.” (263) As he also points out, the question of the defense of bourgeois democratic capitalist governments and institutions when threatened by the far right was not resolved.

Riddell explains how the document on the United Front produced by the Third Congress represented a compromise, even a sort of watering down of its main message.

Zinoviev signed on to the united front strategy and gave the main report, but seemed to do so reluctantly, demonstrating sympathy for the ultraleft KAPD position on the theory of the offensive and stressing the reformism and “betrayal” of the Socialist parties more than the need for united working-class anti-fascist action across organizations.

The United Front was eventually abandoned by the Comintern as it came under the control of the privileged bureaucratic layer of Communist Party functionaries. In the late 1920s the Comintern under Stalin’s control pursued an ultraleft orientation that abandoned the united front based on a premise that a “third period” of capitalist crisis was opening that would see revolutionary situations develop.

In such a period, Stalin and his acolytes held that the greatest danger to the working class and the revolution was the Social Democratic parties of the old Second International which were branded “social fascist.” With the working class often evenly divided between Socialist and Communist parties and affiliated unions, such a policy effectively ended the United Front.

This sectarian policy had its most disastrous consequences in Germany where the KPD not only refused antifascist alliances with the Socialists, but actually also blocked with the Nazis against the Socialists in some electoral campaigns.

This tragic division of the working class at a time of needed proletarian unity greatly helped Hitler take power in 1933. Subsequently the Comintern turned in the opposite direction, calling for “popular fronts” involving alliances with supposed antifascist bourgeois forces.

A brief chapter outlines early analyses of fascism and traces Comintern policy on anti-fascism through the Popular Front. The Fourth Congress of the Comintern took up the question of fascism, but in a rather limited form mostly in the context of discussions on the United Front.

Fascism had only recently taken power in Italy by the time of the fourth congress, and it would be nearly a decade before German fascism took power.

Contemporary far-right governments from Trump to Bolsonaro to Orban have stimulated interested in fascism, and this chapter would be a good place to start.

Riddell reproduces Mike Taber’s summary of Clara Zetkin’s remarkable report to the enlarged plenum of the ECCI written shortly after Mussolini took power. Those looking for more Marxist analyses of fascism can consult Trotsky’s works and those of Daniel Guerin, both written after fascism had been firmly installed in Italy and Germany.

Democratic Centralism

Riddell reconstructs the debates and the actual record of how various Comintern-affiliated parties handled questions of party organization and democratic centralism, and the role of Lenin and the Russian Communist Party in the Comintern and relations with iis sections.

Riddell’s account reveals a far more nuanced image of democratic centralism that has been often assumed by historians and the balance sheet of contemporary socialist organizations that experimented with hyper-centralist norms that led to gutting democratic rights within those organizations.

Critics from the left and the right have long accused the Communist Parties and the International under Lenin of paving the way for Stalinist hyper-centralization. But Riddell offers evidence that the conception and practice of democratic centralism under Lenin’s leadership of the Comintern were worlds apart from its hideous Stalinist distortion.

Lenin insisted on discipline and centralism in carrying out agreed-upon party policies, strategies, positions and campaigns. But this was not a “Leninist” invention. In fact, as Riddell points out, most voluntary associations expect policies approved democratically to be carried out.

Riddell cites Lenin explaining that the centralism of the Second International was a strength. It was the reformist and centrist leadership that violated democratic centralism by acting contrary to agreed-upon antiwar declarations while undemocratically stifling antiwar voices in their own parties.

At the same time, the rights of minorities within Comintern parties were also guaranteed. Riddell offers numerous declarations and examples of actual practice that underscored the democratic part of the equation. His quote from Trotsky on this question is worth reproducing here.

(I)t is important to observe very strictly the statutes of the organization — regular meetings of the rank and file, discussions before conventions, regular conventions and the right of the minority to express their opinions (there should be a comradely attitude and no threats of expulsion). You know that was never, never done in the old (Russian) party. Expulsion of a comrade was a tragic event and was done only for moral reasons and not because of a critical attitude. (150)

Riddell cites historian Paul Le Blanc who called attention to numerous examples of recognition of national differences, and the importance of flexibility in organizational matters. In fact, the key document on this question, the 1921 “Theses on Organization” explicitly warned against centralization that cut across democracy.

Riddell leads the reader into a discussion of how notions of democratic centralism also informed the relations between the Comintern and its sections. Here too, as a number of left scholars have emphasized, the record of the Comintern regarding its sections stands diametrically opposed to the hyper-centralization and intervention by the Stalinized Comintern.

Riddell quotes several documents and interventions regarding the importance of considering varied national and local conditions and traditions in the organizational structure and practices of Communist parties.

Women and the Comintern

Chapter 14 on the Communist Women’s Movement outlines the work of the Comintern regarding women’s oppression and the organization of women members. It draws on The Communist Women’s Movement, 1920-1922: Proceedings, Resolutions, and Reports, published in 2022 and edited by Mike Taber and Daria Dyakonova.

The Comintern established a women’s commission under the leadership of veteran German Socialist leader Clara Zetkin who had also led the Second International’s socialist women’s movement, which founded the March 8 International Women’s Day marches.

The first Congress approved a resolution “On the Need to Draw Women Workers into the Struggle for Socialism” drafted by veteran Russian Communist leader Alexandrea Kollontai. International conferences of Communist women were held in Moscow in 1920 and 1921.

The Communist movement in this period defended women’s bodily autonomy and campaigned for the repeal of anti-abortion laws. There were Comintern women’s publications, and the Communist parties were encouraged to set up women’s commissions and publications.

But behind the resolutions and commissions were rampant patriarchal and sexist attitudes on the part of many male Communists. The commitment to autonomous women’s organization waned as the International abandoned the United Front policy and embarked on an ultraleft course.

In 1925 the Comintern women’s journal was discontinued. By the mid 1930s Stalinist parties in the Soviet Union and throughout the world began to promote patriarchal values.
Degeneration and Legacy

Shortly after the Fourth congress, the Comintern began to embark on the road that would lead to Stalinist refutation of the practice and much of theory of the Comintern in Lenin’s time. A brief penultimate Chapter 26 outlines the early stages of Stalinism and the end of the International as a revolutionary instrument.

By the Fifth congress, the process of ending free internal discussion had begun and the Comintern began to “undercut the authority and autonomy of national leaderships and open the door for bureaucratic intrusions by the Moscow Comintern centre into the selections of national leaderships.” (316)

Lenin’s Comintern Revisited gives contemporary readers an important introduction to a period rich in political lessons. Though the period was vastly different from our own, many questions that the Comintern confronted in Lenin’s time from the United Front to anti-imperialism and the rights of oppressed nations to self-determination have a contemporary ring.

The section on party organization and democratic centralism should be of great interest to contemporary socialists trying to build the socialist movement. As Riddell sums up, this sweeping documentation project “expresses the conviction that this experiment in internationalism, now a century in the past, retains its relevance to present-day struggles. It deserves the effort to preserve revolutionary memory.” (321)

The book and its materials may require concerted study and work to absorb its lessons, but those willing to invest the effort will find much of value in this account of a period full of victory and defeat in the struggle for socialism.

September-October 2026, ATC 244.

Attached documents

Footnotes

[1] Three previous volumes have been reviewed in Against the Current: about the Third Congress and the Fourth Congress as well as and the International Executive Committee Plenums in 1922-23. — ATC