India Tightens Grip On Sri Lanka As US And China Take The Back Seat – Analysis

Sri Lanka's Colombo Dockyard. Photo Credit: Colombo Dockyard PLC

 April 24, 2026

By P. K. Balachandran

With China virtually withdrawing from Sri Lanka and the United States embroiled in wars in West Asia and Europe, India has stepped into the breach in the island nation, making significant economic and political inroads in recent days.

India has entered the ports, shipping and energy sectors, while China has not gained ground.

The time now appears propitious for India to make bold moves. In the subcontinent, arch-rival Pakistan is busy mediating between the US and Iran over the Strait of Hormuz. China, too, is deeply engaged in securing energy flows through the Strait.

For a change, rivals India and China have been trying to build bridges with each other due to shared difficulties vis-à-vis the Trumpian United States.

China responded favourably to India’s moves to mend the fences with economic concessions to secure Chinese investments. The two countries have increased air services to facilitate a greater movement of goods and people.

SINOPEC Refinery in Doldrums

In 2024, elections in Sri Lanka brought to power the pro-Beijing National Peoples’ Power (NPP). And when President Anura Kumara Dissanayake visited Beijing in 2025, it was assumed that China was back in Sri Lanka as an influential economic and geopolitical factor after its virtual exit from the island during the economic crisis in 2020.

Indeed, China and Sri Lanka announced an agreement to set up a huge oil refinery in Hambantota with an investment of US$ 3.7 billion But the refinery to be set up by Sinopec, is yet to take off. It is facing multiple issues like disputes over the equity structure, tax concessions, market access, allocation of land for the project, and environmental concerns.

The deal also raised worries about sovereignty and long-term economic independence. Red flags were raised about China’s controlling a major deep-water port and a potential mega refinery in the same area (Hambantota).

The original Request for Proposal (RFP) had stipulated foreign equity to be capped at 20%, and mandated 80% of the projected output per day to be earmarked for exports. But Sinopec sought a larger equity share and dilution of the 80% export obligation to enable it to gain wider access to the domestic market in Sri Lanka.

Till now Sri Lanka has ruled out any changes in the RFP.

Separately, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) had raised concerns that unrestricted market access for Sinopec could severely disrupt the petroleum sector in Sri Lanka and adversely affect energy security.

The Sri Lankan government had initially offered 500 acres of land for the project in Arabokka, in the Hambantota district. Subsequently, Sinopec requested an additional 200 acres just 3.5 kilometres from the Chinese-controlled port at Hambantota. The authorities concerned are yet to decide on the quantum of land to be allocated, and there is also the related issue of lease duration for the land to be allocated. Hence, no formal agreement has been reached in this regard.

Meanwhile, the Central Environment Authority (CEA) had issued the terms of reference to Sinopec to carry out an environmental impact study and submit the report to it. 

Take over of Colombo Dockyard

With threats to its presence in Sri Lanka receding, India is pushing the envelope in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has just allowed the government-owned ship building company, Colombo Dockyard PLC (CDPLC), to be acquired by the Mazagaon Docks Ltd. (MDL) run by India’s Defence Ministry. The Colombo Dockyard PLC, Sri Lanka’s largest shipyard, has become a subsidiary of MDL following the acquisition of a controlling 51% stake. The Board of CDPLC has been reconstituted with MDL nominees.

MDL’s total investment is valued at US$ 26.8 million. This is MDL’s first international acquisition and a transformative step aligned with the Modi government’s “Maritime Amrit Kaal Vision 2047.”

The acquisition of CDPLC is seen in both Sri Lanka and India as expanding India’s strategic footprint in the Indian Ocean. By controlling Sri Lanka’s largest shipyard—located within the Port of Colombo—India gains a critical hub for ship repair and maintenance along major global shipping routes.

India’s Adani Ports is already operating the West Container Terminal in Colombo port to share the business with the Chinese-run Colombo International Container Terminals (CTCT), South Asia’s most efficient terminal.

Trincomalee Oil Tanks

India is also seeking to accelerate the Trincomalee energy hub project in Eastern Sri Lanka, which includes an oil pipeline running from Trincomalee to Tamil Nadu. India will be partnering with the UAE in this project.

“The project will transform Trincomalee into a major energy hub in South Asia. With India’s cooperation, it should be completed expeditiously,” said Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri while briefing the media on the two-day official visit to Sri Lanka of Indian Vice President C.P. Radhakrishnan. Misri added that the Vice President’s visit provided an opportunity to highlight the strategic importance of the Trincomalee project to the Sri Lankan authorities.

Under the first phase of this project, an oil pipeline is to be laid between Tamil Nadu in South India and Trincomalee, which has 99 giant oil tanks under Indian control. The tanks had been built in 1944 by the British, who were fighting the Japanese.

However, many in Sri Lanka think that the 1987 Indo-Sri Lanka agreement, which stipulates that the Trincomalee oil tanks restoration work would be undertaken as a joint venture between India and Sri Lanka, has no legal basis.

In 2003, bilateral negotiations saw all 99 tanks in the facility leased for 35 years at an annual rent of US$ 100,000. However, the lease agreement was never fully implemented, partly owing to the civil war in Sri Lanka and partly owing to opposition in Sri Lanka.

In 2017, both sides agreed in principle to jointly operate the tank farm, but the deal saw little progress. Sri Lankan oil worker unions continue to staunchly oppose Indian involvement in the project. The issue has also become entangled in Sri Lankan politics and used to stir anti-India sentiments, which, as history has shown, can transform into votes during elections.

Earlier, local opposition, environmental objections and a dispute over financial terms forced the Adanis’ project to install a wind power plant in North Sri Lanka. That was to replace a Chinese project, which India had objected to.

Overseas Indian Citizenship Granted

Be that as it may, in a move of enormous geopolitical import, India has decided to fast-track the grant of Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) cards to Sri Lankan citizens of Indian origin up to the sixth generation. 

By this step, 1.5 million Tamils of Indian origin, who are mostly workers in the Sri Lankan plantations, can obtain OCI cards which enable them to travel to India any number of times, do business there and acquire properties. But they will not have the right to vote. It is reported that 500,000 Indian Origin Tamils have applied immediately.

Some say approvingly that the grant of OCI status to the Indian Origin Tamils will greatly expand India’s strategic footprint in Sri Lanka. However, commentators from the majority Sinhalese community argue that the unilateral Indian project should have been discussed in the Sri Lankan parliament first.

Columnists also wonder if the Anura Kumara Dissanayake government is putting all its eggs in one basket – the Indian basket, when India itself has stopped doing so?

Successive Sri Lankan governments have allowed India to acquire a political and economic foothold among the plantation Tamils of Indian origin. This is because Indian aid to them has relieved Sri Lankan governments of the responsibility to look after them – Sri Lanka’s poorest and the least educated. It is India which has built 4000 plus houses for them and sent teachers to their schools.

However, the strategic community in Sri Lanka has been warning Colombo about the possibility of Indian-origin Tamils getting alienated from the Sri Lankan State and their becoming a client of India in the latter’s geopolitical plans.

US-based Buddhist monks bring peace walk to Sri Lanka

By AFP
April 22, 2026


Copyright AFP -

Saffron-robed Buddhist monks began a week-long peace walk across Sri Lanka on Wednesday, accompanied by a rescued stray dog that has become a celebrity in its own right.

Led by Vietnamese monk Pannakara, the group of 13 launched their march at dawn from a historic Buddhist temple in Dambulla, about 160 kilometres (100 miles) north of the capital Colombo.

The monks shot to international fame during a longer 108-day walk of 3,700 kilometres (2,300 miles) from Texas to Washington, DC, travelling through freezing temperatures and along ice-covered roads.

In sharp contrast, they are now walking barefoot on Sri Lanka’s roads at the hottest time of the year, when temperatures can reach 40 degrees Celsius (104 degrees Fahrenheit).

Devotees poured water on the streets, while some laid green banana leaves and flowers for the monks to walk on to escape the scorching heat. Others were seen sprinkling water to cool them.

The group, promoting “peace for all beings, including animals”, was expected to reach the capital on April 28, where they will be received by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, organisers told AFP.

Guarded by elite army commandos, their mascot Aloka — a stray dog rescued in India — walked on a leash, drawing bows and clasped hands from devotees lining the route.

Aloka had accompanied the monks in their peace walk in the United States.

The dog followed the monks in India and remained with them even after being hit by a car.

Aloka later accompanied the monks on their US journey, drawing global attention and donations that helped fund its travels.

“The cost of flying Aloka to Colombo from Texas was ten times that of an ordinary passenger taking the same route,” a Sri Lankan monk handling local arrangements said.

Two army commandos were seen walking on either side of Aloka at the head of the quick-paced procession.

Sri Lanka’s police kennels department was mobilised to ensure that local street dogs did not attack Aloka, who was led on a leash held by an army commando.

The peace walk’s Facebook page has more than three million followers. A live stream of their Sri Lanka walk drew over 51,000 views in the first five hours.

Doing Academic Research In Morocco: Contexts, Cultures, And Knowledge Production – Analysis

Courtyard, Al-Qarawiyyin University, Fes. Morocco, the oldest in the world. Photo by Khonsali, Wikipedia Commons.

 April 24, 2026

By Dr. Mohamed Chtatou

Introduction

Conducting academic research in Morocco requires not only methodological rigor but also a critical engagement with the historical, cultural, and epistemological conditions that shape knowledge production. Positioned at the intersection of Africa, the Arab world, and the Mediterranean, Morocco presents a complex and multilayered research environment characterized by cultural plurality, linguistic diversity, and evolving socio-political dynamics. These features make Morocco an intellectually rich yet methodologically demanding field site, where the act of research is inseparable from broader questions of power, representation, and interpretation.

Historically, scholarly engagement with Morocco has been influenced by colonial and Orientalist frameworks that constructed the region as an object of knowledge to be studied, classified, and governed. As Edward Said (1978) argues, such representations were not neutral but deeply embedded in relations of power, shaping both the production and consumption of knowledge about non-Western societies. Although contemporary scholarship has sought to move beyond these paradigms, their legacy persists in subtle ways, influencing research agendas, methodologies, and epistemic hierarchies.

In this context, doing academic research in Morocco entails navigating a terrain marked by historical asymmetries and contemporary transformations. It requires an awareness of the ways in which knowledge is constructed, contested, and negotiated, as well as a commitment to reflexivity and ethical engagement. This essay examines the epistemological, methodological, and ethical dimensions of research in Morocco, arguing that knowledge production in this context is inherently relational and contingent. By drawing on insights from anthropology, sociology, and postcolonial studies, the essay highlights the importance of positionality, cultural competence, and dialogical engagement in conducting meaningful and responsible research.

Theoretical Framework: Knowledge, Power, and Epistemology

The relationship between knowledge and power is central to understanding the dynamics of academic research. As Michel Foucault (1980) demonstrates, knowledge is not merely a reflection of reality but a product of discursive practices that shape what can be known and how it can be known. In the context of Moroccan studies, this insight underscores the need to critically examine the epistemological foundations of research practices and to question the assumptions that underpin them.

Postcolonial theory provides a valuable framework for analyzing the historical construction of knowledge about Morocco. Edward Said (1978) highlights how Western scholarship has often represented the “Orient” as static, exotic, and inferior, thereby legitimizing colonial domination. These representations were not only descriptive but also prescriptive, influencing policy decisions and shaping the lived realities of colonized populations. In Morocco, colonial ethnography and administrative studies contributed to the categorization and control of local populations, often reducing complex social dynamics to simplistic binaries.

The critique of Orientalism has led to a growing emphasis on decolonizing research methodologies. Scholars such as Smith (1999) argue that research must be reoriented to prioritize indigenous perspectives and to challenge the dominance of Western epistemologies. This involves not only revising research questions and methods but also rethinking the ethics of knowledge production, including issues of ownership, representation, and accountability.

Reflexivity is a key component of this reorientation. As Pierre Bourdieu (1990) argues, researchers must critically examine their own positions within the social field, recognizing how their backgrounds, assumptions, and interests shape the research process. In Morocco, where cultural norms and social structures may differ significantly from those of the researcher, reflexivity becomes essential for avoiding ethnocentrism and for fostering more nuanced interpretations.

Anthropological approaches further emphasize the interpretive nature of social research. Clifford Geertz (1973) advocates for “thick description,” a method that seeks to understand social practices within their cultural contexts. In Morocco, this entails engaging with local categories of meaning and recognizing the symbolic dimensions of everyday life. Rather than imposing external frameworks, researchers must strive to interpret practices in ways that are meaningful to those who enact them.

Morocco as a Research Context: Historical Layers and Cultural Plurality

Morocco’s historical trajectory has profoundly shaped its contemporary social and cultural landscape. From pre-Islamic Amazigh societies to Arab-Islamic dynasties, from colonial rule to post-independence nation-building, the country’s history is marked by continuity and change. This historical layering is reflected in Morocco’s cultural plurality, which encompasses diverse identities, traditions, and practices.

The coexistence of Arab and Amazigh identities is a defining feature of Moroccan society. Amazigh (Berber) communities, with their distinct languages and cultural practices, have played a central role in shaping the country’s heritage. At the same time, Arabization and Islamization processes have contributed to the formation of a shared national identity. The recognition of Amazigh as an official language in recent years reflects ongoing efforts to acknowledge and integrate this diversity.

Morocco’s Jewish heritage also constitutes an important dimension of its cultural landscape. For centuries, Jewish communities contributed to the country’s economic, cultural, and intellectual life, fostering forms of convivencia that continue to resonate in contemporary memory (Boum, 2013). The study of Jewish-Muslim relations in Morocco provides valuable insights into the dynamics of coexistence, identity, and cultural exchange.

Linguistic diversity further complicates the research context. Moroccan Arabic (Darija), Amazigh languages, and French coexist in a dynamic and often hierarchical relationship. Language choice can signal social status, educational background, and cultural affiliation, influencing both access to participants and the interpretation of data. As Talal Asad (2003) notes, language is not merely a neutral medium but a constitutive element of social reality.

In addition to cultural and linguistic diversity, Morocco’s socio-political context presents both opportunities and challenges for researchers. The country has undergone significant reforms in areas such as governance, human rights, and economic development. However, issues of inequality, regional disparities, and political contestation remain salient. Researchers must navigate these dynamics carefully, considering how they shape both the research process and the interpretation of findings.

Methodological Challenges: Fieldwork, Access, and Ethics

Fieldwork in Morocco involves a range of methodological challenges that require careful consideration. Access to research sites and participants is often mediated by social networks and institutional structures. Gatekeepers—such as community leaders, local officials, or intermediaries—play a crucial role in facilitating or restricting access. Building relationships with these actors requires time, cultural competence, and an understanding of local norms.

Trust is a fundamental component of successful fieldwork. As Clifford Geertz (1973) emphasizes, ethnographic research depends on the establishment of rapport between researcher and participants. In Morocco, where interpersonal relationships are highly valued, trust is often built through informal interactions and shared experiences. Researchers must be willing to engage with participants beyond formal interviews, participating in everyday activities and demonstrating genuine interest in their lives.

Language barriers can pose significant challenges, particularly for researchers who are not fluent in local languages. While French is widely used in academic and administrative contexts, many social interactions take place in Darija or Amazigh languages. Researchers must therefore develop strategies for overcoming linguistic obstacles, such as working with interpreters or acquiring basic language skills. However, the use of interpreters introduces additional layers of mediation, raising questions about accuracy, representation, and power.

Ethical considerations are central to the research process. Issues of informed consent, confidentiality, and data protection must be addressed in ways that are sensitive to local contexts. In some cases, formal consent procedures may be perceived as intrusive or unnecessary, requiring researchers to adapt their approaches while maintaining ethical standards. The principle of “do no harm” is particularly important in contexts where participants may be vulnerable or where research findings could have unintended consequences.

The ethics of representation also warrant careful attention. Researchers must consider how their work portrays the communities they study and whose voices are included or excluded. As Smith (1999) argues, research has the potential to reproduce inequalities if it privileges the perspectives of the researcher over those of participants. In Morocco, this necessitates a commitment to collaborative and participatory approaches that empower local actors and acknowledge their contributions.

Positionality, Reflexivity, and Power Relations

The positionality of the researcher plays a critical role in shaping the research process. Factors such as nationality, gender, language proficiency, and institutional affiliation influence how researchers are perceived and how they interact with participants. In Morocco, these factors can affect access to certain spaces, the willingness of participants to engage, and the interpretation of data.

Reflexivity involves critically examining one’s positionality and its impact on the research process. As Pierre Bourdieu (1990) argues, reflexivity is essential for understanding the social conditions of knowledge production. It requires researchers to acknowledge their own biases and to consider how these biases influence their work.

Power relations are inherent in the research process. Researchers often occupy positions of privilege, particularly when they are affiliated with well-resourced institutions. These asymmetries can shape interactions with participants and influence the kinds of knowledge that are produced. Addressing these power dynamics requires a commitment to ethical engagement, including transparency, accountability, and respect for participants’ autonomy.

Knowledge Co-Production and Epistemic Pluralism

The recognition that knowledge is co-produced through interactions between researchers and participants challenges traditional models of research that emphasize objectivity and detachment. In Morocco, this co-production is evident in the ways participants shape the research process, from determining what information is shared to influencing how it is interpreted.

Epistemic pluralism—the recognition of multiple ways of knowing—offers a framework for engaging with this complexity. Rather than privileging a single epistemological perspective, researchers must be open to diverse forms of knowledge, including those rooted in local traditions and practices. This approach aligns with calls for decolonizing research methodologies and for fostering more inclusive and equitable forms of knowledge production.

Conclusion

Doing academic research in Morocco requires a nuanced and reflexive approach that acknowledges the complexity of the research context and the relational nature of knowledge production. By engaging critically with issues of power, representation, and methodology, researchers can contribute to more ethical and meaningful scholarship.

This essay has argued that research in Morocco is not merely a technical endeavor but a deeply contextual and interpretive process. It requires an awareness of historical legacies, cultural dynamics, and epistemological assumptions, as well as a commitment to collaboration and dialogue. Ultimately, the challenge—and the opportunity—of conducting research in Morocco lies in embracing this complexity and using it as a basis for generating richer and more inclusive forms of knowledge.

References 

• Asad, T. (2003). Formations of the secular: Christianity, Islam, modernity. Stanford University Press.
• Bourdieu, P. (1990). The logic of practice (R. Nice, Trans.). Stanford University Press.
• Boum, A. (2013). Memories of absence: How Muslims remember Jews in Morocco. Stanford University Press.
• Foucault, M. (1980). Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings 1972–1977 (C. Gordon, Ed.). Pantheon Books.
• Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretation of cultures. Basic Books.
• Said, E. W. (1978). Orientalism. Pantheon Books.
• Smith, L. T. (1999). Decolonizing methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples. Zed Books.

We Have The Power To Ensure Earth Has A Sustainable Future – Analysis

 April 24, 2026

By Dr. Majid Rafizadeh

International Mother Earth Day, established by the UN in 2009 and observed annually on April 22, is a globally recognized moment that should make us think about our relationship with our planet and the natural world. It should also make us reassess the sustainability of our paths.

It is extremely important not to have a relationship with the Earth based on it being a resource to be exploited. Instead, we must look at it as a shared home. This shared home requires care, balance and long-term responsibility.

The 2026 theme, “Our Power, Our Planet,” is important in the current global context, as it emphasizes both the agency and the obligation of human societies to confront escalating environmental crises.

If we examine the ecological condition of the planet today, we can see that there is a convergence of related challenges. These include climate change, pollution, deforestation and biodiversity loss — each of which exerts compounding pressure on ecosystems and human livelihoods.

These processes often interact with each other in devastating ways and they disproportionately affect populations and ecosystems that are already vulnerable.

Climate change can be characterized as the most critical, pervasive and systemic threat. Regions such as sub-Saharan Africa are experiencing intensified droughts, erratic rainfall patterns and declining agricultural productivity. These issues have exacerbated food insecurity and socioeconomic instability.

Similarly, low-lying island nations in the Pacific are facing existential risks from rising sea levels. This is not only threatening their infrastructure but also their sovereignty and cultural continuity. In addition, in South Asia, severe heat waves and flooding are placing immense strain on populations and fragile infrastructure systems.

The second threat is pollution, which in its various forms continues to degrade both terrestrial and marine environments. For instance, air pollution in major urban centers such as New Delhi has reached hazardous levels. This is contributing to significant public health crises, including respiratory and cardiovascular diseases.

In terms of plastic pollution, the Great Pacific Garbage Patch exemplifies the scale of marine contamination. This has far-reaching consequences for marine biodiversity and food chains. Furthermore, industrial waste and chemical runoff are contaminating freshwater systems in regions such as Southeast Asia. This is undermining both ecological integrity and human health.

The third important issue is deforestation. The Amazon rainforest, which is often described as the “lungs of the planet,” continues to face large-scale clearance operations for agriculture, logging and infrastructure development. This is not only ratcheting up carbon dioxide emissions but also disrupting indigenous communities and regional climate systems. In Central Africa, the Congo Basin — the world’s second-largest tropical rainforest — is similarly under threat. This has implications for global carbon cycles and biodiversity conservation.

The last key issue is biodiversity loss, which is occurring at an alarming rate. For example, coral reef systems such as the Great Barrier Reef are experiencing widespread bleaching due to rising ocean temperatures.

This issue jeopardizes marine ecosystems and the livelihoods that are dependent upon them. In Madagascar, unique endemic species are increasingly threatened by habitat destruction and climate variability. This also points to the irreversible consequences of ecological neglect.

To adequately address these interconnected crises, we need to pursue a multidimensional path. This requires comprehensive and coordinated action at the local, national and global levels.

The key is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. This can be done through the transition to renewable energy sources. But the decarbonization of economies must be accompanied by transformations in various sectors, such as energy production, transport and industrial processes.

It is also essential to adopt sustainable consumption patterns, such as through recycling, waste minimization and the reduction of single-use plastics.

We must protect and restore our natural ecosystems. This should be done through reforestation and conservation initiatives such as the establishment of protected areas, which are vital to the maintenance of ecosystems.

Finally, there is the dimension of global environmental governance and the principle of equity. Wealthier nations, which have historically contributed the most to global greenhouse gas emissions, have a responsibility to support developing countries.

This support can take the form of financial assistance, technology transfers and initiatives that are aimed at creating sustainable development pathways. This is crucial to ensure that poorer nations are not left behind in the global transition to sustainability.

In this context, the theme “Our Power, Our Planet” points to the recognition of our capacity to effect change and our ethical responsibility to do so. The challenges confronting the Earth are profound.

In summary, International Mother Earth Day should not just be a symbolic observance. Humanity has no alternative refuge; this is our only home, which is shared across borders, races, ethnicities, cultures and religions. This day must compel governments, institutions and individuals to take concrete action to safeguard the planet. Our future is linked to the health of the Earth, so every choice we make and every action we take matters.

• This article was published at Arab News

Brazil Has Lost 1.4 Billion Tons Of Soil Carbon Due To Conversion Of Natural Areas To Agriculture

Deforestation in Brazil's Amazon. Photo Credit: POLÍCIA FEDERAL/DIVULGAÇÃO

 April 25, 2026 

By Eurasia Review

The conversion of Brazil’s native biomes into agricultural areas has resulted in an estimated loss of 1.4 billion tons of soil carbon. This amount is equal to the emission of 5.2 billion tons of carbon dioxide (CO₂) equivalent, a unit of measurement used to standardize the emission of different greenhouse gases, and was calculated based on data collected from studies conducted over the past 30 years.

These findings are from a study published in the journal Nature Communications by researchers from the Luiz de Queiroz School of Agriculture at the University of São Paulo (ESALQ-USP) and the State University of Ponta Grossa (UEPG), as well as Embrapa Agricultura Digital, one of the decentralized units of the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (EMBRAPA).

The study was conducted as part of the Center for Carbon Research in Tropical Agriculture (CCARBON), a FAPESP Research, Innovation, and Dissemination Center (RIDC) based at ESALQ-USP and coordinated by Carlos Eduardo Pellegrino Cerri, who is also an author of the article.

The good news is that the researchers estimate that “recarbonizing” about one-third of the country’s agricultural land would be sufficient to meet Brazil’s Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) under the Paris Agreement, which aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 59% to 67% compared to 2005 levels by 2035.

This goal could theoretically be achieved using sustainable techniques, such as crop rotation, no-till farming, and integrated systems like ICLF (Integrated Crop-Livestock-Forest). Another potential solution is the restoration of degraded pastures, which cover 20 million hectares in the Atlantic Forest alone.

“The main objective of this study was to estimate the carbon debt of Brazil’s soils. In addition to arriving at this overall figure, we calculated how much each biome accumulates and how much carbon is lost when a natural area is converted to agriculture, as well as which agricultural practices conserve more or less carbon in the soil,” summarizes João Marcos Villela, the first author of the study and a researcher at ESALQ-USP supported by FAPESP. 

The estimates were derived from an analysis of Brazil’s largest soil carbon database, which the researchers compiled from 4,290 records spanning 372 studies published over the past 30 years. The study covered all Brazilian biomes and included both areas of natural vegetation and agricultural land.

The researchers expect the results of the study to guide public policies and private-sector initiatives to promote sustainable farming practices and inform the carbon credit market with data on Brazilian carbon stocks.

Best practices

To calculate greenhouse gas emissions, the CO₂ equivalent metric is used to standardize different gases into a single unit of measurement. In this case, the measured amount of carbon is multiplied by 3.66; this explains the difference between 1.4 billion tons of carbon and 5.2 billion tons of CO₂ equivalent. The Atlantic Forest showed the highest soil carbon accumulation in both its natural vegetation and agricultural areas in the study. The Pantanal and the Caatinga (a semi-arid biome in the Northeast region) had the lowest carbon stock levels among the areas measured. The researchers considered the carbon present in the four soil layers typically analyzed in this type of study: 0 to 10 cm, 0 to 20 cm, 0 to 30 cm, and 0 to 100 cm.

In the topsoil layer, carbon stocks in areas of native Atlantic Forest vegetation were 86% higher than in the Caatinga and 36% higher than in the Cerrado (savanna-like biome). In agricultural areas, the Atlantic Forest surpassed the Pantanal and the Caatinga by 154% and 62%, respectively.

The large amount of data allowed the researchers to estimate the types of land conversion that remove the most carbon from the soil in each biome. They also determined how much the transition from monoculture to other agricultural practices can increase the carbon stored in the six biomes analyzed.

Converting native vegetation to monoculture results in a 33% loss of soil carbon in the Atlantic Forest and a 15.8% loss in the Cerrado. Conversely, converting a monoculture area to an integrated system in the Cerrado increases soil carbon by 15.3%.

In the Amazon, transitioning from monoculture to crop rotation or mixed cropping systems is estimated to generate a potential 14.1% increase in carbon.

“These are theoretical potentials that still require further study to determine their feasibility. However, we now have a foundation that offers promising prospects for application in new studies and even in public policy and the carbon credit market in Brazil, which is still in its infancy,” Villela concludes.