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Wednesday, May 13, 2026

Art Under Seige

Source: Africa is a Country

I have attended many artistic forums and hangouts around the continent. You soon realize that there are two types of artistic enclaves: those that have made it and whose framing and outputs fetch a good fortune from non-locals primarily, and the struggling artistic spaces, which are sighing in relief that somebody at least cared to keep the lights on, which they direly need, not just to sell, but also to make themselves affordable and accessible. I have noticed that expats don’t necessarily or quickly relate to local artistic expressions, new money types often lack the sophistication to appreciate them, and the struggling but appreciative class may be too broke to afford what is on offer.

Thus, most artistic spaces tend to be more of a charity affair, and none of the parties involved can derive the maximum anticipated utility from such exhibitions. A westerner may, for instance, buy a painting, but the motivation may be more sympathetic than authentic. For Africans who genuinely appreciate art, they may be locked out on two levels: sometimes artists and creatives feel obliged to cater to Eurocentric sensibilities, so locals may struggle to appreciate their work, and sometimes pricing may lock them out, as art becomes a luxury at that level.

This same dynamic is easy to trace as it ripples across the continent. The layered dynamics of desire, affordability, accessibility, and appreciation for artistic expression are the subject of the inaugural edition of this digital magazine published by the Pan-African Network for Artistic Freedom (PANAF) in December 2025. It brings together writers, artists, and activists from Zimbabwe to Nigeria, Uganda to Ethiopia, Kenya to South Africa, to examine the subject of artistic freedom—or more precisely, the grinding, daily assault on it. But what makes this collection remarkable is not its catalogue of outrages, although those are plentiful. It is the insistence that art, even under siege, remains the most potent weapon the dispossessed possess.

The introductory essay opens with a class-level observation and establishes the collection’s central tension. It describes a range of artistic expressions around the question of cost and affordability: the African nouveau riche lacks the sophistication to appreciate what they might purchase, and the struggling but appreciative class—the people who would most value the work—cannot afford the entry price.

This is not merely an economic problem. It is a structural one that weaves through every contribution in this collection. Writing from Sudan and Egypt, Reem Aljeally puts it plainly: “Class determines not only who creates art, but who gets to witness it, collect it, and sustain a career within it.” She describes how, in Khartoum, access to art education was theoretically open but practically constrained by social expectations that funneled young people toward practical fields. Those with family resources could study abroad; others taught themselves in informal workshops, only to have their work later dismissed as folkloric by the very institutions that should have nurtured it.

Aljeally’s piece is devastating because it refuses easy villains. The problem is not simply corrupt officials or indifferent elites—although those appear throughout. It is the way the entire architecture of cultural production, from art schools to galleries to grant applications written in fluent English, systematically excludes anyone without the right class credentials. “A young artist with fluent English could navigate these circles,” she writes. “Language barriers excluded others before their talent was even considered.”

If class is the collection’s first preoccupation, the female body is its second. Sanya Osha’s “Art by Rock Hard African Women” traces a lineage from San rock art to contemporary South African photographers Zanele Muholi and Ingrid Masondo, from the brutal exhibition of Sarah Bartmann in 19th-century London to Tracey Rose’s defiant performances. The through-line is violence: the colonial impulse to enslave, violate, and exterminate the black female body, and the artistic counter-impulse to reclaim it.

Osha recalls the attempted staging of Eve Ensler’s Vagina Monologues in Kampala in 2005. The then Minister for Information claimed the play would “undermine the morals of society.” The Uganda Medical Council offered support, arguing that the play promoted lesbianism and homosexuality. What they could not say—what Osha says for them—is that the play’s frank discussion of female anatomy and pleasure confronted the core that patriarchy strives to protect and conceal.

“The fear, ultimately, is of the vagina itself, and of the political reorganization that would follow if women controlled their own bodies.”

Muholi’s photographs—which prompted a South African arts minister to walk out of an exhibition, calling them pornographic—operate in the same register. They are not merely documentation but reclamation. “In a good number of her photographs,” Osha writes, “Muholi is able to wrest power away from her masculinist oppressor, thereby asserting her own strength, resilience, and individuality.”

Joel Mukisa’s “Artistic Repression Goes Regional in East Africa” traces a chilling pattern of transnational censorship. When Ugandan opposition politician Kizza Besigye was abducted from Nairobi in November 2024 and driven across the border to face a military court, it was not an isolated incident. It was part of a coordinated jumuiya—a regional strategy of silencing dissent across borders. Mukisa notes that some of the laws used to block Bobi Wine’s concerts were passed during British colonial rule. “The British also prosecuted any artist who practiced their traditional dances and culture, which were deemed satanic and obscene.” The postcolonial state, in other words, inherited the machinery of suppression and painted it in national colors.

Philani A. Nyoni’s “How Not to Go to Jail for Drawing Stuff” offers the collection’s most intimate account of this machinery in action. He tells the story of Owen Maseko, a Zimbabwean artist who created an exhibition called Sibathontisele—“Let’s drip on them”—depicting the torture methods used by the Fifth Brigade during the Gukurahundi massacres of the 1980s. Maseko was arrested and charged with “undermining the authority of the president,” spending years in legal limbo. His exhibition space remained cordoned off for half a decade, its windows eventually taped over with newspapers, then sealed with black-tinted film.

Nyoni’s genius is in the details he adds. He describes flying from Harare to Nairobi, worried about whether security would find 28 grams of dagga in his luggage—not because he carries drugs, but because Maseko, who has locs and is therefore presumed to be a Rastafarian, was recently caught with cannabis at the airport. The absurdity compounds: a state that once arrested a man for drawings now arrests him for the drugs he must surely possess, because everyone knows how artists look.

Not everything in PANAF Voices is despair. The collection repeatedly returns to the internet as a space of possibility, however compromised. Social media allows artists to bypass traditional gatekeepers. During Kenya’s Gen Z protests against the Finance Bill in 2024, protesters created Spotify playlists, turned their profile pictures into filters honoring the slain, and transformed X into a living archive of dissent. Darius Okolla’s own “Art is Maandamano”—which closes the collection—describes how young Kenyans weaponized their high school curriculum, pulling characters from Francis Imbuga’s Betrayal in the City and Timothy Arege’s Mstahiki Meya to articulate their grievances.

This is not naive techno-optimism. Chief Nyamweya’s Q&A on AI and art is a bracing corrective for anyone who thinks algorithms will save us. He describes training an AI storyboard agent and discovering that he spent more time crafting prompts than he would have spent simply drawing. He raises the ethical nightmare of AI models trained on artists’ work without their consent or compensation. And he points to the hidden cost: underpaid Kenyan workers exposed to violent content while cleaning AI training data for western users. “We can disrupt the production pipeline all we want,” he concludes, “but if we don’t disrupt the cold, capitalist logic of distribution and profit, we’re merely rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic.”

The collection’s most hopeful contribution may be Soreti Kadir’s “Finfinnee is the Third Space.” Kadir distinguishes between Addis Ababa—the heavily surveilled capital of the Ethiopian state, where survival depends on selling one’s labor—and Finfinnee, the Oromo name for the same geographical location, which once served as a convergence point for the five Gadaa assemblies, where dialogue could continue for months under the branches of the sycamore tree. “Finfinnee is the site within Ethiopia where a multi-national class revolution becomes a possibility,” Kadir writes. “It provides the depth of recalibration needed for us to re-enter the communion of person-to-person dialogue, to extend mutual care and solidarity, and to remember a relationship to land that goes beyond extraction.”

This is the collection’s implicit argument, threaded through every piece: that the work of art is not only to protest but to prefigure. To imagine a space—Finfinnee, the digital commons, the occupied street—where different rules apply. Where the artist is not a criminal, the female body is not a battlefield, and the person who works the land is not an object of ridicule.

PANAF Voices Issue One is not a comfortable read. It is a meticulously assembled document of an ongoing catastrophe. But it is also a document of persistence. The artists described here—Maseko, Muholi, Babirye, the Gen Z protesters in Nairobi—have not stopped creating. They have found ways to speak when speaking is illegal, to draw when drawing is a crime, to sing when the state has banned the venue. The collection closes with an appeal: “Here is a call for the elite to appreciate the aesthetic aspect of life, and for the masses to join in the consumption of art.” It is a modest plea, given everything that precedes it. But perhaps modesty is the point. Art, after all, does not need to save the world. It only needs to survive it.

This article was originally published by Africa is a Country; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.Email

Silas Nyanchwani is a writer and journalist based in Nairobi, Kenya.

Thursday, May 07, 2026

Rutgers Labor Center to Celebrate Life and Legacy of Tony Mazzocchi



 May 6, 2026

1981: Tony Mazzocchi, labor leader and organizer for the Labor Party. Photo: Bob Gumpert.

In the 1960s and 70s, conservative leaders of the AFL-CIO and many national unions viewed  militant activists in the civil rights, anti-war, environmental, and women’s movements with alarm. When student radicals started migrating from campus and community organizing to unionized workplaces, the labor officialdom did not welcome them.

But a World War II veteran from Brooklyn named Tony Mazzocchi did. Mazzocchi had risen through the ranks of the Oil, Chemical, and Atomic Workers (OCAW), a CIO union which had a strong tradition of rank-and-file activism and internal democracy. He welcomed Sixties’ radicals into the ranks of labor and went on to personally mentor them. Many of these unofficial Mazzocchi students became effective organizers, grievance handlers, contract negotiators, strike leaders, and movement builders.

Mazzocchi was a role model and catalyst for activism on issues ranging from civil rights to labor-based environmentalism, job safety reform, single-payer health care, nuclear disarmament, and union democracy. His story is recounted well in Les Leopold’s 2007 biography, The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labor. As an OCAW local officer in New York, legislative director in Washington, and later the union’s national secretary-treasurer, Mazzocchi managed to juggle day-to-day union responsibilities with a tireless commitment to building workers’ political power.

A hundred years after Mazzocchi’s birth, and nearly a quarter century after his death in 2002, several hundred of his friends and allies, new and old, are gathering at the Rutgers University Labor Center on June 4-5, for an in-depth discussion of his life and legacy.

Tony’s path was unusual. After combat duty in the Army, he went to work in a Queens cosmetics factory and joined OCAW Local 149. As a union shop steward, organizer, and eventually president, he helped triple his local’s size. He built a strong cadre of shop floor leaders, started a book club and credit union, and, according to his biographer, sponsored a “vast array of social activities” that “combined to create a remarkable new spirit at work.” Even though Local 149’s membership was 95 percent white, it allied itself with the rising civil rights movement.

In 1957, Mazzocchi helped launch the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) to oppose atom bomb testing. His longtime involvement with SANE put him in touch with leading scientists, environmentalists, and activists who later joined him in building a new movement for occupational safety and health.

Within the 200,000-member OCAW, Mazzocchi helped elect a new national union president in 1965, after a bitter struggle with top OCAW officials linked to CIA meddling in foreign labor movements. He became the union’s national legislative/political director.

The Labor-Environment Connection

In this Washington, D.C. role, Mazzocchi linked emerging public concern about environmental pollution to the source of the problem—workplaces where workers were exposed to toxic chemicals at much higher levels than anyone in surrounding communities. At his initiative, organized labor began to shift from a traditional emphasis on job safety ( protection against injuries) to dealing with the causes and long-term health effects of occupational hazards.

A high-school dropout himself, Tony recruited a high-powered network of medical researchers to provide documentation for lawsuits, reports, press releases, hearing testimony, and investigative reporting. He regularly dispatched these allies to probe for the causes of members’ illnesses. He also organized non-stop “road shows” that brought workers together with those experts—and forced lawmakers to listen to both.

Mazzocchi’s drive to pass the Occupational Health and Safety Act in 1970 is a case study in building effective labor clout. (His critical role in OSHA’s passage was even noted by President Nixon.) From MassCOSH in Boston to Work Safe in the Bay Area, the local occupational safety and health coalitions that Mazzocchi helped create are still fighting for job safety and health.

Political Setbacks

Mazzocchi ran twice to become president of OCAW. But in hotly contested convention elections in 1979 and 1981, members in the nuclear industry proved to be his Achilles heel. Conservative opponents critical of his “anti-nuke” politics and “incessant boat-rocking” mobilized against him, and he suffered narrow defeats.

But Tony confounded his foes, per usual, by making an unexpected political comeback. In 1988, he returned to OCAW leadership as national secretary-treasurer. He used that post to promote worker education initiatives, like the Labor Institute, and to fight for a new labor-based political party.

The Labor Party got off to a promising start in 1996 amid growing rank-and-file disillusionment with the Clinton Administration. Its founding convention in Cleveland drew 1400 delegates, including rank-and-file activists, local officers, some national union officials, and labor-oriented academics.

During the LP’s early years, Mazzocchi’s relentless personal barnstorming around the country helped generate much of its labor funding and support. Unfortunately, dreary and divisive left sectarian squabbles soon paralyzed some chapters. The election of President George Bush in 2000 and resulting Republican attacks on labor drove almost all unions back into the Democratic Party fold.

Mazzocchi’s Legacy

Two key Labor Party demands—single payer health coverage and “Free Higher Ed”—the latter inspired by Mazzocchi’s own experience with the original GI Bill became centerpieces of Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaigns in 2016 and 2020.

As Les Leopold, a Rutgers conference organizer and Labor Institute founder, points out, Mazzocchi always raised hopes and expectations by “conjuring up a labor movement that… would be militant and green. It would bring about radical changes that would stop global warming. It would give workers real control over the quality and pace of work, and over corporate investment decisions. It would champion the fight against militarism and for peace and equality. It would win free health care. It would dare to create a new political party to counter the corporate domination of the two major parties.”

In a period of declining union density, many union leaders are now in a Trump-inspired defensive crouch. Few project anything like Mazzocchi’s expansive vision. But among working people, there’s evidence that support for working-class-centered politics is building.

 The two-day event in New Jersey will begin with panels and workshops featuring speakers who worked with Mazzocchi or whose current organizing was inspired by him. Organizers say it will also include a more “interactive, worker-centered, action-centered day of strategizing, learning from the lessons of the past and applying them to the present and future.”

The conference will officially unveil the Tony Mazzocchi Archive, to be permanently housed at the Rutgers Labor Center. It will feature not just OCAW-related documents but a wide-ranging oral history project, capturing the voices of workers influenced by the visionary leadership and pragmatic radicalism that Brother Tony embodied.

(For schedule and registration information, see: Tony Mazzocchi Conference.)

Sunday, May 03, 2026

 

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

In the 1960s and 70s, conservative leaders of the AFL-CIO and many national unions viewed militant activists in the civil rights, anti-war, environmental, and women’s movements with alarm. When student radicals started migrating from campus and community organizing to unionized workplaces, the labor officialdom did not welcome them.

But a World War II veteran from Brooklyn named Tony Mazzocchi did. Mazzocchi had risen through the ranks of the Oil, Chemical, and Atomic Workers (OCAW), a CIO union which had a strong tradition of rank-and-file activism and internal democracy. He welcomed Sixties’ radicals into the ranks of labor and went on to personally mentor them. Many of these unofficial Mazzocchi students became effective organizers, grievance handlers, contract negotiators, strike leaders, and movement builders.

Mazzocchi was a role model and catalyst for activism on issues ranging from civil rights to labor-based environmentalism, job safety reform, single-payer health care, nuclear disarmament, and union democracy. His story is recounted well in Les Leopold’s 2007 biography, The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labor. As an OCAW local officer in New York, legislative director in Washington, and later the union’s national secretary-treasurer, Mazzocchi managed to juggle day-to-day union responsibilities with a tireless commitment to building workers’ political power.

A hundred years after Mazzocchi’s birth, and nearly a quarter century after his death in 2002, several hundred of his friends and allies, new and old, are gathering at the Rutgers University Labor Center on June 4-5, for an in-depth discussion of his life and legacy.

Tony’s path was unusual. After combat duty in the Army, he went to work in a Queens cosmetics factory and joined OCAW Local 149. As a union shop steward, organizer, and eventually president, he helped triple his local’s size. He built a strong cadre of shop floor leaders, started a book club and credit union, and, according to his biographer, sponsored a “vast array of social activities” that “combined to create a remarkable new spirit at work.” Even though Local 149’s membership was 95 percent white, it allied itself with the rising civil rights movement.

In 1957, Mazzocchi helped launch the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) to oppose atom bomb testing. His longtime involvement with SANE put him in touch with leading scientists, environmentalists, and activists who later joined him in building a new movement for occupational safety and health.

Within the 200,000-member OCAW, Mazzocchi helped elect a new national union president in 1965, after a bitter struggle with top OCAW officials linked to CIA meddling in foreign labor movements. He became the union’s national legislative/political director.

The Labor-Environment Connection

In this Washington, D.C. role, Mazzocchi linked emerging public concern about environmental pollution to the source of the problem—workplaces where workers were exposed to toxic chemicals at much higher levels than anyone in surrounding communities. At his initiative, organized labor began to shift from a traditional emphasis on job safety (protection against injuries) to dealing with the causes and long-term health effects of occupational hazards.

A high-school dropout himself, Tony recruited a high-powered network of medical researchers to provide documentation for lawsuits, reports, press releases, hearing testimony, and investigative reporting. He regularly dispatched these allies to probe for the causes of members’ illnesses. He also organized non-stop “road shows” that brought workers together with those experts—and forced lawmakers to listen to both.

Mazzocchi’s drive to pass the Occupational Health and Safety Act in 1970 is a case study in building effective labor clout. (His critical role in OSHA’s passage was even noted by President Nixon.) From MassCOSH in Boston to Work Safe in the Bay Area, the local occupational safety and health coalitions that Mazzocchi helped create are still fighting for job safety and health.

Political Setbacks

Mazzocchi ran twice to become president of OCAW. But in hotly contested convention elections in 1979 and 1981, members in the nuclear industry proved to be his Achilles heel. Conservative opponents critical of his “anti-nuke” politics and “incessant boat-rocking” mobilized against him, and he suffered narrow defeats.

But Tony confounded his foes, per usual, by making an unexpected political comeback. In 1988, he returned to OCAW leadership as national secretary-treasurer. He used that post to promote worker education initiatives, like the Labor Institute, and to fight for a new labor-based political party.

The Labor Party got off to a promising start in 1996 amid growing rank-and-file disillusionment with the Clinton Administration. Its founding convention in Cleveland drew 1400 delegates, including rank-and-file activists, local officers, some national union officials, and labor-oriented academics.

During the LP’s early years, Mazzocchi’s relentless personal barnstorming around the country helped generate much of its labor funding and support. Unfortunately, dreary and divisive left sectarian squabbles soon paralyzed some chapters. The election of President George Bush in 2000 and resulting Republican attacks on labor drove almost all unions back into the Democratic Party fold. 

Mazzocchi’s Legacy

Two key Labor Party demands—single payer health coverage and “Free Higher Ed”—the latter inspired by Mazzocchi’s own experience with the original GI Bill became centerpieces of Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaigns in 2016 and 2020.

As Les Leopold, a Rutgers conference organizer and Labor Institute founder, points out, Mazzocchi always raised hopes and expectations by “conjuring up a labor movement that… would be militant and green. It would bring about radical changes that would stop global warming. It would give workers real control over the quality and pace of work, and over corporate investment decisions. It would champion the fight against militarism and for peace and equality. It would win free health care. It would dare to create a new political party to counter the corporate domination of the two major parties.”

In a period of declining union density, many union leaders are now in a Trump-inspired defensive crouch. Few project anything like Mazzocchi’s expansive vision. But among working people, there’s evidence that support for working-class-centered politics is building.

 The two-day event in New Jersey will begin with panels and workshops featuring speakers who worked with Mazzocchi or whose current organizing was inspired by him. Organizers say it will also include a more “interactive, worker-centered, action-centered day of strategizing, learning from the lessons of the past and applying them to the present and future.”

The conference will officially unveil the Tony Mazzocchi Archive, to be permanently housed at the Rutgers Labor Center. It will feature not just OCAW-related documents but a wide-ranging oral history project, capturing the voices of workers influenced by the visionary leadership and pragmatic radicalism that Brother Tony embodied.

(For schedule and registration information, see: https://smlr.rutgers.edu/LEARN/tony-mazzocchi-conference.)

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Steve Early has worked as a journalist, lawyer, labor organizer, or union representative since 1972. For nearly three decades, Early was a Boston-based national staff member of the Communications Workers of America who assisted organizing, bargaining and strikes in both the private and public sector. Early's free-lance writing about labor relations and workplace issues has appeared in The Boston Globe, Los Angeles Times, USA Today, Wall Street Journal, New York Times, Washington Post, Philadelphia Inquirer, The Nation, The Progressive, and many other publications. Early's latest book is called Our Veterans: Winners, Losers, Friends and Enemies on the New Terrain of Veterans Affairs (Duke University Press, 2022). He is also the author of Refinery Town: Big Oil, Big Money, and the Remaking of An American City (Beacon Press, 2018); Save Our Unions: Dispatches from a Movement in Distress (Monthly Review Press, 2013); The Civil Wars in U.S. Labor: Birth of a New Workers’ Movement or Death Throes of the Old? (Haymarket Books, 2011); and Embedded With Organized Labor: Journalistic Reflections on the Class War at Home (Monthly Review Press, 2009). Early is a member of the NewsGuild/CWA, the Richmond Progressive Alliance (in his new home town, Richmond, CA.) East Bay DSA, Solidarity, and the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism. He is a current or past editorial advisory board member of New Labor Forum, Working USA, Labor Notes, and Social Policy. He can be reached at Lsupport@aol.com and via steveearly.org or ourvetsbook.com.