Friday, October 25, 2024

How the Built Environment Is Damaging Children’s Connection to Nature

Profit-driven urban development has disconnected us—particularly children—from the wilderness. The effects are unhealthy.
October 23, 2024
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.



The free-roaming range of a child has been reduced dramatically in only a few generations. About three generations ago, most children were free to travel the full range of their town, but they rarely went beyond it except when accompanied by adults. Two generations ago, children biked and walked freely within a few miles of their homes through developed and wild areas, often spending days without supervision. One generation ago, most children were restricted to biking or walking a few local blocks and playing in their backyards, and they were generally supervised for their safety.

The current generation of children is mainly limited to the home and garden and allowed only supervised, organized play outdoors. This restriction in range limits children’s ability to explore their world without fear and to understand the complexity of the real world. Just as the child’s exploring range has been restricted, so has the child’s personal mobility range. The parent is obliged to “walk” the child in a stroller, or they might run or toddle off the narrow sidewalk into the fast traffic rumbling down every street.

Parents working on tasks cannot rely on community supervision and are forced to sit children in front of screens indoors to occupy their attention. Parents often have no wild, natural environment nearby for children to play in, so they move the child from the stroller to a manufactured play structure.

Parents often must get everywhere by car, which keeps the child strapped in a car seat. When the parents have more than one child, it is much harder to protect the children, so the mobility restrictions increase.

A Global Issue

This is more than just a North American problem. A 2004 study led by Professor John Reilly at the University of Glasgow and published in the Lancet showed that three-year-old Scottish children spent an average of only 20 minutes a day actively mobile. The rest of the time was spent in mobility-restricting strollers, beds, highchairs, or baby seats—usually in front of a digital screen.

Every parent knows that children need good nutrition, adequate rest, and lots of free time to play outdoors in the fresh air and sunshine to thrive. How could we have forgotten the importance of this last piece in our universal child-rearing conventions? Scientific evidence links less time playing outdoors in the sunlight with poor eyesight, specifically myopia. In China and East Asia, as many as 90 percent of high school graduates are near-sighted. The incidence of myopia in the Americas has increased by around 66 percent between 1971 and 2004. A 2023 study led by Bryana Banashefski at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai and published in the Journal of Clinical Medicine found that two out of every five Americans have myopia.

What is going on? Research published in JAMA Ophthalmology indicts sunshine, or the lack of it, for permanently changing the shape of children’s eyeballs. Children spending less time outdoors and experiencing less sunshine grow into myopic adults. I was the only person, child or adult, in my family to need glasses. I was also the least outdoorsy so I can relate to this. How did the exploration and mobility range of children worldwide become so restricted in just a single generation?

Profit Trumps Nature

Much of the blame can be laid on the design, development, and construction industry. To increase profit, we have densified our cities to the point where children have no safe, natural places to play and no wild areas to escape to. In many cases, kids are restricted to a couple of lots dedicated as park areas that consist of grass and a bit of manufactured play equipment. The inevitable consequence of this lack of safe and engaging outdoor play space is that children are kept home for their own safety and learn to play quietly with technology.

But the issue is more profound than this. As we remove large semi-wild parklands and play areas from our communities, we restrict the opportunity for our children—and ourselves—to explore and develop a comfort level with these environs. When we are not comfortable with wild nature, we discourage our children from exploring it. So, we have created a positive feedback cycle.

In many cities, children cannot name even one local bird. We do not protect what we cannot name. As we reduce the areas of wild nature in our cities because of development pressure, we increase our fear of it and reduce our children’s time in the remaining wilderness areas. As we reduce our own and our children’s playtime in wild nature, the benefit and use of these spaces diminishes, and the protection of these spaces is reduced, allowing their unopposed destruction and development as urban areas. Because of this strange and unhealthy positive feedback, we find ourselves valuing wild lands less, even as they become much scarcer.

Dismal School Statistics

The children themselves are telling us through dismal school statistics about escalating special needs (now 10 percent of all children, per the 2023 World Happiness Report), poor physical fitness, and lowering academic scores, that there is something terribly wrong with the way we have designed their world. For instance, daycares are set up to provide safe sleeping and playing areas inside. Still, outdoor play areas are often hard surfaces with intricate manufactured play sculptures, usually fenced off and opening onto parking areas.

What are these children imprinting? As we work toward a solution, we must avoid getting swayed by the arguments favoring structured sports over unstructured playtime. The hard, regular surfaces required for many sports are anathema to the creative soul. These spaces do not provide the mystery and magic needed by our exploring young minds, nor do they encompass the myriad creatures caught up in even the smallest ecosystem for the child to connect with and develop empathy for.

Just like our children, we adults feel refreshed when we catch the early morning light filtered through trees, walk green tree-lined streets filled with birdsongs to work, gaze out at changing skies and landscapes from our place of employment, take breaks in beautiful gardens, walk home and indulge in a stroll after dinner, and fall asleep to the night sounds of tiny insects, breezes, and rustling leaves.

This idyllic imaginary day was the norm for most families only a generation or two ago. For most of us, it is a dream we are unlikely to manifest. We wake to the traffic sounds and smells of a busy city, take crowded transit or a busy freeway to work, eat our lunch at our desk or in a crowded cafe, take transit or the freeway home, and then stay indoors in front of a screen and fall asleep to the noise of traffic and the city. For those who live in the suburbs, the home environment might be a little more connected to nature’s sights and smells, but the long commute significantly offsets the overall benefit.

Quantifying Poor Urban Design

Some programs can help quantify the effects of poor urban design. For example, the WELL Building Standard developed by the International WELL Building Institute (IWBI) “is a performance-based system for measuring, certifying, and monitoring features of the built environment that impact human health and well-being, through air, water, nourishment, light, fitness, comfort, and mind.”

Another resource is the Health Impact Assessment (HIA) Resource and Toolkit Compilation, a set of tools, guidelines, and processes used to evaluate the potential health effects of a policy, program, or project before implementation, helping decision-makers maximize positive health outcomes and minimize adverse effects. These programs tell us that without access to walkable districts, adults grow fat and develop diabetes and heart disease. They also tell us that adults develop respiratory diseases without the fresh air created by natural environments.

Further research is connecting the dots, but we know that dealing with the stress of constant crowds creates a fight-or-flight response in some adults. Chronically high levels of cortisol, released by the adrenals in response to stress, can lead to cancer, heart disease, and a host of other conditions, including a mental breakdown. Adult mental illness is an epidemic in our developed nations and is triggering a hard look at the way we force ourselves to live now in our so-called modern world.

Unnatural Green Building Trend

How did we arrive at this point where so many of our children have no exposure to nature and where time spent in a wild environment is just a memory for most adults? Where we are stressed almost from birth by roads and construction, unrelieved by trees and gardens?

In my career, I have resisted designing places I would not live or work in myself, but there is constant pressure on all designers to make living spaces smaller and to eliminate wild areas. There is additional pressure to widen roads and build deeper parking garages. We design apartments that are too small, condos that have no privacy, communities with no access to green space, schools without safe walking paths and natural playgrounds, hospitals that are completely mechanistic and inhuman, universities without daylit classrooms and adequate natural retreat spaces, and office buildings with no connection to nature at all. Our builders, developers, engineers, and architects have convinced us that we cannot afford any other option. We have come to believe this as individuals and as communities.

The truth is that we have all allowed an untenable situation to develop without questioning it. Before exploring what it means to address these issues, it is necessary to understand what natural development is not. I see an ironic trend toward unnatural green buildings worldwide. This happens when we use a mechanistic approach to design something “naturally.” We are so lost in a mechanistic design paradigm that we confuse imitating nature with constructing in harmony with it.

My personal experience with this was when I visited Singapore for a World Architecture Festival event. Once a year, architects from across the globe gather in a selected city to celebrate the world’s best architecture. In 2012, Gardens by the Bay in Singapore won the World Building of the Year Award. It consists of a massive island formed from dredged sand; the island features gardens built on themes from around the world. The highlight of the gardens is a series of artificial “trees,” which light up at night for a sound and light show. The trees are major steel constructions featuring a walkway connecting the canopies. Somewhere in the middle of the “tree canopy,” there is a bar from which you can view the Singapore skyline with a drink in your hand.

While all of it is quite over the top, my disconnected moment resulted from a queer juxtaposition. The open gardens are spectacular but uncomfortable in the heat of the day, so they are mostly used at night. It was a hot day. I decided to go to the enclosed and cooled part of the gardens. I visited the rainforest garden to refresh myself just before my long flight home. I wandered through artificial waterfall mists, walked up a constructed mountain, meandered through transplanted rainforests, and arrived at the geodesic dome on top of it all.

Then I walked back down and flew home. The next day, my husband and I walked through a mountainside rainforest in our community for a refreshing stroll along a river. I glanced up, momentarily disoriented, and looked for the dome. In crowded Singapore, the diorama may feel like the real thing and even momentarily fool a rainforest hiker like me, but it is not real.

Many so-called sustainable buildings have so much technology operating them that the real intent and original feel of the design are lost in the complexity of the mechanical solution. Award-winning buildings designed as machines in organic shapes to imitate opening shells or wings are also not natural.

This intensely fabricated nature ultimately has a disturbing effect on the adult human psyche, especially on the open and creative mind. We must be clear about our objectives and protect our natural systems. We must provide daily access to real nature in all communities to restore our true health and vitality. However, this is not the direction we are going in.

The eVolo Skyscraper Competition invites futuristic architectural solutions to overcrowding, global warming, and environmental disasters. In 2024, the first-place winner was an alarming vision of massive glazed buildings “slicing” through a city to add density. While optimistically seeking to restore the Yellow River, the second-place winner proposes mechanical arms printing modular units on both sides of the river, using river silt that is converted to raw material for 3D printing. The third-place winner proposes a massive inverted skyscraper 1 kilometer below the ocean surface to act as a carbon scrubber and artificial reef builder.

It seems that young imaginations around the world are exploring the future as a fabricated realm of artificial skyscrapers floating or supported above the earth. The apparent disconnect with natural physics is astounding. While it is true that these are only thought experiments and not to be taken seriously as future construction projects, they nevertheless represent a current fascination with extremely artificial environments and a rejection of wild nature.

Imposing such exotic construction on an already stressed and fragile planet—and our stressed and fragile psyches—is not the solution. We must turn this ship around now and move toward elegant, simple solutions in harmony with natural forces. This is the only way to comprehensively address the real and complex problems of neighborhood planning for the urban populations we anticipate in the next century.

How We Might Rewild Our Cities

Contact with nature nurtures us into a state of relaxation that supports our health and the development of our intelligence, sociability, and creativity. When we remove contact with nature from our world, we live a circumscribed existence that increases anxiety and fear and compromises creativity. Social tensions arise when we are too crowded without the relief provided by parks and waterways.

Architects, developers, designers, builders, urban planners, and policymakers should ensure that buildings are connected to natural light, views, and sounds. We must build garden-based communities with real links to waterways and wild nature. We must redefine the postindustrial city. For a happier and healthier future for our children, we must rewild our built environments.

This adapted excerpt is from Rebuilding Earth: Designing Ecoconscious Habitats for Humans by Teresa Coady (North Atlantic Books, 2020) and is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) by permission of the author. It was adapted and produced for the web by Earth | Food | Life, a project of the Independent Media Institute.




ZNetwork is funded solely through the generosity of its readers. Donate



Teresa Coady is an award-winning architect and Fellow of the Royal Architectural Institute of Canada. She is the founder and former CEO of Bunting Coady Architects, now part of B+H Architects, and former COO of Kasian—two of Canada’s biggest design firms. Coady was also a director of the International Initiative for a Sustainable Built Environment and a member of the United Nations Environment Program’s Global Alliance for Buildings and Construction. She is a FRAIC AAIA LEED Fellow. She resides with her family in Vancouver, Canada.
France’s Persecution of Pan-Africanist Kemi Seba

The prominent Pan-Africanist activist was apprehended and interrogated by the French counter-terrorism and counter-espionage agency on October 14.
October 23, 2024
Source: Peoples Dispatch


French-Benin activist Kemi Seba in Niger. Photo: X/Kemi Seba

Masked men violently seized one of Francophone Africa’s leading anti-colonial activists, Kema Seba, in Paris on October 14. The 42-year-old is the President of Urgences Panafricanistes (Pan-Africanist Emergencies) which has been on the frontline of the movement across France’s former colonies in West Africa against its continuing monetary stranglehold through its colonial currency of CFA-Franc.

Along with the group’s coordinator, Hery Djehuty, Seba was held and interrogated in the basement of France’s Directorate General of Internal Security (DGSI), which is tasked with counter-terrorism and counter-espionage. He was released on Wednesday, October 16. The prosecutor’s office said that although no charges were pressed on him, the investigation into possible “foreign interference” in French affairs will continue.

Military codes applicable to spies and high-ranking officials sharing intelligence with a foreign power to promote attack on France are being invoked against the civilian activist, his lawyer Maitre Branco complained in a press statement while Seba was still in custody. These charges entail a prison term of 30 years.

Seba is no stranger to French prisons, having served sentences in 2009, 2011 and 2014 for his role in organizing militant Black power movements. Born in France to Beninese parents who had named him Stellio Capo Chichi, he first came to prominence in the mid-2000s after forming Tribu KA, a Black-nationalist organization modeled on the US-based Nation of Islam whose popular members in the 1960s included Malcolm X and boxer Muhammad Ali.

After France banned Tribu KA, accusing it of racism and antisemitism, he reconstituted the organization twice under different names. Both were dissolved by the Interior Ministry, following which he went on to head the New Black Panther Party’s branch in France.
The flaming CFA note in the movement against French colonialism

Seba has also endured state repression in several of its former colonies in West Africa. In 2015, he founded Pan-Africanist Emergencies in Senegal’s capital Dakar and two years later, in August 2017, Seba was arrested in Dakar after he publicly burnt a 5,000 CFA franc note. He denounced the bill as “colonial currency” at the rally he led “against Françafrique”: a term that has come to refer to the system through which France continues to maintain economic, political and military dominance over its former African colonies.

“I knew that by carrying out this purely symbolic act, the BCEAO (the Central Bank of West African States)…probably on orders from the Bank of France, would initiate proceedings aimed at putting me in prison. I knew it, and I am ready to pay the price,” he had posted on social media the night before his arrest. The Senegalese Penal Code prescribes five to ten years imprisonment to “any person who voluntarily burns… notes, bills of exchange”, among other items listed.

When he was produced in court days later, along with another member who had been arrested with him, Urgences Panafricanistes held demonstrations not only in Dakar but also in city of Cotonou in his home country of Benin, Abidjan in Côte d’Ivoire, Moursal in Chad, Mali’s capital Bamako, Burkina Faso’s capital Ouagadougou and Niger’s capital Niamey.

Having thus contributed to the growing movement across France’s former colonies in West Africa, he walked free, securing an order from the court for his release on the technical grounds that he had burnt ‘a note’, in singular, while the law only proscribed burning “notes” and “bills”, in the plural.
A persona non-grata

However, Senegalese authorities deported him to France and declared him persona non-grata, following which Guinea and Togo turned him away in 2018. In March 2019, Seba arrived in Abidjan, the largest city of Ivory Coast, after deriding its president as a “voluntary slave” for publicly defending and justifying CFA Franc. He was to lead a public meeting “against neocolonialism”, that Urgences Panafricanistes had organized.

The police preempted the meeting by arresting its members, including its coordinator Hery Djehuty who was also apprehended in Paris earlier this week. Seba presented himself to the police, who forced him aboard a flight to Cotonou. He was taken into custody right off the plane and released after interrogation by the intelligence of Benin, of which he is a national and whose passport he was carrying on travel.

Later that year, Seba was arrested, once again with Djehuty, in Burkina Faso after he addressed a thousand youth at the University of Ouagadougou on the “revolutionary fight against the forces of French neo-colonialism in Africa” on December 21 – the birth anniversary of Thomas Sankara. The Ouagadougou High Court gave Seba a suspended sentence of two months for “insulting” the then Burkinabe head of state, Roch Kaboré.

The regimes subservient to Paris “obviously find it easier to attack African youth than to attack the French oligarchy”, Seba said in his statement to the media after the trial. Days later in January 2020, he was stopped at the Cotonou airport in Benin from boarding a flight to Mali’s capital Bamako to attend the intensifying protest demanding the withdrawal of French troops from their country.
France on retreat

As these protests grew bigger and more radical over the next months, the regime of Mali’s then-president Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, perceived domestically as a puppet controlled by his French master, fell to a popularly supported coup led by Colonel Assimi Goita in August that year. His military government, backed by the trade unions and the mass movements against French colonialism, expelled France’s ambassador and sought the withdrawal of its troops from Mali two years later in February 2022.

Hundreds of thousands gathered in the capital Bamako’s Independence Square in celebration. “What this government is now doing has never been done in Mali before. It has the full backing of the Malian people because it is willing to fight for our independence,” one jubilant protester had told Peoples Dispatch at the time.

A month before, mass demonstrations in Burkina Faso had culminated in a similar coup removing Kabore’s regime. After consolidating power with the support of popular movements, the president of the new military government, Capt. Ibrahim Traore, ordered the French troops out in January 2023.

In the meantime, Mohamed Bazoum, the then president of Niger, had invited the French troops forced out of Mali into his country where he was already struggling to suppress the growing anti-French protests. The head of the presidential guard, Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani, removed Bazoum and dissolved his regime in July 2023, to the joy of hundreds of thousands who took to the streets of Niamey in celebration. France, whose troops had already been marched out of Mali and Burkina Faso along with their diplomats, declared that it will not withdraw its troops or its ambassador from Niger.

When masses of angry Nigeriens surrounded its embassy and military bases, France threatened war, shooting from the shoulders of the regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Mali and Burkina Faso came to Niger’s defense. The three countries entered into a military pact with a degree of popular support which the ECOWAS countries could not claim.

People’s movements warned their governments against attacking Niger. In the Francophone countries of the bloc, Urgences Panafricanistes, which had been leading protests against their governments’ subservience to France, organized several campaigns in solidarity with the people of Niger.

Eventually, France backed down, announcing the withdrawal of its troops in late September, within days of which Seba went to Niamey, where he was received and honored by General Tchiani and other members of his popular government. “They told us, they are counting on us for the total destruction of Françafrique,” Seba said about the meeting, adding “We will not disappoint them.”

After the French troop withdrawal was complete by the end of 2023, Tchiani announced this February that Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso – united as the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) – had begun charting a way out of CFA Franc to a new common currency as “a first step toward breaking free from the legacy of colonization.”
“I am a free Black man. I am a free African”

That month, a wounded and weakened France – whose parliament’s chairman of the defense committee in March 2023 had accused Seba of “relaying Russian propaganda” – initiated the proceeding to revoke Seba’s citizenship. A letter notifying him of this proceeding stated as a reason his criticism of “French presence in Africa” as “neocolonialism.”

“Your passport is not a bone that you give us or take away depending on how submissive we are to you as if Black people were dogs. I am a free Black man. I am a free African. I am a free Beninese,” Seba declared, after burning his French passport during a live press conference in March, months before the French government completed the process of stripping him of his citizenship in July.

He maintains that the aim of the French government was “to limit my movements and thus slow down the impact of my anti-colonialist actions.” However, by August, he had a new diplomatic passport, granted by Niger “in recognition of the fight I have been leading for 25 years for Africa, at the risk of my life.”

“As a Beninese patriot with a long-term political project for my country,” he added, “I feel deeply connected to the Pan-African revolution in Niger, just as the Martinican Frantz Fanon was drawn to the Algerian revolution, the African-American Stokely Carmichael to the Pan-African revolution in Ghana and Guinea, or… the Argentine Che Guevara to the Cuban revolution.”

It was the Nigerien diplomatic passport he was carrying when he was on a tour to mobilize the African diaspora across the continents for the Pan-African cause, starting with Turkey, where he was invited for a series of interviews. From there, he went to Azerbaijan to attend the Anti-Colonial Congress organized by the Baku Initiative Group (BIG), and on to Europe where he had meetings with civil society organizations in Belgium and Spain.

Before concluding his tour with a speech at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, he had arrived in France on a Schengen visa to meet Beninese dissidents and visit his sick father when he was apprehended in Paris.

“Kemi Seba is one of the most important figures in Africa’s struggle for independence, opposing the policies of neo-colonialism for many years. His detention, besides being a violation of freedom of expression and political activity, proves once again that France is trying to maintain its presence and influence in Africa through illegitimate means,” read BIG’s statement. “Such actions show that the French state has not yet come out of the colonial mindset…”

While France maintains that its apprehension and interrogation of Seba was part of its investigation into “foreign interference”, Seba’s lawyer Branco insisted that Seba was not involved in any covert intelligence activities warranting the charges for which he was being investigated.

“He has never hidden his actions and partnerships with many forces that counterbalance the power of the United States and the West, whether it be Venezuela, Cuba, Russia or others,” Branco said in his statement ahead of Seba’s release.

“We started this political struggle in 1999, when neither Macron, Putin, Maduro, Kim Jong Un, nor anyone else were in office as presidents. We are fighting for our people, and no one can stop us from continuing our work,” Seba said, declaring upon his release, “We are free… We are a generation of free Black men and women, with only one obsession: the ultimate decolonization of the African continent and its diaspora. We are not fighting against a country, but against a system of oppression that suffocates Africa and the Caribbean.”

Give Peace a Chance? No Way

October 23, 2024


Secretary Blinken Meets With Israeli Prime Minister NetanyahuSecretary of State Antony J. Blinken meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem on January 30, 2023. [State Department photo by Ron Przysucha/ Public Domain] More: Original public domain image from Flickr


Three Developments That Might Lead to Talks

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu commented a week or so ago: “We will do to Lebanon what we did to Gaza.”

That arrogant and ugly prediction has come to pass with respect both to the human toll in Lebanon—the destruction of hospitals and fields, the civilian deaths and displacements—and the political aim, which is to expand Israel’s territory and authority. Now, three new developments add to this catastrophic situation.

First, is Israel’s assassination of the Hamas leader and probable orchestrater of the Oct. 7 attack, Yahya Sinwar.

Second, is the US threat, in a letter Oct. 13 to the Israeli government by Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, that the Biden administration may have to consider suspending military aid to Israel unless Israel improves food delivery to Gaza within a month. The further US demand is that Israel reaffirm that “there will be no Israeli government policy of forced evacuation of civilians from northern to southern Gaza.”

The third development is the more and more insistent calls for Israel to declare a cease-fire now that Sinwar has been eliminated and its military aims have largely been accomplished.

There have been several moments in this war when it seemed that peace of a sort was at hand—when both Israel and Hamas, through negotiations, had arrived at a point where at least a temporary cease-fire could be declared that would lead to the release of hostages and prisoners, perhaps setting the stage for further positive steps. Are we now again at such a moment? Here’s Thomas Friedman in his Oct. 18 New York Times op-ed:


“It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of the death of the Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar. It creates the possibility not only of ending the Gaza war, returning Israeli hostages and bringing relief to the people of Gaza. It creates the possibility for the biggest step toward a two-state solution between Israelis and Palestinians since Oslo, as well as normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia — which means pretty much the entire Muslim world.”
Why Peace Is Not at Hand

Friedman’s is a voice of reason, but I sincerely doubt—and I hope I’m wrong—that it will gain an audience in Tel Aviv or in the Hamas-Hezbollah-Iran circle. The first and most important reason takes us back to Netanyahu’s vengeful strategy, backed by his far-right cabinet members: total victory. He has never wanted to bargain to get back the hostages, he has never regarded Hamas as a legitimate authority in Gaza, and he has never been interested in a cease-fire. When he makes an offer to Hamas, as he did the other day—release all the hostages and Hamas fighters will be free to leave Gaza—he does so fully aware the offer will be rejected.

What Netanyahu wants in Gaza–emptying it of people, in what appears to be a plan to occupy the strip permanently with Jewish settlers—he also wants in the West Bank and perhaps even in southern Lebanon. And as he goes about achieving his objectives, Netanyahu hopes to demonstrate that he is Israel’s indispensable leader.

The second reason for pessimism about peace is that the US threat to suspend arms shipments to Israel lacks all credibility. Why now, and why over Gaza, after many months in which Israel has consistently turned aside US concerns about the humanitarian disaster there?

The IDF is engaged in ethnic cleansing in northern Gaza, and a UN human rights inquiry has determined that “Israel has perpetrated a concerted policy to destroy Gaza’s healthcare system,” which is a war crime. If the Biden administration were serious about Gaza aid, it would have suspended military shipments long ago, or at least this instant—no more making threats or collaborating with Israel on what to strike in Iran, but taking action, in our best interest.

Netanyahu has every reason to scoff at such threats and continue doing what he has been doing in Gaza, which is forced displacement of the Palestinian population. His Likud party actually hosted a gathering recently to encourage Jewish settlers to move into Gaza—as though the party was selling real estate!

A pathway to peace in the Middle East is conceivable—one that would not merely free Israel’s hostages and Hamas’ prisoners, but lead to a permanent cease-fire, formation of a new Palestinian leadership in Gaza, agreement among all the parties on steps toward Palestinian statehood, and normalization of relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia. Tom Friedman’s article provides the details.

But the Netanyahu government stands firmly in the way. As much as Israel would benefit from normal relations with its Arab neighbors, its government values the complete elimination of its enemies more. Compromise is not in Netanyahu’s vocabulary—and as he looks at the election here, he is banking on a Trump victory that would make any sort of compromise unnecessary.

So when Friedman ends his op-ed by saying that this is Netanyahu’s moment to make history, he knows there is little basis for such hope. Give peace a chance? Not a chance.


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Mel Gurtov is Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Portland State University.
WAR CRIME

Israel Injured UN Peacekeepers in Lebanon With White Phosphorus, Report Finds

Fifteen UN peacekeepers were wounded when Israeli forces shot white phosphorus rounds by their base.
October 23, 2024
Source: Truthout


A U.S. Air Force Douglas A-1E Skyraider drops a white phosphorus bomb on a Viet Cong position in South Vietnam in 1966. (Photo from manhhai, Flickr, CC BY 2.0)

Israeli forces have attacked UN peacekeepers in Lebanon at least a dozen times in recent weeks, including one attack in which 15 peacekeepers were injured by white phosphorus, according to a new report.

The Financial Times says there have been a dozen Israeli attacks on UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) peacekeepers, damaging bases and wounding peacekeepers, according to a leaked report by a country that contributes troops to the peacekeeping force seen by the publication.

In one of these attacks, on October 13, Israeli tanks broke into one of UNIFIL’s bases. The tanks left after peacekeepers protested their presence, but shortly after, Israeli forces fired several rounds of white phosphorus 100 meters away from the base.

The attack wounded 15 peacekeepers, according to the report. UNIFIL similarly reported on Telegram last week that peacekeepers had been wounded by the attack, suffering from skin irritation and gastrointestinal symptoms. Israeli forces claimed they had deployed the white phosphorus as a smokescreen.

It is illegal to use white phosphorus in populated areas, as the caustic chemical can cause extreme harm in the short and long term. The chemical can burn through clothes, skin and bone, and causes severe damage to the eyes and respiratory system when inhaled. It can also damage the liver, heart and kidney through skin contact and exposure.

Israeli forces have used white phosphorus on southern Lebanon multiple times in the last year. In June, Human Rights Watch documented at least 17 incidents in which Israeli forces used white phosphorus on municipalities, including residential areas, injuring at least 173 people. In at least one incident, Israeli forces used white phosphorus shells manufactured in the U.S.

UNIFIL has said that Israel’s persistent attacks on its peacekeepers are “a flagrant violation of international law.” The peacekeeping force was established in response to the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon in 1978, with troop contributions from 50 countries, and analysts have said that Israeli forces are attacking them now in order to limit outside documentation of Israel’s massacres in the region.

Israeli forces have directly hit UNIFIL infrastructure, indicating intent to attack the peacekeepers despite Israel’s insistence that it is not deliberately targeting the group. Israel’s repeated threats against UNIFIL and insistence that peacekeepers evacuate their bases are also evidence of intent.

Multiple peacekeepers have been injured in other attacks, including one on October 10, in which an Israeli tank fired at an observation tower and injured two peacekeepers.

Most recently, on Sunday, UNIFIL reported that an Israeli bulldozer destroyed an observation tower and perimeter fence of another UN position. The attack was deliberate, the group said. Just the day before, UNIFIL reported that peacekeepers at one camp, in Meiss ej Jebel in south Lebanon, ran out of water as Israeli military activities had blocked roads for weeks.

Troop contributing countries have criticized the Israeli military’s aggression against the peacekeepers. In one statement earlier this month, 40 countries said that they “strongly condemn” the attacks and that UNIFIL’s mission of protecting civilians in south Lebanon is “particularly crucial in light of the escalating situation in the region.”

Some U.S. officials, however, have waved away the concerns. In response to a question about the white phosphorus attack at a news briefing on Tuesday, Pentagon press secretary Pat Ryder said nothing of the injuries to the peacekeepers, saying only that white phosphorus has “a legitimate use in combat.”

The Financial Times report has spurred fresh condemnation of Israel’s attacks on peacekeepers, which, if deliberate, are war crimes.

“Israel is behaving like a rogue state, attacking UN facilities and injuring peacekeepers,” said Center for International Policy Vice President for Government Affairs Dylan Williams. “These are serious violations of international law that UN member states must ensure they’re not enabling. It’s yet another reason why Biden must halt offensive weapons shipments to Israel.”

 

Hezbollah’s dilemma

Published 
bombing in Lebanon

First published in Arabic at Al-Quds al-Arabi. Translation from Gilbert Achcar's blog.

Lebanon’s Hezbollah is a unique phenomenon, and any attempt to reduce it to one of its facets would be either unfair or excessive in sanctification. The party’s complex and intricate nature is evident in the very circumstances of its birth. It started as a Khomeinist splinter group coming out of the Amal movement, seeking to establish an ideologically committed “Islamic resistance” against the Israeli occupation of Lebanon in 1982 as an alternative to the “Lebanese resistance” that Amal upheld (the latter’s name itself is the Arab acronym of “Lebanese Resistance Brigades”). The motive for the rift that led to the party’s foundation was twofold: on the one hand, ideological loyalty to the regime instituted by the 1979 “Islamic Revolution” in Iran, but also, on the other hand, an aspiration to a resolute and radical position against the Zionist occupation, unlike the ambiguous position that Amal had taken towards it, especially in southern Lebanon.

In building a resistance movement affiliated with it in Lebanon, Iran’s Khomeinist regime saw a major ideological weapon in its war against the Iraqi Baathist regime that invaded its territory in 1980. Sponsoring an actual resistance against the Zionist state enabled Tehran to expose the falsehood of Saddam Hussein’s anti-Persian Arab-Islamic claims and to bridge the nationalist gulf between Arabs and Persians, by way of which Baghdad tried to shield Iraq’s Shiites from Khomeinist contagion, and which Gulf Arab states with a large Shiite population exploited for the same purpose. Likewise, outbidding all Arab regimes on the issue of Palestine, especially the Saudi kingdom, allowed Tehran to break the Sunni cordon that Riyadh sought to build around it to shield the Sunnis in general from the influence of the “Islamic Revolution”.

Thus, Hezbollah was born at the same time as an embodiment of Lebanese resistance against the Zionist occupier and an arm of Tehran, part of the ideological-military network that Iran sought to build in the Arab East and which would later expand significantly, taking advantage of the US overthrow of Iraq’s Baathist regime and Washington’s empowerment of Tehran’s supporters in Baghdad, followed by the Syrian Baathist regime’s resort to Iran to save it from the popular revolution that rose up against it (it is sufficient to point out this historical paradox to show the hollowness of what remained of the Baathist ideology following the despotic degeneration of the regimes in Baghdad and Damascus, but also Tehran’s prioritising of sectarian considerations over its own pan-Islamic ideology).

Hezbollah naturally imitated what the Khomeinist regime had done in Iran where it crushed all other groups that had been involved in the struggle against the Shah’s rule, the Iranian left in particular. The party imposed by force its monopoly on the resistance against the Israeli occupation of Lebanon, dealing painful blows to the “Lebanese Resistance Front” spearheaded by the Communists. It then ended up accepting a tense coexistence with what remained of its competitors in the areas where Lebanon’s Shiites are concentrated, from Amal to the Lebanese Communist Party, adapting to the specificity of a country where sectarian pluralism is mixed with political pluralism. This path led to the party’s involvement, under the leadership of Hassan Nasrallah, its Secretary-General since 1992, in the Lebanese political and institutional system in a very hybrid combination.

On the one hand, Hezbollah formed a state of its own with all its components, including an army, a security apparatus, and various civil institutions, within the Lebanese state, thus considerably increasing the latter’s fragility. Hezbollah’s substate is completely dependent on Iran, ideologically, financially, and militarily, and openly declares its allegiance through its professed adoption of the principle of “Guardianship of the Jurist” specific to the Khomeinist doctrine, which legitimizes the autocratic-theocratic rule that characterizes the mullahs’ regime. On the other hand, Hezbollah is a Lebanese faction that has become a key part of the country’s patchwork, although it imported customs imitating the Iranian patron. Hassan Nasrallah embodied this duality very well: he was the man who once boasted in a speech that his party is the “Party of the Guardianship of the Jurist” and he was also a Lebanese leader at heart, addressing his party’s popular base as well as all Lebanese in the dialect they are familiar with.

Nasrallah was keen to preserve this duality, by strengthening its Lebanese facet through odd alliances of a type that is unique to Lebanese politics, especially his alliance with Michel Aoun, the Maronite leader who, until 2006, was outbidding everybody in hostility to the Syrian regime and boasting of his role in producing UN Security Council Resolution 1559 of 2004 that called for the withdrawal of Syrian forces from Lebanon and the disarmament of Hezbollah. Hassan Nasrallah also showed a special concern for his party’s popular base and for Lebanon in general, particularly when he expressed his regret over the consequences of the Israeli aggression in 2006, which followed an operation carried out by his party across Lebanon’s southern border. However, Hezbollah did not hesitate to respond to Tehran’s invitation to throw its forces into the battle to save the Syrian Assad regime, contradicting its main argument up until then, which was that it had to keep its weapons independently of the Lebanese state for the sole purpose of defending Lebanon.

Hezbollah has sustained this last narrative over the years by combining a keenness to avoid exposing Lebanon to the Zionist machine of destruction and killing through a reckless adventure, such as a new crossing of the southern border, along with strengthening its image as a shield for the country in the face of that machine. The party played the main role in driving the Israeli troops out of Lebanon in 2000 and proved again in 2006 its ability to resist their aggression by imposing a high price on them. Iran then considerably reinforced its arsenal of missiles and rockets until Hezbollah believed that it had achieved some degree of “balance of terror” between it and the Zionist state. It portrayed its intervention in Syria as part of its battle against Israel, aimed at preserving the “axis of resistance”. Yet, since last month, the Zionist state has managed to settle the “mutual, but unequal, deterrence” between it and Hezbollah, by means of an “asymmetric war” in which it employed its intelligence and technological superiority in addition to its greater military power (see “Strategic Reflections on the Escalation of Israeli Intimidation in Lebanon”).

Hezbollah is now facing the dilemma of its dual loyalty, in a way that affects its vital interests. Evidence indicates that part of its leaders, especially among the political leadership involved in Lebanese state institutions, are inclined to accept a ceasefire, along with a withdrawal north of the Litani River in conformity with the 2006 UN Security Council resolution in this regard, and to facilitate the election of a consensual president of the Lebanese Republic, other than the man loyal to Damascus the party has insisted on so far. Tehran, however, firmly opposed this tendency, forcing the party to adhere to the principle of making a ceasefire in Lebanon dependent on a ceasefire in Gaza, despite the fact that it has become absurd since the main thrust of the Zionist aggression has moved from Gaza to Lebanon. It would be now more rational for Hamas to insist on continuing the fighting in the Strip until a ceasefire in Lebanon is reached in support of Hezbollah, than for the latter to insist on continuing the fighting in Lebanon in support of Hamas in Gaza, where the movement is no longer capable of more than waging a guerrilla war that will certainly carry on as long as the occupation remains, that is, until a time of which there is no glimmer at all in the darkness of the foreseeable future.

The fact is that Tehran’s insistence on keeping the Lebanese front active has nothing to do with concern for the people of Gaza and even for the people of Lebanon themselves, including the Shiites who have suffered and are suffering most of the damage resulting from the ongoing Zionist aggression. Rather, its goal is to keep Hezbollah’s deterrent role active as long as Iran faces the possibility that the Netanyahu government ignites a large-scale war against Iran. This is the reason why Hezbollah has not used the strongest weapons of its military arsenal so far, as they are mainly intended for the defence of Iran, not for the defence of Lebanon or even of the party itself.

The dilemma and paradox become more complicated as the Israeli killing and destruction that targets Hezbollah’s popular base increase, since it is in the party’s obvious interest to cease fire and retreat, as any force facing aggression by a much stronger force should, especially when the enemy has been able to eliminate a major part of its leadership. This is without mentioning the fact that Hezbollah operates in a social and political environment – the extremely fragile Lebanese fabric – that threatens to explode in its face. Under such circumstances, it would be logical to implement a partial withdrawal to limit losses and damage and avoid the risk of turning the setback into a defeat. However, another obvious interest conflicts with the previous and is governed by dependence on Tehran, in that without Iran the party would be unable to financially compensate its social base and environment in order to maintain its popularity, and without Iran it cannot rebuild its military strength, as it did on both counts in 2006.

Accusations of “Fascism” - Confusing for American Voters

Wednesday 23 October 2024, by Dan La Botz

Fascism has now become a central issue in the U.S. presidential election largely as a result of recent statements by Donald Trump that he would use the military to suppress “the enemy within” made up of “radical left lunatics.” He is referring here to his rival Kamala Harris whom he has on several occasions called a “radical left lunatic.” He also named Democratic Party Congressman Adam Schiff, who led the first impeachment trial of Trump and is now a candidate for Senate as ‘the enemy within.”

Asked in a television interview if he thought the election process might be disrupted by outside agitators, he replied: “I think the bigger problem is the enemy from within. We have some very bad people. We have some sick people, radical left lunatics.” But, he added, “It should be very easily handled by, if necessary, by National Guard, or if really necessary, by the military, because they can’t let that happen.”

Several commentators pointed out that using the military to repress one’s political opponents sure seems like what we call fascism. And to many no doubt using this power against U.S. citizens seems to go beyond Trump’s earlier statements that he would use police and national guards to round up immigrants and put them into concentration camps and deport them.

Also contributing to this discussion is a remark by General Mark A. Milley, the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under Trump, that the former president was “fascist to the core,” as recounted in a new book by the famous American journalist Bob Woodward. Harris herself has quoted Milley’s statement and on other occasions agreed that Trump can be called a fascist. President Joe Biden had already called Trump’s movement “semi-fascist” back in 2022.

The claim that Trump is a fascist may not, however, move many American voters. The U.S. fight against Benito Mussolini’s fascists and Adolf Hitler’s Nazis in World War II is now ancient history. Only the 1 to 2% of Americans who are over 85 would have any first-hand memory of those events. Moreover, the American people have a notoriously vague knowledge of history and most have never given any thought to the question of fascism and what it means. For years among politicians and the press calling someone a fascist was seen as being in bad taste, while among the population in general calling someone a fascist just meant they were bad.

The situation is complicated too by the fact that Trump has routinely called Kamala Harris “a Marxist, communist, fascist, socialist.” Trump’s running mate, Senator J.D. Vance has stated that the Democrat’s claims that Trump is an authoritarian or a fascist have been responsible for the two assassination attempts against him.

The left has not always been helpful in clarifying fascism. In the 1960s and 70s, leftists tended to use the word indiscriminately: Southern racists were fascists, the Vietnam War was fascist, Chicago Mayor Daley was fascist, for some the entire American political system was fascist. For forty years after that the Communist Party and Maoist groups declared every presidential election that the Republican candidate was a fascist and that one had to vote Democrat.

Today, in groups like the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), whose members tend to be college educated there is some discussion of fascism by academic leftists. Jacobin magazine, for example, ran an interview in 2019 with Enver Traverso about his book The New Faces of Fascism and his theory of “post-fascism” to explain people like Trump. In the far left’s small socialist and anarchist organizations, here are serious and practical discussions. And popular e-newspapers like Truthout have published many articles. Still, to most Americans, the word fascism clarifies nothing.

If Trump is elected, which is quite possible, and he proves to be the fascist we believe him to be, we will be both theoretically and practically unprepared.

P.S.

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