Tuesday, April 07, 2026

Jonathan Kozol and the Struggle Against U.S. Apartheid


 April 7, 2026

Kozol in 2011. Photograph Source: Tim – Jonathan Kozol Uploaded by czar – CC BY 2.0

We are the dust beneath your feet. We are the flowers that never bloom.

– Beggars in Bombay 1

Although bookshelves groan under the weight of tracts about U.S. racism, no one’s writings on the topic are more unsettling than Jonathan Kozol’s. He is among our greatest and most eloquent dissenters. He writes not from studied objectivity but with an impassioned conviction that sears the conscience and haunts the soul. His books, once read, stay with you; his insights, once seen, can never again be unseen. Horrors we once attributed to happenstance or personal failure are revealed by Kozol for what they are: our society’s deliberate punishment of innocent poor people, whose very existence reminds us of moral failures we prefer to imagine do not exist. 

Son of a doctor, raised in Boston, Kozol majored in English literature at Harvard, then won a Rhodes Scholarship to Oxford. When he got to the elite university he felt as though he’d already been through the experience, as everybody at Harvard had spoken in a phony Oxford accent. Bored, he abandoned the scholarship and went to Paris, spending a couple of years trying to learn how to write from top-flight authors there at the time, including Richard Wright, William Styron, and James Baldwin.

He returned to the United States with the intention of going to graduate school and becoming an English professor, a career he says he “would have loved,” but dramatic political events in 1964 brought a different destiny to the fore.

That summer, thousands of young civil rights workers – black and white – poured into Mississippi with the intention of breaking the back of segregation in the state. Three among them – James Chaney, Michael Schwerner, and Andrew Goodman – went ahead of the rest to locate churches and other places where poor people could be taught to read and write well enough to register to vote. They were arrested in Philadelphia, Mississippi and released from jail late at night, then taken into the woods and shot to death by a group of men, including the deputy sheriff who had arrested them. Buried in an earthen dam, their bodies were not discovered until weeks later.

Black people had disappeared many times before without provoking a public response. But this time the three who went missing were a mixed-race group, and a wave of public alarm spread across the country at news of its disappearance. Young people in particular felt an urge to do something.

The day Kozol was supposed to enroll in graduate school at Cambridge, he got in his car and drove to South Boston instead. Entering a black church, he asked the minister, “May I be of use?” The minister replied, “Yes, you can, young man,” and congratulated him for realizing that one did not need to go all the way to Mississippi to find black people who needed his help. He told Kozol he could help black children learn to read right there in Boston.

Kozol worked briefly as a volunteer tutor in the church program and then applied to be a substitute teacher in Boston, a move his father cautioned him was a waste of his Rhodes Scholarship. His first assignment was a fourth grade class of thirty-five students (two-thirds black) that had had a string of substitutes all year, and studied in the corner of an auditorium, as there were not enough classrooms to go around.2

Kozol quickly discovered that his students were far short of where they were supposed to be academically: nearly a third of the class read two years behind grade level, and on the first math test, the class average was 36%.3 And the children were frankly wary of Kozol, wondering if he, too, would soon abandon them like all the other teachers had.

One shy student began mumbling to himself and was sent to the assistant principal in the school basement, who beat him with a bamboo whip.* Kozol’s colleagues told him to go to the teacher supply store and get his own whip. He went, and verified that whips were indeed a classroom management tool available for purchase right next to the blackboard pointers. A fellow-teacher instructed him on how to properly use one: “Leave it (the whip) overnight in vinegar or water if you want it to really sting the hands.”

The cruelty was more than a perverse professional duty. Kozol wrote that there were times when “the visible glint of gratification becomes undeniable” in the eyes of the teacher using the whip, as it undoubtedly also had in the eyes of slave-masters down through the generations.4 (Sadly, over sixty years later Kozol reports that physical beatings continue in many states.)5

In spite of the shockingly common physical and psychological abuse, Kozol learned that he was expected to pretend that everything was fine at the school.

“You children should thank God and feel blessed with good luck for all you’ve got,” his colleagues preached. “There are so many little children in the world who have been given so much less.”

Kozol jotted in his notes why the claim was preposterous: “The books are junk, the paint peels, the cellar stinks, the teachers call you nigger, and the windows fall in on your heads,” the latter a reference to a window that fell out of its rotting frame while he was teaching one day, and which Kozol quickly grabbed, a heads-up reaction that “very possibly preserved the original shapes of half a dozen of their heads,” he wrote later.6

Given such conditions, the children were naturally distrustful, and it took Kozol until spring to win them over. Eager to spark their interest in anything, it occurred to him that there was nothing relevant to their lives in the boring textbook he had been assigned to teach from. Almost all the faces shown in the book were white, a monotony broken only occasionally by a lightly tan face.

Determined to find some way to engage the students, he went to the Cambridge library and checked out a book of poems by Langston Hughes and brought it to class. He read several of the poems aloud, including “Ballad of the Landlord,” a defiant verse depicting slum conditions with raw honesty. In response, a girl Kozol had been unable to reach all year, promptly got up from her seat, walked almost the entire perimeter of the classroom to arrive where Kozol was, then gently caressed his shoulder and said, “Thank you,” before asking him if she could borrow the book overnight. That night, the girl memorized the poem, came back to class the next day and recited it to her classmates, reducing them to tears.

A day after that, Kozol was unceremoniously fired, an event that made headlines in the Boston Globe – “Rhodes Scholar fired!” He was not even allowed to say goodbye to his students. The cause of termination was “curriculum deviation,” as Langston Hughes was considered “inappropriate” material for fourth grade students, and “Ballad of the Landlord” was not on the approved list of poems.

“No poetry that described suffering was felt to be suitable,” Kozol wrote later, nor was “Negro dialect” considered appropriate in an English class.7 A school official told Kozol that his offense was so serious that he would never again be hired to teach in a Boston public school.

The parents of Kozol’s students were outraged, partly out of loyalty to him, but also because of the Langston Hughes incident. They and Kozol founded a Free School the following year, run by the mothers, with Kozol as head teacher.

Kozol’s next public school position was in Newton, an attractive suburb where many of his new colleagues were fine teachers directed by an accomplished principal, and all enjoyed much more attractive physical surroundings than anything he had seen in Roxbury. Still, Kozol missed the depth of involvement he had experienced his first year, and found he wanted to return to Roxbury. So in 1965 he moved there, describing his new neighborhood a decade later in the pages of The Night Is Dark and I Am Far from Home:

“Twenty thousand people live here. With the exception of two redeveloped and well-demarcated sections of the district, most of the residents are Puerto Rican, black, poor-white, Chinese or Lebanese. In one direction or another, it encompasses approximately fifty square blocks. Many buildings have been boarded up; some are still partly occupied, one or two families camping out in partly heated rooms. There are many broken-down rooming houses, crumbling brownstones, urine-smelling city welfare-projects. In the alleyways and on the fringes of this neighborhood there are large numbers of poor derelicts; solitary men and penniless old women, dozens of whom die along the sidewalks or between the cars each winter, two thousand heroin addicts and four thousand homeless men, many of them alcoholics who live on the cheapest brand of sweet wine. The largest numbers, though, are neither derelicts nor alcoholics. They are the poor, the black, the undefended.”8

In surroundings such as these, Kozol could not avoid a constant and painful confrontation between his own class background and that of the mass of poor people who lived all around him. It took all of his considerable literary talent to describe this loss of innocence, but he did so brilliantly, as in this haunting passage:

“BOSTON, BLUE HILL AVENUE, TEN DAYS BEFORE CHRISTMAS: A child falls down in the middle of Grove Hall. She is epileptic, but her sickness either has not yet been diagnosed or else (more probable) it has been diagnosed, but never treated. Tall and thin, fourteen years old, she is intense and sober, devastated but unhating. Her life is a staccato sequence of grand mal convulsions: no money, no assistance, no advice on how to get a refill of expensive script for more Dilantin and more phenobarbital.

“This night, she comes downstairs into the office where I work within the coat-room underneath the church-stairs of a Free School: standing there and asking me please if I would close the door and hold her head within my arms because she knows that she is going to have an epileptic seizure; and closing the door and sitting down upon the cold cement while she lies down and places her head within my arms and starts to shudder violently and moves about so that I scarcely can protect her wracked and thin young body from the cement wall and from the concrete floor; and seeing her mouth writhe up with pain and spittle, and feeling her thrash about a second time and now a third; and, in between, the terror closing in upon her as in a child’s bad dream that you can’t get out of, and watching her then, and wondering what she undergoes; and later seeing her, exhausted, sleeping there, right in my arms, as at the end of long ordeal, all passion in her spent; then taking her out into my car and driving with her to the City Hospital while she, as epileptics very often feel, keeps saying that she is going to have another seizure; and slamming on the brakes and walking with her in the back door where they receive out-patient cases, and being confronted on this winter night at nine P.M. in Boston in the year of 1965 with a scene that comes from Dante’s Purgatory: dozens and dozens of poor white, black and Puerto Rican people, infants and mothers, old men, alcoholics, men with hands wrapped up in gauze, and aged people trembling, infants trembling with fever; one hostile woman in white uniform behind the table telling us, out of a face made, as it seems, of clay, that we should fill an application out, some sort of form, a small white sheet, then sit out in the hallway since the waiting room is full; and then to try to say this child has just had several seizures in a row and needs treatment, and do we need to do the form; and yes, of course you need to do the form and wait your turn and not think you have any special right to come ahead of someone else who has been sitting here before you.

“Two hours and four seizures later, you get up and go in and shout in her cold eyes and walk right by and grab an intern and tell him to come out and be a doctor to an epileptic child sitting like a damp rag in the hallway; and he comes out, and in two minutes gives this child an injection that arrests the seizures and sedates her, then writes the script for more Dilantin and for phenobarbitol and shakes his head and says to you that it’s a damn shame: ‘Nobody needs to have en epileptic seizure in this day and age . . . Nobody but a poor black nigger,’ says the intern in a sudden instant of that rage that truth and decency create. He nearly cries, and in his eyes you see a kind of burning pain that tells you that he is a good man somehow, deep-down, someplace where it isn’t all cold stone, clean surgery and antiseptic reason: ‘Nobody but a poor black nigger needs to have an epileptic seizure anymore.’

“So you take her home and you go back to the church, down to the office beneath the stairs, and look at the floor, and listen to the silence, and you are twenty-eight years old, and you begin to cry; you cry for horror of what that young girl has just been through; and you long not to believe that this can be the city that you really live in. You fight very hard to lock up that idea because it threatens all the things that you have wanted to believe for so long; so you sit alone a while and you try to lock these bitter passions into secret spaces of your self-control. You try to decontaminate your anger and to organize your rage; but you can’t do it this time; you just can’t build that barrier of logical control a second time. It’s eleven o’clock now, and soon it’s quarter of twelve; and it’s cold as stone down here beneath the wooden underside of the church-stairs, and still you can’t stop trembling. Grand mal, you think to yourself, means a great evil; it’s twelve-fifteen and now you are no longer crying so you get up and you lock the door of the coat-closet which is the office of a Free School underneath the church-stairs; and you go up the stairs and turn out the light and then you close the door.”9

Kozol stayed in Roxbury long term, honoring the loyalties he had formed in his first teaching year, and continuing what would become a life-long battle against poverty and educational apartheid. In fact, he formed loyalties wherever he could find them in the struggle against such evils, in the 1970s even traveling to Cuba to learn about the island’s astonishing success in its 1961 literacy campaign, which reduced Cuban illiteracy to under five percent in nine months, while the Latin American median remained 32.5%.10 An appreciative Kozol commented: “Cuba’s triumph in the eradication of illiteracy . . . exceeded anything that has to this day been achieved by any other nation in the world.”11

The means employed were as impressive as the outcome. Thousands of Cuban children spent most of a year risking their lives and working like demons while living on six hours sleep a night in the same houses and sometimes even the same rooms as some of the poorest peasants in the country, their hammocks slung above dirt floors. This remarkable story Kozol published in “Children of the Revolution – A Yankee Teacher In The Cuban Schools” in 1978.

“Cuba had been weakened for centuries,” he wrote, “by the isolation of the peasants and the consequent inability of urban students to identify with rural poverty and exploitation.” Building a sense of solidarity between these two groups was both a goal and consequence of the literacy campaign.12

As he did in all his works, Kozol sought out usually unheard voices and let them speak for themselves. One of those he spoke to in Cuba was Armando Valdez, a twelve-year-old “teacher” who participated in the literacy campaign and later became a member of the Cuban foreign service: “I never could have known that people lived in such conditions,” Valdez told him. “I was the child of an educated, comfortable family. Those months, for me, were like the stories I have heard about conversion to a new religion. It was, for me, the dying of an old life, and the start of something absolutely new. I cried, although I had been taught men must not cry, when I first saw the desperation of those people – people who had so little . . . No, they did not have ‘so little,’ they had nothing!”13

Contrast this painful but valuable insight with Kozol’s remarkable description of how the vast majority of Americans are trained to never see poverty at all:

There is one city in North Africa I know which never has found its way into the textbooks issued to the children in the U.S. schools. It is a city that has, for several decades, been a diplomatic colony – almost a military outpost – of the U.S. government. Each morning, U.S. diplomats and businessmen and military attaches, their wives and children come out from the hotel doorway and proceed across the city square. Outside the hotel, in a long, long line of silence, patience and despair, are dozens of very old and often crippled people, wrapped all in white, the women in white veils as well, and often with a quite small child standing at the side of mother or grandfather.

At eight A.M., as the sun comes up above the city square, the oldest people will be standing straight with palm outstretched before them, the other hand resting gently on the child’s head, the child’s palm outstretched as well. By twelve o’clock, the oldest people start to bend somewhat, forehead declined beneath the heat of noon, eyes closing slightly. By night, the old, old people are asleep, or half-asleep, asleep in pain, in fixed and frightening immobility there against the long white silence of the wall beneath the evening heat.

The Americans pass, and pass again, as they go to and fro in crisp bright jackets, seersucker and cord, attractive people, clever and adept, graceful and well-tailored in the modulation of their own compassionate reactions. Children at times will pull their mother’s or their father’s arm, or cry, or shudder, or in other ways react to what they see. Mother is cool and calm, well-bred and cleanly limbed and neatly dressed for travel. Father is concerned about his government assignment or his business plans.

At midnight often, when the hotel guests return from various places they have been, voices shrill and bright with good delight and memory of fine colonial service in some French or British club, the old blind beggars have fallen down the full length of the wall, unspeaking, uncomplaining and, but for the slow decline along that wall, unmoving since the dawn. Crouched, huddled now, stooped over, bent in one white triangle of silence, anaesthesia and oblivion, the beggar slumbers at the bottom of the day’s long journey downward while infant, borrowed companion or grandchild sleeps as well, curled up against the older person’s side, sores on forehead, scars and scabs and growths all over legs and arms, feet filthy, small toes bare, but hand still open, outstretched still, with palm still pleading even in the sleep of midnight on this silent street, where only the attractive young Americans from New York or from San Francisco might still chance to come by once, and shudder once, then to move on to customary and appropriate places of refined and air-conditioned slumber.

The child, unsophisticated, cries or questions. His parents, better instructed in the disciplines of North American adulthood, know well by know how to control their sense of unrest and to keep on with the evening’s pleasure. If they ever stop to think about this street of misery at all, it might be only to persuade themselves that what they see before them is, in some way, spurious or inauthentic: a trick to fool the heart or to subvert the mind. In any event, they can assure themselves that grief and pain of this variety and on this scale are unrelated to the world of glass and steel in which they work and dwell.

At worst, it is a matter of marginally perceived despair that is permitted to exist somehow within the same world as seersucker and fresh linen. Connections there are none: causations there are not any. They are Americans: rich, fortunate, well-educated, skillful. These others in the white veils are, admittedly, real people, but not rich, or fortunate, well-educated, skillful. Clean steel edges in the secret places of the well-indoctrinated brain have drawn explicit demarcations. Things break down into acceptable divisions. They are, indeed, well-educated: trained and schooled to logical postures of oblivion and acceptable self-interest. They live in one world: the starving beggars and their desperate children in another. It is a property of reason, of good sense and civilized adulthood, both to respect and understand the space that stands between. 14

Such obliviousness leads to schizophrenic social policy praising civil rights leaders (in our better moments) while perpetuating an informal segregation not all that different from the Jim Crow version they achieved their fame opposing.  Schools named after champions of integration like Martin Luther King, Rosa Parks, and Thurgood Marshall, Kozol has pointed out for years, invariably denote failing, segregated schools housed in old, filthy, ugly, often rat-infested buildings with the largest class sizes, the lowest funding, the highest turnover of teachers, and the worst outcomes, including the lowest graduation rates.

A 14-year-old East St. Louis girl Kozol talked to for his book Savage Inequalities told him that it seemed like a “terrible joke” was being played on history: “Every year in February we are told to read the same old speech of Martin Luther King. We read it every year . . . We have a school in East St. Louis named for Dr. King. The school is full of sewer water and the doors are locked with chains. Every student in that school is black.”15 Very seldom, comments Kozol, does any member of the capitalist press point out the dark irony in this glaring feature of our “equal opportunity” society.

At the other end of the spectrum are wealthy white kids, who, Kozol has often noted, tend to lose their verbal competence and stumble when serious questions of poverty, inequality, and injustice are on the table for discussion. As long as such topics are treated superficially, as though they were an abstract consideration instead of a matter of humanity and conscience, such students remain clever and adept at expressing their views, which are often glazed over with a “What’s in it for us?” cynicism. Kozol warns that such self-interested competence may have been won by sacrificing access to the deepest and perhaps most valuable parts of their being: “The verbal competence they have acquired here may have been gained by building walls around some regions of the heart,” he says.16

No such walling oneself off from pain is possible for poor people. When Kozol once asked an 11-year-old girl in the South Bronx how AIDS orphans handle their ordeal, she replied softly, but without hesitation: “They cry. They suffer. People die. They pray.”17

James Baldwin once noted that the U.S. originally needed black people “for labor and for sport,” but that, “now they can’t get rid of us.” The urge to be rid of the “problem” of race relations by warehousing black and brown bodies in ghettoes far from affluent areas puts the exploitation well out of sight and completely out of mind, a great convenience for a capitalist social order that does not want to be reminded of the cost of making profit the only goal that counts. A 16-year-old girl Kozol spoke to in the South Bronx for his book Amazing Grace said she thought white people would actually feel relieved if all the poor people died or somehow vanished. Another teenager ventured his opinion that the hideous conditions of the ghetto might even be viewed optimistically by whites, in hopes that,”maybe they’ll kill each other off.”18

“A sense of justified and prophetic rage,” says Kozol, is voiced freely by Harlem kids, but never by the press, which prefers to refer to “racial sensitivities” and “racial tensions,” but not exploitation and injustice.19 In this, the kids are more straightforward than the journalists, who know that successful careers are not built on exposing official lies about American apartheid.

Ironically, Kozol never had children of his own, though his love for them is palpable and he has spent his life among the most vulnerable of them. Some of those he befriended years ago who survived the ordeal he writes so eloquently about, today help him out in his old age, undoubtedly a great blessing for a man who turns ninety in September. Meanwhile, Kozol will publish one final book – We Shall Not Bow Down – later this month.

This is what solidarity looks like – not slogans or ideological fights – but sensible people banding together and solving their common problems with courage and intelligence. As poverty widens amidst capitalism’s ever-accelerating barbarism, few lessons seem quite so important to remember.

*A quarter-century after publishing Death At An Early Age, Kozol provided an update on this boy in Savage Inequalities, who was an eight-year old orphan in 1965. Never given psychiatric care or counseling, he was repeatedly whipped. He had one delightful talent – drawing pictures – which the art teacher at the school shredded in front of the class while saying, “he muddies his pants.” In response, the humiliated boy stabbed a pencil point into his hand. Seven years later he was an alcoholic living on the streets, demonically laughing at passersby. Three years after that he was in jail, his face “scarred and ugly,” Kozol wrote, his head marked with jagged lines where it had been badly stitched together after being shattered by a baseball bat. He was serving a 20-year sentence for murder.

Footnotes 

1Jonathan Kozol, “Letters To A Young Teacher,” (Crown, 2007) p. 61

2Jonathan Kozol, “Death At An Early Age,” (Bantam, 1967) p. 29

3Kozol, ibid, p. 190

4Kozol, ibid, p. 18

5Jonathan Kozol, “An End To Inequality,” (New Press, 2024) pps. xiv, 35-39

6Jonathan Kozol, “Death At An Early Age,” (Bantam, 1967) pps. 32-3

7Kozol, ibid, p. 202

8Jonathan Kozol, “The Night Is Dark And I Am Far From Home,” (Continuum, 1975) p. 41

9Kozol, ibid, pps. 59-61

10Jonathan Kozol, “Children of the Revolution,” (Delacorte Press, 1978) p. 54

11Kozol, ibid, p. 49

12Kozol, ibid, p. 22

13Kozol, ibid, p. 22

14Jonathan Kozol, “The Night Is Dark And I Am Far From Home,” (Continuum, 1975) pps. 36-7

15Jonathan Kozol, “Savage Inequalities,” (Crown, 1991) pps. 34-5

16Kozol, ibid, p. 127

17Jonathan Kozol, “Amazing Grace,” (Crown, 1995) p. 131

18Kozol, ibid, p. 40

19Kozol, ibid, p. 42

Sources

Jonathan Kozol, “The Restoration of Apartheid Schooling in America,” Portland Oregon, September 30, 2005

Source: “Social Justice In Education with Jonathan Kozol,” DePaul College of Education, November 7, 2017

“Beyond Divides: A Conversation With Author Jonathan Kozol,” www.appleseednetwork.org April 24, 2024

Jonathan Kozol, “Death At An Early Age,” (Bantam, 1967)

Jonathan Kozol, “The Night Is Dark and I Am Far From Home,” (Continuum, 1975)

Jonathan Kozol, “An End To Inequality,” (New Press, 2024)

Jonathan Kozol, “Children of the Revolution,” (Delacorte Press, 1978)

Jonathan Kozol, “Savage Inequalities,” (Crown, 1991)

Jonathan Kozol, “Letters To A Young Teacher,” (Crown, 2007)

Jonathan Kozol, “Amazing Grace,” (Crown, 1995)

Michael K. Smith is the author of  The Madness of King George, and Portraits of Empire

How effective is France’s fight against racial discrimination?

"Racism is not an opinion, it’s a criminal offence."


Recent comments on a television programme comparing a newly elected black mayor to a monkey and a tribal chief have reignited the debate over what critics call France's failure to tackle mounting racism in the country.


Issued on: 04/04/2026 - RFI

A woman holds up a banner reading "My colour isn't a threat" during an anti-racism demonstration in Marseille. 
SOPA Images/LightRocket via Gett - SOPA Images

By: Alison Hird with RFI


Bally Bagayoko, of the far-left France Unbowed (LFI) party, has been subjected to racist comments both on and off screen since he was elected mayor of the multi-cultural Paris suburb of Saint-Denis two weeks ago.

The town hall’s switchboard operators say they are receiving five or six calls a day with racist questions such as "is this the town hall for Arabs and blacks?", according to the head of the department Kelly Kidou.

"They’re not necessarily anonymous calls – people feel sufficiently emboldened that they don’t even bother to hide their numbers," she told Franceinfo public radio.

Racist insults targeting public officials, including town hall staff, are punishable under French law by up to five years in prison and a €75,000 fine.

Bagayoko has promised to "create the conditions to be able to bring the perpetrators to justice" – not least because staff at the town hall reflect the area's ethnic diversity.

Born in France to Malian parents, Bagayoko has filed a criminal complaint against the CNews TV channel, after it broadcast interviews in which guests drew analogies involving monkeys, apes and tribal chiefs.

Paris prosecutors too have opened an investigation into "public insults of a racist nature" over some of the remarks, with a separate probe opened into racist abuse the mayor received on social media platform X following the CNews broadcast.

The channel has said the remarks were 'taken out of context" and “deliberately distorted” and the contributor concerned has denied racist intent.

But the Bagayoko case has once again prompted questions about the effectiveness of France’s efforts to combat discrimination.

Official figures show more than 16,400 racist, xenophobic or anti-religious offences were recorded in France in 2025, including 9,700 crimes and misdemeanours – a 5 percent increase on the previous year.
'Old colonial fears'

“We’re seeing the expression of a form of racism that has become increasingly overt in recent months,” says Dominique Sopo, president of anti-racism organisation SOS Racisme, pointing to “levels of expression we thought had almost disappeared”.

Bagayoko has come under attack in large part due to his position as a figure of authority, Sopo says.

"It’s not just someone who happens to be seen as black – he's a black person in a position of power. And that’s what upsets people."

Bagayoko has spoken publicly about discrimination and police violence and plans to gradually disarm the municipal police. This has led to him becoming the focus of a "highly fantasised narrative", according to Sopo.

"He's seen as embodying a threatening 'mass', echoing old colonial fears," he notes, adding that such narratives are no longer confined to the far right but are being "picked up in mainstream media, treated almost as plausible, which reveals a deeply ingrained racist imagination".

The Movement Against Racism and for Friendship Between Peoples (MRAP) has also filed an official complaint against CNews. Its co-president, lawyer Kaltoum Gachi, says the case shows "the normalisation of racist expression" which "no longer has limits".

In addition to the targeting of elected officials, she points to a recent wave of racist abuse directed at a newborn child named Zaïd at the start of the year, who was described in online posts as a "terrorist migrant" and a "delinquent".

"It shows how widespread and unchecked racism has become," said Gachi.

Bally Bagayoko is seen as a threat, says Dominique Sopo. AFP - JULIEN DE ROSA

Broad legislation

France has extensive legislation criminalising racial hatred and discrimination. Victims can pursue cases through both criminal courts and civil proceedings, depending on whether the racial insults were made in public or in private.

Public incitement to racial hatred, racial defamation and racial insult are crimes punishable under a 1972 law by up to a year in prison and a €45,000 fine.

In 2013, Sophie Leclere, a candidate with the far-right National Front (now the National Rally) was convicted of public racial insult and sentenced to nine months in jail, five years ineligibility to run for public office and a €50,000 fine after sh published a Facebook post comparing black MP Christiane Taubira to an ape.

The sentence was reduced on appeal to a €3,000 fine and a suspended sentence. Leclere was sacked from the party.

Protection from racial discrimination in employment, services and housing is enshrined in both the French penal code and European Union directives, by which France is bound.

Meanwhile, the country's broadcasting regulator Arcom has the power to fine broadcasters, suspend programmes or withdraw broadcasting licences altogether.

It has levied fines of up to €75,000 against CNews. Sopo describes the channel – owned by right-wing billionaire Vincent Bolloré – as "structurally and deliberately working to legitimise racism".

Ambition without action

In 2023, France launched a national anti-discrimination plan, targeting racism, anti-Semitism and discrimination linked to a person's origins – the first time racial discrimination was explicitly framed as a priority in public policy.

The plan includes measures centred on training and raising awareness across public and private institutions.

Patrick Simon, a socio-demographer at the National Institute for Demographic Studies, said the 2023 plan "had ambitions", but added that while training and information are important, they "are not actions that directly transform practices".

He notes that the plan lacks tools, such as sanctions, and monitoring mechanisms to give it teeth.

MRAP contributed to the plan, and its co-president Gachi admits that while it "looked ambitious on paper, in practice it delivered very little".

"There's a clear gap between political rhetoric and concrete action, and that raises serious questions about real political will," she said.

Simon points to deeper, longer-standing structural issues too.

"Policies tackling discrimination based on origin have been stagnating for more than 20 years, unlike those addressing gender or disability," he says.

Part of the explanation for this, he says, lies in France's refusal to recognise ethnic minorities as legal groups, in line with its universalist principles – making discrimination tied to those origins harder to measure, let alone address.

"There are between zero and 10 criminal convictions for racial discrimination per year, across all sectors,"says Sopo. "That says it all."

'Racism is not an opinion'


Calling for more decisive intervention within institutions – employers, housing agencies, public services – where racial discrimination occurs, Simon says training initiatives alone are unlikely to tackle racism.

"You have to act on the mechanisms, the decision-making chains. Frankly, I'm not very optimistic."

He also warns that growing numbers of non-white individuals in positions of power is itself generating a backlash that is "likely to intensify".

France has introduced quotas in the workplace regarding gender and disability, but its constitution forbids a quota system for hiring people from ethnic minorities.

Gachi is not convinced quotas are part of the solution. "The priority is to enforce existing laws more effectively," she says. "Racism is not an opinion, it’s a criminal offence. The law must be applied and prosecutors must take up these cases."

This article is based on interviews from RFI's Débat du Jour programme.

'We are all connected': France hosts summit linking health and environment


The One Health summit, being held over two days in Lyon, brings together scientists and decision-makers to find integrated solutions to issues connecting health and the environment.


Issued on: 07/04/2026 - RFI

The World Health Organization is participating in the One Health summit being held in Lyon, France. 
REUTERS - Denis Balibouse

"If we want to sustainably improve human health, we must improve the health of our planet," the Élysée Palace said ahead of the event, which opened on Monday, marking World Health Day.

Since 2017, President Emmanuel Macron has organised One Planet summits to address environmental issues at an international level. This is the first dedicated to health-related topics.

Macron will participate in a meeting on "reforming the global health architecture" with the World Health Organization (WHO), and will address the summit on Tuesday afternoon.

The agenda has three main themes: to improve international cooperation and the sharing of data and research; to combat infectious diseases of animal origin, brought to the fore by the Covid-19 pandemic, and to focus on combating diseases to which the lived environment can contribute, such as diabetes and cardiovascular problems.

The leaders of Botswana, Cambodia, Ghana and Mongolia are in attendance, alongside ministers from some 20 countries who will participate in themed discussions on Tuesday.

'A vicious cycle that exhausts bodies and minds': the human cost of climate change

"By bringing together all disciplines and areas of expertise, we have laid the foundations for a truly integrated approach to health, capable of meeting contemporary health challenges," French Minister of Research, Philippe Baptiste, said in a statement.

Sylvie Briand, chief scientist at the WHO, told RFI that human health is intimately tied to the health of animals, plants and the environment, saying: "We are all connected."

According to the WHO, three-quarters of infectious diseases that affect humans – including Covid-19, Ebola and Mpox – now come from wild animals.

While this phenomenon has always existed, it has increased in recent years. Briand says this is in part due to changing lifestyles and mobility, with more opportunities for infections to spread in urban contexts.

Viruses such as Covid-19 have also learned to adapt to their human hosts, making contagion all the more likely, she said.
Funding deficit

Another key topic being addressed by the summit is the overuse of antibiotics, in both humans and animals.

According to veterinarian and epidemiologist François Moutou, formerly of the French Agency for Food, Environmental and Occupational Health & Safety, the message to doctors should be to "prescribe antibiotics when necessary and not indiscriminately".

By lowering consumption of antibiotics for farm animals, "we lower the risk of developing new resistant bacteria and this is in the public interest," he added.

WHO members reach accord 'in principle' over how to tackle future pandemics

The primary challenge for the One Health summit is funding, which has decreased around the world in recent years – most notably from the United States, which has withdrawn support for the WHO under President Donald Trump.

The Élysée Palace said: "The budgetary context is very complicated... [but] this summit is not at all inconsistent. Politically, we are here. Financially, we are trying to continue to be here."

With newswires and partially adapted from the original version in French.

 

AI, drones, quantum: the EU’s new AGILE plan targets future warfare

An anti-air interceptor drone designed to destroy Russian attack drones from the Ukrainian company General Cherry is seen during a demonstration in Kyiv region,
Copyright AP Photo/Efrem Lukatsky


By Elisabeth Heinz & Leticia Batista Cabanas
Published on 

The Iran war has become the ultimate testbed for next-generation military technology. Russia’s war on Ukraine laid bare the deadly cost of obsolete arsenals. Artificial Intelligence, drone swarms, and precision systems dictate the outcome of conflicts. Technology is now the battlefield.

Facing growing vulnerability, the European Union wants to step up efforts to keep pace with the evolving landscape of war technology. Brussels is pushing to accelerate the leap from research labs to real-world deployment, demanding faster, more flexible innovation to confront a new era of security threats.

The newest proposal, the Programme for Agile and Rapid Defence Innovation (AGILE), would invest €115 million in disruptive defence technologies like AI, quantum technologies, and drones. If adopted, it would mark a clear break from the EU’s slow defence funding model by prioritising speed, risk-taking and rapid deployment of new technologies.

The EU has poured resources into the European Defence Fund and satellite systems for secure communications and Earth observation. Yet these efforts have fallen short, dismissed as too slow and too rigid for the demands of modern warfare.

Average timeline for European defense startups

What is AGILE?

Proposed in March 2026 by the European Commission, AGILE is a fast-track funding tool to move defence technologies from development to deployment way faster than existing EU programs.

Under its current form, it will finance projects that are already relatively advanced, focusing on technologies that can be tested, validated and used by armed forces within one to three years. For example, mission-driven AI systems for military decision-making, situational awareness, or autonomous systems, or projects involving quantum computing. It will also support projects dealing with advanced robotics and drones.

The program promises to finance both the technical development phase and the transition to real-world use, including prototyping, field testing and initial production. It will introduce shorter application and evaluation timelines, with funding decisions expected within months rather than years.

Unlike traditional EU schemes, it allows single companies to apply, removing the requirement to form large multinational consortia. Funding can cover up to 100% of eligible costs, reducing financial risk for companies. It also allows retroactive funding, meaning companies can be reimbursed for work already carried out.

AGILE is expected to allocate at least €115 million in its initial pilot phase, for around 20 to 30 projects. Individual projects are likely to receive between €1 million and €5 million, depending on their scope and maturity. The funding will come directly from the EU budget.

The primary targets are startups, SMEs and scale-ups working on dual-use or defence technologies. These companies will have faster funding cycles, reduced administrative burden and a clearer path from product to market. But larger defence companies may also benefit indirectly, by integrating these innovations into their systems or partnering with smaller firms. Meanwhile, armed forces in EU member states are expected to gain earlier access to new capabilities, improving operational readiness.

For EU citizens, the impact is indirect; it includes stronger security, increased technological sovereignty and new economic opportunities in high-tech sectors such as AI, robotics and space.

The programme still requires approval by the European Parliament and the Council before it can be formally launched. If adopted, the initial proposal calls are expected to begin around 2027, with funded projects starting shortly after.

AGILE joins previous initiatives like the European Defence Fund and the EU Defence Innovation Scheme to support innovation. These programmes helped fund research and collaborative projects across member states. However, they were largely focused on long-term development and large consortia and have been criticised for being too slow and complex to support rapid, high-risk innovation.

Urgent need for agile SMEs

There is a mismatch between the speed of technological change and the pace of EU defence systems. In the war between Iran and the US, for example, low-cost drones are redesigned and redeployed in a matter of weeks. Meanwhile, AI-driven targeting and cyber tools are updated continuously on the battlefield (like Iran’s drone swarms at Kuwait International Airport, or the US’ AI-focused ‘Project Maven’).

By contrast, traditional European procurement and funding processes can take several years from approval to deployment. This creates a gap where technologies exist but are not delivered in time to be operationally relevant.

Many of these innovations come from startups and SMEs, which often lack the resources or administrative capacity to navigate complex EU funding schemes. As a result, solutions stall, are commercialised elsewhere, or fail to reach defence users altogether.

One case was the Eurodrone (MALE RPAS) project, a joint effort by Germany, France, Italy, and Spain. Originally conceived in 2014, it was a twin-turboprop, medium-altitude, long-endurance drone intended to revolutionise the military sector. However, it faced so many delays that it is now scheduled for a 2031 release.

The Chief of Staff of the French Air and Space Force recently described it as "yesterday's drone that we can get tomorrow". Subsequently, France formally notified partners of its intent to withdraw from the programme in October 2025.

Because of these delays, European nations must rely on American MQ-9 Reapers and Israeli Herons, remaining dependent on outdated technologies while adversaries move forward with faster innovation cycles. This allows other global powers, like China and the US, to set the pace in key areas, including AI, cyber, and autonomous systems.

Funding secured and its uses by firm size

How has the EU boosted defence innovation so far?

ReArm Europe and the EU Defence Industry Transformation Roadmap are the bloc's 2025 flagships towards defence innovation and autonomy by 2030. Over €800 billion will accelerate time-to-market, boost scale-ups and empower new defence innovators for a borderless, more responsive EU defence market.

The European Defence Fund (EDF) is the EU’s primary innovation plan. It supports companies with €7.3 billion in funding for 2021-2027 to develop disruptive defence technologies. €2.7 billion is allocated to research and development (R&D) for defence capabilities, while €5.3 billion is allocated to skills development.

Grants target critical future military domains, such as AI, cyber, space defence, and drone systems. For 2026, the Commission mobilised €1 billion for R&D in specific defence equipment: endo-atmospheric interceptors, battle tanks, multiple rocket launchers, and semi-autonomous vessels.

With €1.5 billion for 2025-2027, the 2025 European Defence Innovation Scheme (EUDIS) lowers entry barriers into the defence market for smaller innovators and SMEs. It finances a new generation of defence companies, supporting them throughout their life cycle until they become key players in defence innovation.

Between 2026 and 2027, the European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP) allocates €1.5 billion to member states’ defence procurement cooperation, manufacturing skills, and production gaps. EDIP also supports Ukraine’s defence industry with an additional €300 million.

The Defence Equity Facility (DEF) allocates €500 million to the private fund ecosystem investing in European companies developing defence innovations. It targets venture capital, private equity funds and private debt funds.

The 2025 Security Action for Europe (SAFE) mobilises €150 billion in loans to boost member states’ defence readiness. By scaling up joint procurement capability, the plan acts as a temporary emergency financial support for the national defence bases.

The European Defence Agency (EDA) supports the Commission's goals through the Hub for European Defence Innovation (HEDI). It translates defence innovation from the lab to the field, accelerating cooperation among member states.

Investments are growing, but the EU is still lagging behind

Member states’ defence R&D rose from 6 per cent in 2023 to 20 per cent in 2024, reaching €13 billion. Investments increased by an additional €4 billion in 2025, according to ongoing EDA estimates.

Likewise, defence research and technology (R&T) investments hit €5 billion in 2024, up from €3 billion in 2023.

Latest EU Commission data show that between 2021 and 2024, the EDF has funded an average of around 60 research and development defence projects per year, with a record of 62 in 2024.

Among the fund’s categories covering key defence domains, “Innovation and SMEs” has received the most investment since 2021. Member states with the largest defence base markets dominated EDF projects.

Leading European research institutes, universities, government bodies, and major national defence industries benefited the most from EDF investments. France was the frontrunner with 167 eligible entities, followed by 144 German, 139 Italian, and 130 Spanish entities. Slovakia and Croatia registered only 9 entities. France, Spain, Greece and Italy coordinated most of the projects.

Despite the growing trend in member states’ defence R&D, the US and China still outpace Europe.

Research, Development, Test, and Evaluation (RDT&E) represent 16% of the US defence budget, compared to 4% in the EU. In 2024, US RDT&E hit €138 billion, registering a 2 per cent decrease in nominal terms in 2025. Between 2023 and 2024, China’s estimated defence R&D spending reached $44 billion, with a focus on AI, hypersonic, and quantum tech.

 

Over 180 dead or missing in Mediterranean in last 10 days, UN migration agency says

Italian Coast Guard rescue boat at dock in the southern island of Lampedusa, disembarks those rescued from a dinghy at about 80 nautical miles from Lampedusa, 1 April 2026
Copyright AP Photo


By Gavin Blackburn
Published on 


The IOM has previously highlighted the Central Mediterranean as the deadliest migration corridor in the world.

More than 180 people are feared dead or missing in shipwrecks in the Mediterranean since 28 March, the United Nations said on Tuesday, with nearly 1,000 deaths tallied since the start of 2026.

The UN's International Organisation for Migration (IOM) said that so far this year, around 765 people had died in the Central Mediterranean, an increase of over 150% compared with the same period last year.

And "across the Mediterranean as a whole, at least 990 deaths have been recorded in 2026," the IOM said, adding that it was "one of the deadliest starts to a year since 2014," when it began collecting this data.

The agency said that since 28 March alone, at least 181 people had died or gone missing in five separate shipwrecks.

In the latest incident on Sunday, the agency said more than 80 migrants had gone missing when their boat capsized in the Central Mediterranean after departing from Tajoura in Libya, with around 120 people on board.

"The vessel took on water in rough weather before overturning," the IOM said.

Thirty-two survivors were rescued by a merchant vessel and a tugboat and later brought to Lampedusa by the Italian coastguard, it said, adding that two bodies had been recovered.

In an earlier shipwreck on 1 April, at least 19 migrants were found dead aboard a vessel off Lampedusa, the agency said, adding that 58 people, including women and children, had been rescued, with several in critical condition.

Survivors said that boat had left Zuara in Libya overnight between 28-29 March.

"After three days at sea, the vessel was left adrift due to engine failure, fuel shortages and lack of food as weather conditions deteriorated," the IOM said, adding that initial testimonies indicated "many victims died before rescue operations, possibly due to hypothermia."

Also on 1 April, at least 19 other migrants died in the Aegean Sea near Bodrum in Turkey, after a rubber boat capsized en route to Greece, the agency said, adding that "several" people had been rescued.

The IOM also listed a shipwreck on 30 March near Sfax in Tunisia that left 19 dead and around 20 missing, and another on 28 March, in which at least 22 people died off Crete after departing eastern Libya.

"These tragedies show, once again, that far too many people are still risking their lives on dangerous routes," IOM chief Amy Pope said in the statement.

"Saving lives must come first. But we also need stronger, unified efforts to stop traffickers and smugglers from exploiting vulnerable people, and to expand safe and regular pathways so no one is ever forced into these deadly journeys."

The IOM has previously highlighted the central Mediterranean as the deadliest migration corridor in the world.

Between 2014 and the end of 2025, more than 33,000 migrants died or went missing in the Mediterranean, according to the IOM's Missing Migrants Project.

















Hardt, Michael. Multitude: war and democracy in the Age of Empire /. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. p. cm. Sequel to: Empire. Includes index. ISBN 1-59420 ...

Empire / Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. p. cm. Includes bibliographical ... 4.3 The Multitude against Empire. 393. Notes. 415. Index. 473. Page 11. PREFACE.