RIOT CONTROL AGENTS ARE CHEMICAL WEAPONS

Russia could mask chemical munitions with riot control agents: Pentagon update 

Yesterday 

Russia could use riot control agents to mask chemical weapons

A defense official said the U.S. cannot confirm whether Russia has used any chemical weapons in Mariupol or elsewhere in Ukraine, but the Defense Department has seen evidence Russia could consider disguising use of chemical weapons by making them look like more benign riot-control agents.

"In the past we've had indications that that could be one thing that the Russians look at, is the potential mixing of agents with the with the idea that they could disguise a more serious attack by using the vehicle and the techniques of riot control agents," the official said.


© Felipe Dana/APResidents stand outside their apartments as shops burn after a Russian attack in Kharkiv, Ukraine, April 11, 2022.

Pentagon press secretary John Kirby put out a similar statement Monday night addressing social media reports claiming Russia used a chemical weapon in Mariupol.

"These reports, if true, are deeply concerning and reflective of concerns that we have had about Russia's potential to use a variety of riot control agents, including tear gas mixed with chemical agents, in Ukraine."

Kirby, like the official on Tuesday, emphasized the U.S. cannot confirm the allegations.

On Tuesday, Kirby told reporters the U.S. is looking into the matter.

"We're obviously taking it seriously and we're monitoring it," Kirby said. "We're trying to do the best we can to figure out what, if anything, happened."

Fact check: It's true tear gas is a chemical weapon banned in ...

Jun 6, 2020 — The 1925 Geneva Protocol categorized tear gas as a chemical warfare agent and banned its use in war shortly after World War I. The protocol was ...

Practice Relating to Rule 75. Riot Control Agents

https://ihl-databases.icrc.org › docindex › v2_rul_rule75

Some countries consider that the use of tear gas (CS gas) conflicts with the 1925 [Geneva] Gas Protocol. This poses inevitable problems for the peace force when ...

1925 Geneva Protocol – UNODA - the United Nations

https://www.un.org › disarmament › wmd › bio › 1925...

Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare. The 1925 Geneva ...

Tear gas is banned in war, but police can use it on crowds at ...

https://www.cnn.com › military-tear-gas-protesters-trnd

Jun 8, 2020 — The military is banned from using tear gas on the battlefield, but police can use it on crowds at home. Here's why. By Harmeet Kaur, CNN.

Tear gas has been banned in warfare. Why do police still use it?

https://theworld.org › stories › tear-gas-has-been-banne...

Jul 31, 2019 — Right, the Geneva Convention bans the use of tear gas from war. Why is that not mandated for civilians? ... It really goes back to the Chemical ...

NDP blasts province over lack of hot water at northern Manitoba hospital

Monday

A Manitoba MLA says he wants to know why one of the busiest hospitals in northern Manitoba continues to deal with a lack of hot running water in some areas of the facility, and why the province isn’t showing more urgency and doing more to get the problem fixed.

“It’s unthinkable that a large hospital like Thompson would be left without hot water for any length of time,” Flin Flon NDP MLA Tom Lindsey said last week while speaking in the Manitoba Legislature.

Lindsey’s comment, which were directed at Health Minister Audrey Gordon, were made after reports surfaced recently that some parts of the Thompson General Hospital have been without hot water for more than a week because of plumbing and mechanical issues.

Lindsey said he does not believe a lack of hot water is something that would be allowed to continue for more than a week at any Winnipeg hospital, so he can’t understand why it continues in Thompson, a city of about 13,000 residents that sits more than 750 kilometres north of Winnipeg, and is the largest city in northern Manitoba.

“Imagine the Health Sciences Centre in Winnipeg trying to operate with no hot water,” Lindsey said.

“What makes Thompson General Hospital any less important to this minister and this government?”

Gordon responded last week to Lindsey’s comments in the legislature by stating she believed health officials in the north would work to get the problem fixed as quickly as possible.

“I have full faith in the staff at Thompson General Hospital,” Gordon said. “The regional health authority has a strong leadership team, and I’m sure it’s being looked at as we speak.”

But on Monday morning, a Northern Health region spokesperson told the Winnipeg Sun that the hot water issues continue in sections of the Thompson General Hospital including in the emergency room, and that they could not say for sure when those issues would be fixed, although it would likely not be any time soon.

“Our best estimate is about a month for the Emergency Department, and by the end of April for the wards/rooms affected,” the spokesperson said.

“Due to equipment failures, two separate systems involving hot water delivery are having intermittent issues in specific areas of the Thompson General Hospital. Temporary hot water solutions are being implemented as part of contingency planning.

“In a separate issue, some patient areas have low, poor or no hot water. Parts are shipping from the Manitoba supplier on April 19th. Contingencies are underway to address all of these areas while we await parts and have them installed.”

The spokesperson said that delivery of some of the needed parts has been “abnormally slow due to well-documented supply chain issues.”

The spokesperson also claimed the hot water issues are having no negative effects on levels of service and patient care at the hospital, but they did admit they have caused “inconvenience” for some patients.

“Hospital operations have not been impacted,” the spokesperson said. “Northern Regional Health Authority acknowledges and regrets that some patients have been inconvenienced; however, safe patient care remains our priority as a health region.”

On Monday, NDP leader Wab Kinew reacted to the hot waters issues at Thompson’s hospital in a statement to the Winnipeg Sun, and like Lindsey, he questioned if that kind of issue would be allowed to persist for that long if it were happening in Winnipeg.

“Hot water is a basic service and it's essential for a hospital to function safely,” Kinew said. “If this happened in Winnipeg, there would be a major outcry. We should be just as concerned when it happens in northern Manitoba.

“Northern families deserve a government that fixes problems and makes their health care a priority.”

— Dave Baxter is a Local Journalism Initiative reporter who works out of the Winnipeg Sun. The Local Journalism Initiative is funded by the Government of Canada.

For the record: Re-contextualizing Canada's history


The ways in which the general public understands the historical record are transforming. Canadians are increasingly engaging in conversations about new historical perspectives that are changing how the nation’s past is understood and remembered.

It is often said of history that it’s written by the victors, but there has been a growing push to interpret significant figures in their historical context using multiple perspectives. Manitoba offers unique examples of this phenomenon in how communities can talk about the past positively and productively.

In the public sphere, people are investigating and trying to learn more about different aspects of their community and country, said Max Hamon, associate professor in the department of history at Brandon University.

Their curiosity can be piqued by the mundane things they encounter in their community, such as a historical plaque or street sign they walk by each day.

As the public re-discovers and re-contextualizes what were once commonly accepted historical narratives, he said, they are starting to push back against what was once accepted academic "truths."

He described this process of learning as "public history." The National Council on Public History describes this concept as a movement promoting collaborative study and engagement with history. The goal of the practice is to make unique insights accessible and useful to the public, helping them better understand their past.

As people learn more about Canada’s history using multiple perspectives, the traditional focus on French and English settlements in the country can often leave people feeling like other narratives are missing from the past.

"The national narrative it’s simply not satisfactory," Hamon said. "Canada is not just French and English. Canada is so much more than those things and, in many ways, Canada is insufficient to explain the complexity of all these things. It’s a good thing to start recognizing the work that goes into this."

Hamon cited Louis Riel as an example of a trans-national history. Historians continue to expand the narrative surrounding the Métis icon to better establish his place in Canadian history.

As a historical figure, Riel exemplifies the deep divide that can exist when people are interpreting historical records, Hamon said. While he is now widely accepted and celebrated by Canadians as the father of Manitoba and a critical figure in Canadian Confederation, this interpretation is relatively new.

"It’s hard to understand how people saw it differently in the past," Hamon said. "If we’re thinking about the evolution of Riel, I do think that it’s simplified and I am always shocked to hear a historian try to say Riel is ‘such a controversial figure’ — it’s no longer controversial to recognize Riel’s significance, but that has changed through work. People have worked to better understand who he was."

Born in St. Boniface in the Red River Settlement in October 1844, Riel played a pivotal role in bringing Manitoba into Confederation. His direction of the Red River Rebellion led to the Canadian government at the time labelling him an "outlaw." In 1884, Riel was asked by Saskatchewan Valley settlers to lead them in protest against the Canadian government resulting in the North-West Rebellion in 1885.

Following the rebellion’s defeat, Riel was tried for treason and hung in Regina in November 1885.

The example of Riel demonstrates how history can be seen in a different light by embracing additional historical perspectives. Studying the historical icon over the years has helped Hamon understand Canada and its history in new ways.

"We often say history is told by the victors, by those who were able to grab and hold onto power. All the other voices and perspectives, the views of the other side … are drowned out — whether it’s women, whether it’s poor, whether it’s marginalized communities," said Kelly Saunders, Brandon University political science professor. "We only see one story and that is the story that our government institutions choose to tell us."

In Canada, there has been a carefully crafted historical and cultural narrative largely based on the country being more diverse, peaceful, respectful and civil compared to other jurisdictions such as the United States.

Using multiple viewpoints to examine Canadian history shows that it can be viewed as a country "built on genocide," she said.

"This is what history tells us, and historians, the experts who are studying what actually happened in this country and the story of how we came to be from multiple perspectives and not just what the British Crown or what the Canadian government wanted us to know, but the true history told by the voices that have been shut out — that is our story."

These nuanced conversations that take into account various historical experiences are becoming increasingly difficult to participate in and facilitate in the public sphere, because there has been a loss of trust in and respect for authority — political experts, senior experts, elected officials, historians, scientists, among others — and the insights they can provide to the historical record.

"We just dig our heels in and come at it from a very emotional point of view and that everybody is a ‘self-styled’ expert. When you add those two things together, it ends up where we are today — it’s just butting heads and there’s no sense of talking our way through and reaching consensus anymore."

Saunders saw a break from this trend after children’s bodies were rediscovered in unmarked graves at former residential schools across the country. She said these histories were known by Indigenous communities for generations and documented by the government. However, the facts about residential schools had not significantly entered the sphere of public history and discourse prior to the 215 unmarked graves located near the Kamloops Residential School in 2021, which gained international attention.

The unearthed bodies of these children broke through Canadians’ mental discomfort when it came to viewing the country’s past atrocities. Difficult conversations have forced Canadians to engage with the traumatic legacy of residential schools and the disenfranchisement of Indigenous communities and people for decades.

"We could no longer deny it because it was in front of us," Saunders said. "I noticed the conversations that started happening. People that just went about their lives, not very knowledgeable or very caring about these issues, were now texting me and saying, ‘I want to talk about this … I want to learn more.’"

Growing up, Louis Riel was spoken of with admiration in his family home and was a celebrated figure for his impact in Manitoba, said John Fleury, Minnedosa-based Manitoba Métis Federation (MMF) minister of the Indigenous skills and employment training strategy.

"But, then, of course, we heard the English version that he was a traitor and everything else. But, from our own people, he was always doing something good," Fleury said. "They [would] talk about Louis Riel and he was a traitor in the war against Canada, but they didn’t talk about how he secured the Métis’ future; he tried to protect their language, and not only the Métis language but the French language and English. He was protecting all peoples."

The new understanding of Riel as a crucial figure in Canada’s history slowly began to shift in the mid-1960s, he said, aided by the formation of the MMF. The organization was able to share views from all areas of the province with the common thread of speaking to Riel as a hero and protector of people, a father of Confederation and the father of Manitoba.

Non-Métis were not always open to this historical perspective but over time, minds slowly began to change, he said. It has been powerful and uplifting to see the monumental place Riel holds in Canadian history gain acceptance by the general public.

"It was a big shift, and I think that’s when society began becoming more open to another person’s point of view. They allowed us our point of view whether they liked it or not, and then they began accepting another point of view."

Regardless of how it is presented, people will formulate opinions based on what they have been told by their families, teachers and others in society. He said when up against these experiences, changing opinions is a slow process — but they can be transformed.

The MMF remains committed to promoting truth and education to open minds. Fleury encouraged people to push boundaries and learn as much as they can, because reconciliation cannot take place without truth.

"That’s what we need more of — more educated opinions. We all need to do our part," Fleury said. "We are now living in a new era, and education and communication is the key."

The namesake of Rosser Avenue came under scrutiny after John Simpson appeared before Brandon City Council in September 2020, requesting the name of the thoroughfare be changed. Simpson said a rechristening of the street was essential given the tainted history of its namesake.

The avenue bears the name of former late-19th-century Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) chief engineer and Confederate General Thomas Lafayette Rosser. According to the Manitoba Historical Society, Rosser worked for the railway for less than a year before departing the company "amid accusations, recriminations and scandal."

Rosser served as a Confederate general during the American Civil War and his family engaged in slavery.

"I’m not so sure that this is such a glorious, glorious past that we are looking for, particularly as I began to learn more and more about him," Simpson told the Sun. " I’m not sure that he’s someone who is really worthy of our attention and our honour here in Brandon."

The Manitoba Historical Society described Rosser as a complex figure who was "almost ruthless, action-oriented approach to getting a job done, and his ever-present eye on the possibilities for profit, are amply demonstrated through his actions during his short time with the CPR."

Simpson pushed for the Rosser Avenue name change out of a sense of indignation.

He expects these discussions around how historical figures are honoured will only broaden as the public has been forced to reckon with truth and reconciliation since the rediscovery of hundreds of unmarked graves in former residential school sites across Canada. These graves are prompting a re-examination of Canadian history.

Simpson proposed alternative names for Rosser Avenue that could honour Westman’s Indigenous history, including Tommy Captain, the first child who died at the Brandon Indian Residential School in 1896.

"Tommy and all those children who died represent lost potential, potential never realized," Simpson said. "I really hope for the sake of inclusivity, for the sake of reconciliation, for the sake of all people who don’t fit the traditional mould that Brandon has grown from, I really hope that we change and we continue to change. We can do that one way through the symbols that we proclaim within our boundaries."

It can be challenging for people to learn and accept new historical facts that challenge what was once widely accepted views. It is a positive case when it comes to Riel, Fleury said, but Rosser’s legacy stands in stark contrast.

Rosser’s motivation for coming to Canada was, in Fleury’s opinion, centred on "greed."

"He wanted to make a name for himself and he didn’t care how he did it," Fleury said. "After all of his manipulations on the railroad and elsewhere, he went out of here to the States because he was found out to be a bit of a shyster."

History shows Rosser departed Brandon with a "stain on his name."

There is a stark contrast between Riel and Rosser’s experiences in Canada. It was at a time when Indigenous people were being chased off their lands and facing the expansion of the settlers across the prairies, Fleury said.

Rosser profited during this era of Canada, while Riel fought for the future of his people.

It can be hard for people to reassess and adjust perspectives as they learn new historical facts, Fleury said, but it is even worse when people do not take the time to learn the true history of their nation.

These debates about history come down to education, especially because stories like the history of Rosser are not taught, he said.

Debates over the historical legacy or shame should be treated with care, because they can distract from more urgent and contemporary community issues. Indigenous people in Canada have experienced cultural genocide, land disposition, residential schools and other acts of trauma for the past 150 years.

The discussions around Rosser Avenue’s name need to be discussed carefully with civility and understanding, said Kris Desjarlais, Brandon Urban Aboriginal Peoples’ Council vice-chair. The name "Rosser" has largely been decoupled from the individual, and most people are unaware of the Confederate General’s controversial legacy.

It can be difficult to make a definitive decision when it comes to sites, streets or statues named after historical figures. Desjarlais cautioned there is a need to be careful in how far these conversations are pushed when looking at historical figures from a modern-day perspective.

"Where do we draw the line?" Desjarlais said. "I think in order for us to wrap our heads around these issues collectively, we need to have the dialogue. I don’t think we can just say [it’s] ‘because it’s the right thing to do.’ We need to bring people along with us to get to that place."

Seemingly trivial conversations like Rosser Avenue’s name can only increase divisions in the community. Desjarlais said there are more important things to do to support marginalized populations.

Support for First Nation, Métis and Inuit peoples needs to be centred on systemic changes that directly help and provide equity and equality for contemporary populations. This can include improving outcomes around education, health and employment, reforming child and family welfare and returning power and control to Indigenous communities.

"You end up risking fighting [for these changes] over window dressing," Desjarlais said. "I’m more interested in important things, because changing Rosser Avenue to an Indigenous name is not going to employ anybody, it’s not going to reduce the anxiety of a single mom in Brandon who is Indigenous and struggling to make ends meet."

Desjarlais is hopeful for the future of Canada. He cited how Brandon’s inaugural Truth and Reconciliation week saw around 1,000 people participate in the Orange Shirt Day walk. It was an amazing experience, he added, because it included meaningful conversations around truth and reconciliation.

"This could be a turning point in Canada … You start and you plant the seed, it creates slow and incremental gains. It’s not going to be a sea of change," Desjarlais said. "It is different than it was 25 years ago — we are making inroads, but we have a long way to go."

Rosser is not the first figure to have newly recognized historical records transform their legacy, Prof. Hamon said. Riel has been a fluid figure throughout Canadian history, with his significance and legacy gaining a positive light as he became better understood outside the traditional Western historical narrative.

"If we’re going to tell the story of Rosser and make it meaningful, it’s going to be a lot more complicated than just a road sign," Hamon said. "These local histories which focus on specific communities, they’re so rich and they’re so filled with detail, the problem is they don’t connect it to the broader context always."

The presence or lack thereof, of a statue or street name, does not change history, he said. Instead, it impacts the types of conversations being initiated based on what is in the world around you.

People need to understand the constructed nature of their worldview and how it is influenced by their life experiences, he said.

One of the most important steps is moving away from the binaries and to stop thinking in terms of settler versus Indigenous, he added. Canadians need to understand how to talk about the countless different cultures, including Indigenous, as a whole and their unique experiences in the country.

Some members of the public may choose to portray symbols like Rosser Avenue as extremes, Saunders said, but most controversies are not as polarized as presented.

"To say that we have to keep the name to honour our history — well, what history do we want to honour?" Saunders said. "What history do we really want to privilege and whose history do we want to privilege and what does that say about who we are as Canadians?"

Conversations are taking place across Canada that unpack colonialism’s ongoing role in society and how it reproduces itself in new, more nuanced and indirect ways. Saunders said a key aspect of breaking this cycle is talking and working with Indigenous communities involving them in the decision-making process and allowing them to exert power.

People are learning history is an intersectional experience, and she can see people are changing, giving her hope for the future.

"Just by having conversations, you can really change one person at a time. We just have to be open-minded and be willing to look at the world a little bit differently than what we have done before [and] ask the big questions that have to be asked."


Chelsea Kemp, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, Brandon Sun

SEE 

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for RIEL 

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for INTERNMENT 

https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/2006/04/history-of-canadian-wealth-1914.html

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Social Credit And Western Canadian Radicalism 

Lots of broadband money, but US expansion finds speed bumps

By WILSON RING and MARK GILLISPIE

Trevor Haskins, of Waitsfield and Champlain Valley Telecom, works to run fiber fiber optic cable to a home in Concord, Vt., Thursday Feb. 10, 2022. The nationwide need to connect homes and businesses to high-speed broadband services was highlighted by the COVID-19 pandemic and officials say that while there is lots of money available, supply and labor shortages are making the expansion a challenge. (AP Photo/Wilson Ring)


VICTORY, Vt. (AP) — For the 70-or-so people who live in the remote Vermont community of Victory, Town Clerk Tracey Martel says she’s regularly frustrated watching a spinning circle on her computer while she tries to complete even the most basic municipal chores online.

“Fast internet would be really good,” said Martel, whose community was one of the last in Vermont to receive electricity almost 60 years ago. The DSL service she has now works for basic internet, but it can be spotty and it doesn’t allow users to access all the benefits of the interconnected world.

About 5 miles (8 kilometers) away as the bird flies in the neighboring community along Miles Pond in the town of Concord, a new fiber optic line is beginning to bring truly high-speed internet to residents of the remote area known as the Northeast Kingdom.

“I’m looking forward to high-speed internet, streaming TV,” said Concord resident John Gilchrist, as a crew ran fiber optic cable to his home earlier this year.

The fiber optic cable that is beginning to serve the remote part of Concord and will one day serve Victory is being provided through NEK Broadband, a utility of nearly 50 Vermont towns working to bring high speed internet service to the most remote parts of the state.

NEK Broadband Executive Director Christa Shute said the group’s business plan calls for offering services to all potential customers within five years, but given current supply constraints and the shortage of trained technicians, she’s beginning to think that goal isn’t achievable.

“I think our build will take seven to 10 years,” she said.

Congress has appropriated tens of billions of dollars for a variety of programs to help fill the digital gap exposed by the pandemic when millions of people were locked down in their homes with no way to study, work or get online medical care.

The first of those funds are reaching municipalities, businesses and other groups involved in the effort, but some say supply chain issues, labor shortages and geographic constraints will slow the rollout.

The demand for fiber optic cable goes beyond wired broadband to homes and businesses. The cable will help provide the 5G technology now being rolled out by wireless communications providers.

But there’s a bottleneck in the supply. Michael Bell, senior vice president and general manager of Corning Optical Communications based in Charlotte, North Carolina, says the issue lies with supply of the protective jacket that surrounds the hair-thin strands of glass that carry information on beams of light.

Currently, some working to expand broadband say delays in getting the fiber optic cable they need can exceed a year.

“Based on the capacity we’re adding, and the capacity we see our competitors adding, wait times will start going down dramatically as the year progresses and into next year,” Bell said. “And I think as we get into next year, the lead time for most customers is going to be well under a year.”

Meanwhile, there’s a labor shortage for installing the cable. Many in the industry are setting up educational programs to train people to work with the fiber, said Jim Hayes, the president of the Santa Monica, California-based Fiber Optic Association.

“It needs to be done now,” said Hayes. “We’re going to need to train probably ten techs for every tech that we’ve got who’s competent to lead them.”

Jason Morisseau, hands only, an installation and maintenance technician with Waitsfield and Champlain Valley Telecom, uses a fusion splicer to install fiber optic cable that is being run to a home, in Concord, Vt. (AP Photo/Wilson Ring)

The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the $1.5 trillion infrastructure bill passed last fall, says that areas that receive broadband speeds of less than 25 megabit downloads and 3 megabit uploads are considered unserved. To qualify for different federal grants through the infrastructure bill and other programs, most finished projects must offer speeds of at least 100 megabits per second for downloads. Upload speeds differ, but most federal grants have a minimum of 20 megabit uploads.

For comparison, it takes 80 seconds to download a 1 gigabyte video at the speed of 100 megabits per second. It takes four times as long — 320 seconds, or more than 5 minutes — at 25 megabits per second.

The National Telecommunications and Information Administration, a part of the Agency of Commerce, which is funding broadband projects across the country through the infrastructure law, is neutral about about how internet service providers reach the speed requirements. Many providers say the key to bringing true high-speed internet service to the entire country is to install fiber optic cable to every nook and cranny.

Deploying high-speed internet in tribal communities and rural areas across the western United States where distances dwarf those of rural northern New England will be even more of a challenge.

Broadband access on the Navajo Nation — the largest reservation in the U.S. at 27,000 square miles (69,930 square kilometers) in Arizona, New Mexico and Utah — is a mix of dial-up, satellite service, wireless, fiber and mobile data.

The U.S. Department of the Interior, which has broad oversight of tribal affairs, said federal appraisals, rights-of-way permits, environment reviews and archaeological protection laws can delay progress.

The argument against the wireless options currently being used in some areas is they can’t offer speeds needed to qualify for the federal grants.

Mike Wendy of the Wireless Internet Service Providers Association said wireless technology is getting faster and more reliable and wireless connections could be the only way to reach some of the most remote locations.

“The challenge of all this money is to make sure that the unserved are served,” said Wendy, whose organization represents about 1,000 fixed wireless internet providers. “Our guys are in those markets right now and they’re growing.”

Ohio Lt. Gov. Jon Husted said $233 million in state dollars will be used in his state to expand broadband to over 43,000 households. Other internet service providers have agreed to expand broadband to another 51,000 households. Ohio is expected to receive an additional $268 million in federal funding to further broadband expansion in the state.

Husted said Ohio is focused on infrastructure while groups and organizations are needed to provide computers and to help people adapt to the fast-growing digital age.

“We’re building the road,” Husted said. “Access to broadband is like the highway system. That’s where we’re focused. It doesn’t mean there are people who don’t need cars or need driver’s licenses.”

There are still scattered locations across the country that rely on dialup and some people in remote locations use satellite internet services. Some people have no internet options whatsoever.

Victory Town Clerk Tracey Martel takes a phone call at the town clerk's office, in Victory, Vt.

 (AP Photo/Wilson Ring)

Martel, the Victory town clerk, said that when the people from NEK Broadband visited the community they told residents it would be five to seven years before fiber optic cable would reach the community.

But Shute says her organization is hoping to get a grant to connect the most rural areas, which could move the timeline for Victory up to three years.

Meanwhile, back in East Concord, after having the service for several weeks, Gilchrist said he and his daughter Emily, who is 19 and headed to college in a few months, no longer have to go to the local diner to use the internet. He canceled his expensive satellite TV service, his daughter and her friends have been using it to play online video games and in a few months she will be using the connection while doing college studies.

“It’s been working great, as far as I’m concerned, all I do is check email,” Gilchrist said. “I don’t watch TV, but my daughter loves it.”

___

Gillispie reported from Cleveland. AP Correspondent Felicia Fonseca contributed to this report from Flagstaff, Arizona.

NIMBY IT'S ABOUT PROPERTY VALUE

Inverness County is the wrong place for a 15-turbine wind farm, say residents

Emily Latimer -
cbc.ca


Residents of Nova Scotia's Inverness County are raising concerns about a proposed wind farm that would bring 15 turbines to the hills between Highway 19 and Trans-Canada Highway 105, along the west coast of the island.

© Andrew Vaughan/The Canadian Press

A wind farm in Lower West Pubnico, N.S., is shown in a photo taken on Monday, Aug. 9, 2021. A proposed wind farm for the west coast of Cape Breton includes 15 turbines.

David Hart is the spokesperson for the Route 19 Community Association, a group of nearly 200 residents opposed to the project because it is "incompatible with the existing social and cultural and economic characteristics of the community and the local environment."

Hart said the group has been going door to door with flyers along the coast from Hastings to Judique asking people to visit their website to learn more about the proposed project and to get involved with a letter-writing campaign.

"Our mission is really to maintain and improve the quality of life and overall ensure the characteristics of our community and region are protected," Hart said.

Though Hart said the group isn't opposed to wind power or green energy, he said the plan is "obviously the wrong project in the wrong place."

"It's just a matter of putting the right project in the right place. This one does not belong along the seacoast of Inverness County," Hart said.

15 turbines proposed

Community Wind Farms Inc. is developing the Rhodena Wind project with ABO Wind Canada, in response to Nova Scotia's Rate Base Procurement program for low-carbon and low-cost energy.

The project would be built "mostly on Crown land and private land where we have the permission of the landowner," according to the website. The developers estimate that the project would produce 100 megawatts of power.

Marian MacLellan lives along Highway 19 in Long Point. Her property runs from the coast toward the mountain where the proposed wind farm may be located. She has several concerns including health impacts, animal welfare, and declining property values.

"Windmills may be fine if they're in the right locations, but I do not believe it's right to put them in communities where there are a lot of people living and where it can affect their health," she said.

While some say wind farms have been linked to adverse health problems in people, a Health Canada study found no link between the two. The study did find that the louder the wind turbine was, the more people reported being "very or extremely annoyed."
Plans amended

Community Wind CEO Keith Towse said the company has changed the proposed layout in response to community feedback, and an updated plan should be online in the coming days.

"We've revised our layout and moved those turbines so the closest turbines in the current layout are 1,700 metres to the closest residence, and over three kilometres away from Highway 19," Towse said.

He said there are established regulations governing health impacts that are addressed during the environmental assessment process.

"No wind project would be approved that doesn't meet those regulations," he said.

More than 3,700 hectares are being considered for the project. The company estimates the area to be used for turbines, road and transmission lines will have a footprint of 655 hectares.

The company has begun environmental assessment studies, which must be completed before the project can be considered for approval by the province. If approved, the company hopes to have the wind farm running by summer 2025.

Inverness County's land use bylaw about the regulation of wind turbine development has not been updated since January 2012. A spokesperson for the county said council will hold a meeting to review the bylaw in May.

Fireproof Australia: who are the radical Extinction Rebellion splinter group?

Violet Coco and Sam Noonan are both members of the Fireproof Australia activist group. Photograph: Carly Earl/The Guardian

They have blocked major roads, obstructed traffic on the Sydney Harbour Bridge and been denounced by Dominic Perrottet


Royce Kurmelovs

THE GUARDIAN

Sat 9 Apr 2022

It was the re-election of a Coalition government in May 2019 that altered the trajectory of Sam Noonan’s life and politics.

“I didn’t really care about politics until then,” Noonan says. “But then a lightbulb went off, and I kind of went, ‘Well, this is not working, we need to do something.’”

At first the 48-year-old helped organise climate rallies in her region, but it was Extinction Rebellion – the group which caused widespread disruption in London in November 2018 – that captured her attention.

The group members’ willingness to face a strong possibility of being arrested appealed to her, as they appeared to take the catastrophic risk of climate change seriously.

“[I felt] these, you know, radical, annoying, disruptive, interfering sort of tactics were probably our last chance of doing something,” Noonan says. “I just knew, intuitively, that this is where I needed to be.

“I always said to my husband once we started all this activism that even if all else fails and we can’t save the planet, I want to know that I tried and be able to say to my grandkids, I really did my best, I did my best at the time.”

A few months after Noonan joined Extinction Rebellion, the Black Summer bushfires swept through New South Wales, Victoria and parts of South Australia, changing her life again.

Noonan, who is blind, had to confront the possibility of fleeing her home in the Illawarra, south of Sydney.

“Fires were coming from three directions at once,” Noonan says. “I was there wondering if I could evacuate out of Dapto because I didn’t have anyone who could drive the car and a lot of the train lines were down.”

After the catastrophic event that left 18,000 Australians internally displaced, Noonan joined a new protest group calling themselves Fireproof Australia.

Fireproof Australia taking their first roadblock action on the Princes Highway 

in Sylvania, NSW. 

Photograph: Fireproof Australia

In recent weeks the group has been grabbing headlines for blocking major roads during the morning peak hour to call for immediate action on climate change, including obstructing traffic on the Sydney Harbour Bridge at least three times.

The NSW government rushed through strict laws to curb the protests, and the premier, Dominic Perrottet, attacked Fireproof Australia for their disruptive tactics.

“This type of behaviour needs to stop,” Perrottet said. “People have the right to protest, people have the right to free speech, we promote that.

“But don’t do it at the expense of people trying to get to and from work, trying to get their kids to school, stopping people earning a living and a wage – that’s what these protests are doing.

“We’ve passed the laws, we’ll throw the book at these people, because their behaviour is completely unacceptable.

“And if you really want to lose support in the community for your cause, keep acting like that.”
‘We tried protesting’

This week the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released its latest comprehensive review, saying it was “now or never” to prevent catastrophic climate change.

Protest groups around the world have been growing more ambitious in response to what they see as an emergency.

Among those that have emerged in the UK are Tyre Extinguishers, which encourages people to deflate the tyres of SUV owners, and Just Stop Oil, which targets oil infrastructure.

Groups such as Fireproof Australia, Floodproof Australia and Blockade Australia are local variations who employ direct action in a campaign of “civil resistance” against governments which they believe aren’t acting fast enough on climate change.

Violet CoCo, a Fireproof Australia member, says the group splintered from Extinction Rebellion in May 2021 to take the protests to a new level.

“Fireproof Australia is designed to be more disruptive and more accessible in that disruption,” CoCo says. “All you need to do is sit down on a road to participate, you don’t need to wear a fancy costume.”

Violet Coco, a member of the Fireproof Australia activist group.

Photograph: Carly Earl/The Guardian

They also have different demands. Extinction Rebellion wants governments to declare a climate emergency and rapidly cut emissions to zero by 2025 while Fireproof Australia’s goals are more immediate.

CoCo says the group wants a permanent, Australian-based air tanker fleet to fight bushfires, smoke-proof schools, aged care and disability centres to protect the vulnerable, and an immediate plan to rehome flood and fire survivors.

Some commentators who support urgent action on the climate crisis have criticised direct action tactics as counterproductive, warning they may alienate the very people who need to be persuaded. Writing in the Nine newspapers last month, the social researcher Rebecca Huntley said people who were “disengaged, uncertain or sceptical” were less likely to listen to someone who was making it harder for them to get to work.

“In the qualitative research I have done, groups such as Extinction Rebellion come up in conversation in a very negative way and can be a barrier to talking about global warming and how climate action might actually improve their lives,” Huntley wrote.

But CoCo says every other attempt to get governments to act has failed.

“We tried,” CoCo says. “We tried protesting to the politicians. We’ve tried one-day marches. Nothing happened. And so now we need to escalate these disruptive tactics.”

The group is often associated with Blockade Australia, whose members obstruct physical infrastructure such as rail lines or cranes, although the two groups are separate.

Blockade Australia’s membership is drawn from several campaigns, including Rising Tide, which targeted the coal industry in Newcastle, and anti-Adani protesters from Queensland.

The group’s first major action was obstructing coal trains at Newcastle, the largest coal port in the world in November 2021, prompting an attack from Barnaby Joyce, who said $60m in exports had been lost in one week.

In recent weeks the group has targeted Port Botany in Sydney, Australia’s largest container port, which led to the arrest of Maxim Curmi, who was jailed for four months after he scaled a 60m crane.

Unlike other groups, Blockade Australia has no specific goals. Maddie, a spokesperson who declined to give her surname citing the risk of arrest, says it is focused on “building momentum” as it “doesn’t see any worth in appealing to the goodwill of a system that doesn’t have any”.

‘Method to their madness’

The hurried NSW legislation in response to the street and industry blockades has been branded a “draconian” attempt to criminalise the right to protest by 40 civil society groups, including the NSW and Act Aboriginal Legal Service, the NSW Council for Civil Liberties, Human Rights Law Centre, Environmental Defenders Office and Australian Democracy Network.

Piero Moraro, a lecturer in criminology at Edith Cowan University who studies civil disobedience, says the right to protest can simply be restrained to “waving flags under the eyes of the police”.

As much as governments and commentators may cast militant or disruptive protest groups as troublemakers and even criminals, Moraro says they can drive change thanks to the “radical flank effect”.

“It is a reference to Martin Luther King,” Moraro says. “One reason why he was successful is that you also had the Black Panthers. White America was faced with the choice to either go with King or face more radical protests.”

Associate prof Hans Baer, an honorary research fellow at the University of Melbourne, says there is a risk disruptive protests will “put off mainstream Australia”, but they are also necessary.

“It’s the more radical people who get the attention that pushes the more middle of the road people to act,” Baer says.

“There may be a method to their madness. So long as it doesn’t hurt people, if it only hurts infrastructure that is doing damage and that in turn hurts a lot of people, well, why not?”

We Are Wasting Time on These Climate Debates. The Next Steps are Clear.

April 10, 2022

WIND TURBINE BLADES

Credit...Paul Ellis/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

By John Bistline, Inês Azevedo, Chris Bataille and Steven Davis

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report, which was released last week and which we co-authored with many colleagues, offers hope for limiting global warming.

But there is no time to waste. And wasted time includes time spent debating issues that divert us from our most important priorities right now.

Unfortunately, debates about distant future decisions and future uncertainties are distracting advocates, policymakers, researchers and the public from their shared, near-term goals. At best, these disputes give observers — especially policymakers and their advisers, who are trying to make tough short-term decisions during a global energy security crisis — a misleading impression that experts disagree about effective steps to decarbonize energy systems. At worst, these disputes can stall progress by delaying policies and incentives that would accelerate clean energy deployment.

Rather than getting mired in these debates, we should focus on credible commitments to public policy, private investment and innovation.

The Paris Agreement goal of keeping warming well below 2 degrees Celsius (3.6 degrees Fahrenheit) means reducing global greenhouse gas emissions by roughly half by 2030, on the way to net-zero emissions by near midcentury. As we pursue these ambitious reductions, debates about how much of our energy can or should come from wind and solar 30 years from now obfuscate a near-consensus on next steps. For the coming decade, rapidly reducing coal electricity and building extensive wind, solar and storage systems are low-cost strategies in many places, regardless of how much energy might or might not eventually come from renewables.

This is because plummeting costs make solar and wind increasingly competitive, and electricity from solar is now the “cheapest source of electricity in history” in some locations, according to the International Energy Agency. Moreover, the costs of batteries and other storage technologies are also declining. Together with demand response, energy efficiency, and behavior changes, these strategies may support reliable electricity systems with much higher levels of renewables. And while individual actions may help reduce emissions, dramatic changes to energy supply are likely to play a central role in reaching net-zero emissions.

Let’s also not argue about exactly how much carbon removal may be needed by midcentury. Carbon removal and carbon capture have proven to be polarizing among environmental groups; some have resisted state and federal climate policies because of their inclusion. Bear in mind, though, that there are many options for removing carbon from the atmosphere to offset emissions in agriculture, aviation, and industry. Investing in removal-related research and development and exploring commercialization may be valuable near-term steps, but it’s premature to worry about the right balance of carbon removal versus other strategies. Contrary to claims that carbon removal is fundamentally at odds with other strategies, we can spend the next decade simultaneously deploying available clean energy technologies and scaling up removal strategies.

We can also move past the debate over whether we have all the technologies we need. Pilot-scale and commercial projects exist for almost all emissions sources, even for harder-to-abate ones. We’re unlikely to reach ambitious goals like net-zero emissions without making use of all technology and policy tools at our disposal and without continued investments in research and development. Having more options at lower costs could make the energy transition more affordable. Conversely, progress toward mitigating climate change doesn’t depend on any one technology alone, and we’re making strong progress on many fronts. Innovation often breeds more innovation, so positive surprises may yet await us.

Ultimately, we don’t know exactly what a net-zero emissions energy system will look like, but we know enough to keep us busy for at least a decade: We need to deploy mature technologies (renewables, storage, electric vehicles, efficient equipment like heat pumps) and invest in technologies that may be needed down the road. There’s little doubt that net-zero pathways could decrease fossil fuel use, electrify transport, and improve efficiency.

The United States pledged in 2021 to cut emissions at least in half by 2030, but emissions surged almost 7 percent in 2021. Although the budget bill is currently stalled in the Senate, over $500 billion in clean energy investments in the bill could, according to a recent analysis, put emissions back on track to meet the 2030 target. During a time when global oil and natural gas prices are rising, these tax credits and other policies in the proposed bill also could lower annual energy expenses by 6.6 percent for households and businesses by 2030.

We also need to worry more about issues of land use, permitting and infrastructure. Net-zero will likely require substantial land use for renewables and expansions in transmission and pipeline infrastructure, but there is a reluctance to agree to such projects. For example, Maine voters recently blocked a project to bring more of Quebec’s hydropower into the Northeastern United States, and environmental groups and residents in otherwise climate-conscious states like California and New York have resisted solar and wind farms. Overcoming such challenges requires careful engagement and consensus building among constituencies affected by such projects. Time spent on such engagement now may be time saved later.

Carefully mitigating the risks and balancing the trade-offs associated with different types of deeply decarbonized systems is another important priority. For example, to ensure the near-term reliability and affordability of the electricity grid, regions may want to keep nuclear and natural gas capacity in order to meet growing demand from electric vehicles and to retire coal, even as natural gas is gradually replaced by zero-emitting fuels such as hydrogen.

It is also important to consider how well-designed climate strategies may support national and regional economic goals, including jobs, equity, and overall economic activity. For example, while the costs of rooftop solar are decreasing, there have been large disparities in its adoption in the United States by race, ethnicity, and income. The consequences of air pollution from many current energy systems can be inequitable, but a transition to sustainable and low-carbon energy systems may mitigate such disparities. Decarbonization strategies should aim to equalize opportunities for adopting new technologies and to promote just transitions.

Of course, the United States can’t do this alone. Although actions on the part of this country are imperative if we are to achieve global climate goals, the United States represents a shrinking share of the world’s emissions, and U.S. leadership can help facilitate international collaboration and cooperation on technology transfer, finance, trade, and energy security for all.

The decisions we make now may have an outsize impact on humanity’s long-term future. Climate change threatens to jeopardize communities, public health and the environment. The next steps are clearer and more affordable than they have ever been.

Rather than getting distracted by distant and likely irreducible uncertainties, let’s focus on what matters: deploying clean technologies we know we need, implementing a coherent climate policy, laying the groundwork for future progress and creating a just transition that shares the benefits of a sustainable energy system.

John Bistline is a program manager at the Electric Power Research Institute. Inês Azevedo is an associate professor of energy resources engineering at Stanford University. Chris Bataille is a senior researcher at Institut du Développement Durable et des Relations Internationales. Steven Davis is a professor of earth system science at the University of California, Irvine.


A version of this article appears in print on April 11, 2022, Section A, Page 19 of the New York edition with the headline: Climate Debates Are Stalling Progress. 

East African oil pipeline hits the headwinds


 Hilda Nakabuye, Fridays for Future activist from Uganda, speaks at the opening of the Berlin Energy Transition Dialogue at the Federal Foreign Office in Berlin, March 29, 2022. Climate activists are urging more banks and insurers not to back the controversial $5 billion East African Crude Oil Pipeline that is primed to transport oil from the Hoima oilfields in Uganda to the Tanzanian coastal city of Tanga. Influential climate activists Vanessa Nakate and Hilda Nakabuye have lent their support to opponents of the pipeline citing the need for Africa to stay away from fossil fuels. 

(Michael Kappeler/dpa via AP, file) 

WANJOHI KABUKURU
Tue, April 12, 2022,

MOMBASA, Kenya (AP) — 

Climate activists are urging more banks and insurers not to back the controversial $5 billion East African Crude Oil Pipeline that is primed to transport oil from the Hoima oilfields in Uganda to the Tanzanian coastal city of Tanga. Influential climate activists Vanessa Nakate and Hilda Nakabuye have lent their support to opponents of the pipeline citing the need for Africa to stay away from fossil fuels.

The unrelenting pressure mounted by environmental groups, under the banner #StopEACOP, has led to a growing list of banks and insurers quitting the oil pipeline project. Just this week the project suffered another major setback after insurer Allianz Group pulled out of the project. It joins 15 banks and seven insurance companies — including HSBC, BNP Paribas and Swiss Re — who have denied financially backing the pipeline in response to the campaign waged by numerous environmental organizations, led by the international group 350.org.

The 897 mile (1443 km) oil pipeline is billed as the longest heated pipeline in the world. The China National Oil Corporation and French energy conglomerate TotalEnergies, alongside the Uganda National Oil Company and the Tanzania Petroleum Development Cooperation, have remained firm in pushing ahead with the pipeline project which is expected to start transporting oil in 2025.

Johnson Nderi a financial analyst in Nairobi supports the oil pipeline, saying “Africa needs cheap stable power as that afforded by oil and coal, to grow its manufacturing sector.”

Construction of the pipeline will displace thousands of families and threaten water resources in the Lake Victoria and River Nile basins, according to 350.org. The environmental group goes on to say that the crude pipeline will generate some 37 million tons (34 million metric tonnes) of carbon dioxide emissions annually, fueling climate change.

“TotalEnergies is putting profits over people and it shows. Communities in Uganda and Tanzania have been fighting tirelessly against the planned pipeline and the trail of destruction it is already leaving in its wake,” Omar Elmawi, the coordinator of the #StopEACOP campaign, said. “At a time when scientists call for the phasing out of fossil fuel projects, to avoid the worst impacts of climate change, it is ill-advised and irresponsible to go ahead with this project, while ignoring the cries of those most affected.”

TotalEnergies has defended the pipeline noting that it adheres to strict Ugandan and Tanzanian environmental laws. An environmental social impact assessment report conducted by the Netherlands Commission for Environmental Assessment raised concerns about significant risks posed to wildlife notably chimpanzees in the Bugoma, Wambabya and Taala forest reserves.

Initially priced at $3.5 billion, the underground electrically heated pipeline will now cost $5 billion and is expected to start near Lake Albert in Hoima District, western Uganda. It will skirt around Lake Victoria entering northern Tanzania on its way to Chongoleani peninsula on the Indian Ocean transporting 216,000 barrels of crude oil per day.

The pipeline is expected to displace over 14,000 households in both Uganda and Tanzania, according to the international poverty charity Oxfam. But proponents of the project are citing a $2 billion annual revenue from the oil exports alongside some 12,000 direct jobs in its defence.

British firm Tullow Oil first discovered oil in the Lake Albert Basin in 2006, with recoverable oil estimates pegged at 1.2 billion barrels. In 2020, Tullow sold its entire stake to Total Energies. In early February, the oil pipeline's major backers, led by Total Energies, announced the conclusion of the Financial Investment Decision, signaling the commencement of the construction of the oil pipeline.

This 900-Mile Crude Oil Pipeline Is a Bad Deal for My Country — and the World
April 8, 2022
By Vanessa Nakate

Chalk drawings from a protest in Johannesburg, South Africa, on March 12, 2021, against a crude oil pipeline through Uganda and Tanzania.

Credit...Kim Ludbrook/EPA, via Shutterstock

Vanessa Nakate is a Ugandan climate justice activist.

KAMPALA, Uganda — This week, the panel of climate experts convened by the United Nations delivered a clear message: To stand a chance of curbing dangerous climate change, we can’t afford to build more fossil fuel infrastructure. We must also rapidly phase out the fossil fuels we’re using.

In moments like this, the media rarely focuses on African countries like mine, Uganda. When it does, it covers the impacts — the devastation we are already experiencing and the catastrophes that loom. They are right to: Mozambique has been battered in recent years by cyclones intensified by climate change. Drought in Kenya linked to climate change has left millions hungry. In Uganda, we are now more frequently hit by extreme flash floods that destroy lives and livelihoods.

But this latest report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, on how to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and prevent more of these impacts, has implications for Africa’s energy systems, too. Africa isn’t only a victim of the climate crisis, but also a place where infrastructure decisions made in the coming years will shape how it unfolds.

TotalEnergies, a French energy company, this year announced a $10 billion investment decision, which involves a nearly 900-mile oil pipeline from Kabaale, Uganda, to a peninsula near Tanga, Tanzania. From there, the oil would be exported to the international market.

Despite local opposition, TotalEnergies and a partner, the China National Offshore Oil Corporation, have pushed ahead. The project might have a difficult time securing additional financing, as many banks have already ruled out the project. The multinational insurance company Munich Re has also vowed not to insure it, at least in part because of the harm it would do to the climate.

Burning the oil that the pipeline will transport could emit as much as 36 million tons of carbon dioxide per year, according to one estimate. That is roughly seven times the total annual emissions of Uganda.

More immediately, the East African Crude Oil Pipeline will have terrible consequences for people in Uganda and Tanzania. An estimated 14,000 households will lose land, according to Oxfam International, with thousands of people set to be economically or physically displaced. There are reports that compensation payments offered to some communities are completely insufficient. The pipeline will also disturb wildlife habitats. The climate writer and activist Bill McKibben said that it looks almost as if the route had been “drawn to endanger as many animals as possible.” An oil spill would be even more catastrophic for habitats and our freshwater supplies. (TotalEnergies and the China National Offshore Oil Corporation previously said they are working to avoid causing damage to the countries.)

Oil pipelines have become a symbol around the world of the fight for climate justice. In 2021 the Biden administration halted the Keystone XL pipeline in the United States after a decade-long fight led by Indigenous groups, climate activists and farmers. In East Africa the Stop EACOP campaign is a similar alliance that has emerged to fight fossil fuel infrastructure. Over a million people have signed a petition calling on TotalEnergies and the pipeline’s other backers to stop the project.

However, the Ugandan government remains largely in favor of the pipeline. Politicians have seemingly bet their political futures on the promise of revenues it could generate. Understandably, many people in Uganda not directly affected by the pipeline also think the oil could be a door to wealth. Our country has low levels of formal employment, and many people struggle to feed their families. Oil was discovered in the Lake Albert basin in 2006, when I was in primary school, and I remember my teacher proudly announcing to the class that Uganda had found “black gold.”

But the discovery of oil in Nigeria, Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo has not brought widespread prosperity. Instead, it has brought poverty, violence and the loss of traditional lands and cultures. Much of the profits have gone to foreign multinationals and investors and to the pockets of corrupt local officials. TotalEnergies and the China National Offshore Oil Corporation will own 70 percent of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline, with Uganda and Tanzania sharing the remaining 30 percent. This pipeline is not an investment for the people.

It is also not an investment for the long term. The International Energy Agency projects that growth in renewable energy will accelerate in the next four years. Fossil fuel projects like EACOP could lead to short-term gains but eventually huge losses — and might end up among the estimated $1.3 trillion of stranded oil and gas assets by around 2050.

Research presented by the International Renewable Energy Agency found that sub-Saharan Africa can meet almost 70 percent of its electricity needs from local renewable energy by 2030, which would provide up to two million additional green jobs in the region by 2050. Africa possesses 39 percent of the world’s potential for renewable energy, according to Carbon Tracker, but along with the Middle East, receives only 2 percent of annual investment. Africa needs the climate financing it has been promised by rich countries, as well as from private institutions, to develop clean energy.

There is a huge appetite for clean energy alternatives here. I have seen it through my work to install solar panels and clean stoves in rural schools. These efforts sometimes feel hopeless when money floods in from foreign banks and governments for fossil fuels. But Africa is where critical investments should go in our fight for a stable climate in the coming years. Financial institutions must reject the East African Crude Oil Pipeline and fossil fuel projects like it, in favor of clean energy. The science is clear. So is the case for investment.

Vanessa Nakate is a Ugandan climate justice activist.

This Bacteria-Powered Battery Eats Up Methane to Spit Out Electricity


Miriam Fauzia
Tue, April 12, 2022, 

Cavan Images

When discussing climate change, carbon dioxide sucks up a lot of the air, so to speak. Less attention is spent on methane, which accounts for 20 percent of all greenhouse gas emissions but is 80 times more powerful at trapping heat.

You’ve probably already heard that cow farts are a big contributor of atmospheric methane (220 pounds every year!), but rotting organics and natural gas can also expel methane into the air. Slashing emissions involves decreasing our dependence on natural gas, recycling and composting trash, and getting cows to fart less. But a new, unique method may convert methane into a usable energy source with the help of a microscopic friend: bacteria.

On Tuesday, a team of researchers at Radboud University in the Netherlands published a paper in the journal Frontiers in Microbiology where they constructed a battery consisting of methane-munching bacteria that convert the gas into electricity.

“This could be very useful for the energy sector,” Cornelia Welte, a microbiologist at Radboud University and study co-author, said in a press release.

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Using bacteria to generate energy isn’t a new concept. Anaerobic digestion installations (also called biogas installations) capture gases like methane and carbon dioxide produced by bacteria that are digesting organic wastes. This gas is then converted into either heat or electricity—or upgraded into a form of methane that’s can be injected into natural gas pipelines or used as vehicle fuel. Currently, there are around 2,200 operating biogas systems across the U.S. and nearly 50 million micro-scale digesters worldwide (mostly in China and India), according to a 2019 report by the World Biogas Association.

But a problem with these installations is that they aren’t all that energy efficient. “Less than half of the biogas is converted into power, and this is the maximum achievable capacity,” said Welte.

To see if they could improve the energy efficiency, the researchers turned to Candidatus Methanoperedens, a bacteria that can be found in freshwater and consumes methane to survive—a process that peels away electrons. Those free electrons are used to digest another chemical called nitrate, which is made of nitrogen and oxygen.

“We create a kind of battery with two terminals,” Heleen Ouboter, a microbiologist and co-author of the study, said in the press release. At one terminal—designated the biological terminal—the researchers placed the methane-munching bacteria, and at the other terminal—a chemical terminal—they placed a stream of nitrate. This stream is gradually reduced over time, forcing the bacteria to hand over their electron scraps to an electrode leading to a mini-reactor. With this setup, the researchers were able to convert around 31 percent of the methane fed to the bacteria into electricity.

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It’s impressive, but the conversion process needs to be hastened to play valuable impact in the real world. And the research team wants to run more tests to see how well this bacteria can perform the reaction in a natural environment (so far, it’s only been in the lab). But the new findings are a promising start as we try to uncover new ways to offset methane emissions and cool our planet.