Sunday, April 12, 2026

 

Spectacular find: archaeologists recover 1000 Roman objects from a lake in Switzerland

Divers at the site where the ship's cargo was found in Lake Neuchâtel in Switzerland
Copyright © Fondation Octopus


By Kirsten Ripper & Euronews
Published on 

In Lake Neuchâtel in Switzerland, archaeologists have recovered a shipload of more than 1,000 very well preserved ceramic artefacts and swords dating from 20 to 50 AD. To avoid looting, the spectacular find was initially kept secret.

The moment of discovery was particularly impressive for the underwater archaeologists. Diving in Lake Neuchâtel, Fabien Langenegger and Julien Pfyffer made a spectacular discovery from the Roman Empire.

"At first, we both cautiously approached this pile of circles, which could have been a depot of mines left behind from the Second World War. But when I switched on my camera light, the characteristic colour of terracotta emerged. Looking at some broken plates, we realised that this find was extraordinary."

This is how Julien Pfyffer of Swiss NGO Octopus Foundation describes the discovery of a particularly well-preserved cargo from a ship that probably sank between 20 and 50 AD in an interview with Euronews. Even food remains found in the ceramic vessels are now being analysed.

Not mines, but a spectacular ceramic find in Lake Neuchâtel in Switzerland @ Fondation Octopus

"We remained rooted to the spot above the cargo"

"We stood rooted to the spot over this load for several minutes. At that moment, as I watched Fabien, I realised that we were in a very special situation." This was at the end of November 2024, but was kept secret for a long time to avoid looting.

Drone footage showing a dark spot in the water of Lake Neuchâtel, which had been clearer for several years, had initiated the dive - the search was for a wreck. During excavation campaigns - lasting two weeks in 2025 and almost a month in 2026 - the underwater archaeologists from the Octopus Foundation unearthed more than 1,000 objects.

This coin lay at the bottom of Lake Neuchâtel @ Fondation Octopus

Clues about kitchen utensils and legionnaires

It is assumed that this was the cargo of a freight ship that was supposed to bring kitchen utensils manufactured in Switzerland to a Roman camp. One crate was dated to the year 17 AD.

The wreck of the cargo ship has not yet been found in Lake Neuchâtel. In recent decades, Roman ships have been excavated in both the Rhine in Germany and the Rhône in France.

However, objects were found that belonged to the equipment of legionaries - namely two gladiator swords, a dagger, a belt buckle and a fibula. According to the team of archaeologists, these suggest that legionnaires were escorting the ship. Given the quantity of artefacts found, the cargo could have been intended for a legion of around 6,000 men.

A sword with a wooden hilt at the bottom of Lake Neuchâtel @ Fondation Octopus


A wicker basket was also discovered, which, according to archaeologists, "has been miraculously preserved in the lake chalk and contains a group of six ceramic objects that differ in their manufacture from the rest of the load." The research team assumes that these are the less elaborate crockery and food of the seamen, i.e. the ship's sailors.

Underwater archaeologists recover the 2000-year-old ship's cargo @ Fondation Octopus

"We have recovered from the water all the artefacts - just over 1000 - that were in danger of being damaged by anchors or nets or stolen by looters. These artefacts are now in the cleaning phase and are being processed by the restoration team on land. Once this phase is complete, the restorers can discuss with the archaeologists what they have observed and what we completely miss during the excavation phase, as we are very often in the middle of a cloud of sediment," explains Julien Pfyffer. "The restorers will be able to recognise details (such as manufacturing seals, traces of food, protective elements such as straw between the plates) that are very difficult for us to see in the water."

The finds are currently being restored and analysed @ Fondation Octopus


The Octopus Foundation team is preparing a book and a documentary film to be published in 2027. An exhibition of the spectacular finds will be held at the Laténium (source in German), Switzerland's largest archaeological museum, in Neuchâtel. A date has not yet been set. And there is still a lot to discover: according to the Octopus team, there are more historical artefacts in the oceans than in all the museums in the world.

 

Whale Timmy: Can whale songs still save him? Biologist prepares autopsy

The humpback whale has been lying in the Bay of Wismar for a fortnight now
Copyright © Daniel Müller / Greenpeace

By Kirsten Ripper & Euronews
Published on 

For days now, marine biologists have been assuming that there is no rescue for Timmy the humpback whale stranded in the Bay of Wismar. The Environment Minister of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is now talking about a "minimally invasive attempt to mobilise the whale".

"There is no point in carrying an animal that is too weak to swim out into deeper water. It's like throwing a bird that has hit the windscreen into the air and hoping it will fly again. Then the bird dies somewhere else, just not on my doorstep. That's torture for this animal." That's what Lisa Klemens from the German Oceanographic Museum in Stralsund says in an interview with the leading German daily SZ.

Her colleague, marine biologist Anja Gallus, also takes a critical view of the way the humpback whale, affectionately known to humans and the media as "Timmy", is treated. For the researchers, he has no name: "The whale is a wild animal, not a pet with which you can build up a loving relationship. That doesn't mean we don't have feelings for this animal. We try to help him as best we can. That's why we went into science."

However, Lisa Klemens, who is preparing for the autopsy of the weakened animal and is being insulted and threatened on the internet, finds herself calling the whale "Timmy".

What sounds could mobilise Timmy the whale?

Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania's Environment Minister Till Backhaus believes that there is no longer any realistic hope of saving the humpback whale.

However, Timmy recently made some unusual noises on Saturday night. As reported by German public broadcaster NDR (source in German), the scientific team is now investigating whether it makes sense to play the whale recordings of its own songs under water. According to the minister, this is a "minimally invasive attempt to mobilise the whale".

Marine biologists in a boat next to Timmy the whale in the Bay of Wismar © Florian Manz / Greenpeace


Marine biologist Klemens speaks of the whale "growling". She "almost felt scolded" when the animal growled at the end of March because the experts had travelled close to it in a boat.

In response to the crossfire of criticism, the Ministry of the Environment in Schwerin has now published the report on the assessment of the stranded humpback whale off the island of Poel (source in German) on the internet. However, the researchers from the German Oceanographic Museum point out how unfounded the accusations often are when people - "holding a megaphone in one hand and a fish sandwich in the other" - protest.

How long will it take for Timmy to die?

Nobody can say how long it will take for the stranded humpback whale to die. Marine biologist Gallus explains: "It sounds harsh, but we may have to wait until the whale has starved to death, and that can take time. Whales don't eat for six months. Although it has just come from a region where it has eaten little, it is not completely emaciated." The researchers admit that this may seem cruel.

Over the past few weeks, Timmy has repeatedly behaved differently than a humpback whale would normally do, namely swim out into the open sea. The apparently injured animal has repeatedly returned to the shallow waters near the coast.

The danger of gillnets in the Baltic Sea

The marine biologists from Stralsund assume that Timmy got caught in a gillnet, in which harbour porpoises native to the Baltic Sea often perish in agony.

Environmental protection organisations such as Greenpeace criticise the up to 15-metre-high and up to 15-kilometre-long nylon net walls because of the enormous quantities of so-called bycatch: ducks and other sea birds, but also marine mammals that cannot locate the thin nets, get caught in them and die.

Lisa Klemens explains that although many people are interested in Timmy's fate and hope for a happy ending, many important problems go unnoticed: "Set nets are a great danger, the animals die a cruel, man-made death in them. But nobody is interested in that, we don't get that much attention."

 

German pilots’ union calls for two-day Lufthansa strike action on Monday and Tuesday

The walkout, announced with less than two days' notice, may put 80% of flights from Frankfurt and Munich in jeopardy
Copyright Photo by Dennis Gecaj on Unsplash


By Fakhriya M. Suleiman
Published on 

The latest round of strikes continues a recent trend of travel disruptions at Germany’s busiest hubs, throwing passenger journeys into uncertainty.

German commercial pilots’ union Vereinigung Cockpit (VC) has called on its members at Lufthansa group airlines to stage two days of strike action on Monday and Tuesday.

Set to begin on 13 April at 12:01 am local time and end on 14 April at 11:59 pm local time, the “strike call” applies to VC members at Deutsche Lufthansa AG, Lufthansa Cargo AG and Lufthansa CityLine, the union said in a news release issued on Saturday. It also said that Eurowings GmbH flights that take off from German airports between 12:01 am and 11:59 pm on 13 April will be on strike.

The walkout, announced with less than two days' notice, is projected to put at least 80% of flights from Frankfurt and Munich in jeopardy, potentially leaving more than 50,000 travellers in limbo, Air Traveler Club reported.

VC, which represents at least 10,000 pilots across various German airlines, added that its grievance is rooted in Lufthansa's reluctance to settle several wage disputes, including over 

"Despite a deliberate decision to refrain from strike action over the Easter holidays, no serious offers were forthcoming,” said VC President Andreas Pinheiro.

“During this time, there was neither a response nor any discernible willingness to negotiate on the part of the employers. The employers always have the opportunity to avert the strike by submitting negotiable offers.”

How has Lufthansa responded?

With negotiations collapsing, the Cologne-based carrier now faces the fallout, including replacing scheduled flights with services operated by other airlines within the Lufthansa Group or partner airlines.

“Lufthansa is working intensively to keep the impact on our passengers as low as possible,” the airline said. It added that amid being inundated by a high volume of calls, affected passengers may be informed as late as 12 April.

As per their rebooking and refund policy, passengers with tickets from Lufthansa, Austrian, Swiss, Brussels Airlines or Air Dolomiti, issued on or before 11 April, and booked on Lufthansa-operated flights, including Lufthansa CityLine on 13 and 14 April, can rebook for free to another Lufthansa Group flight from 11-21 April.

There is also the option to request a refund, no later than 13 April.

Lufthansa will also offer Deutsche Bahn train tickets for passengers on cancelled flights with no alternative options.

“We sincerely regret the disruption caused by the strike announced at short notice by the union Vereinigung Cockpit and thank you for your understanding,” the carrier said.

Weekend awash with disruptions

The upcoming strike action comes after ten of thousands of passengers across Germany experienced travel disruptions over the weekend.

Unabhängige Flugbegleiter Organisation (UFO), a union representing cabin crew professionals in Germany, called on crew members at Lufthansa and its regional subsidiary Lufthansa CityLine GmbH to strike on Friday 10 April.

The day-long strike grounded flights across Frankfurt and Munich, with The Independent reporting approximately 580 Frankfurt flight cancellations, affecting as many as 72,000 travellers.

UFO’s grievances lie in unresolved pay disputes – resorting to industrial action to achieve their demands.

“To this day, management consistently refuses to even enter into negotiations with us regarding our demands for a collectively agreed social plan, to address our demands, or even to submit a negotiable offer for such a plan,” the union said.

EU’s largest economies vs top US states: How do they compare in GDP?

A cashier changes a 50 Euro banknote with US dollars at an exchange counter in Rome, Wednesday, July 13, 2022.
Copyright Copyright 2022 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.


By Servet Yanatma
Published on 

Top EU countries and US states appear one after the other in economic size rankings. However, US states surpass the top EU economies in GDP per capita, both in nominal terms and purchasing power.

In terms of GDP per capita, even the poorest US state outranked the top five European economies in 2024 — with the sole exception of Germany, where the gap narrowed to around €1,500.

But how do the overall economic heavyweights compare? E

uronews Business lines up the top five EU economies against the top five US states, measuring both total GDP and GDP per capita — in nominal terms and purchasing power standards (PPS).

According to Eurostat and Bureau of Economic Analysis, among the 10 economies, Germany has the highest GDP at €4.47 trillion as of 2025. California ranks second with €3.76 trillion.

France’s GDP is €2.98 trillion, followed by Texas (€2.57 trillion), Italy (€2.26 trillion) and New York (€2.18 trillion).

As the fourth-largest economy in the EU, Spain ranks seventh on the list at €1.69 trillion, followed by Florida (€1.62 trillion).

The Netherlands is the fifth-largest EU economy at €1.18 trillion, while Illinois (€1.06 trillion) has the smallest GDP among all 10 economies.

Interestingly, EU countries and US states appear one after the other in the ranking, rather than grouping them together.

US states lead in GDP per capita

In GDP per capita, the picture changes significantly, as the top five US economies surpass the European ones.

Based on 2024 data from International Monetary Fund and Bureau of Economic Analysis, New York leads with €108,444, followed by California (€96,887) and Illinois (€83,490).

Texas (€82,058) is just above the US average (€79,587), while Florida has the lowest GDP per capita at €69,706.

The Netherlands has the highest GDP per capita in the EU’s top economies at €62,537 while the EU average is €39,970.

This figure is €51,817 for Germany, €42,671 for France, €37,162 for Italy and €32,475 for Spain.

GDP per capita in PPS

In GDP per capita in international dollars, reflecting purchasing power, in 2025, according to International Monetary Fund, US states perform better than EU economies, except for Florida and the Netherlands.

New York still ranks highest at 108,500, followed by California (90,300). The US average is 89,599. Illinois stands at 89,300 and Texas at 87,600.

The Netherlands has the highest value among the EU’s top economies at 84,035, while Florida, at 75,000, has the lowest level among the US states.

Germany ranks second in the EU at 73,553. France (66,061) is just above the EU average (64,870).

Italy is slightly below the EU average, while Spain has the lowest GDP per capita in PPS among the EU’s five largest economies and among all 10 economies in the list.

US falls behind Europe on new poverty measure

On the other hand, severe poverty is higher in the US than in Europe’s top economies.

The time needed to earn $1 in international dollars is 63 minutes in the US. This is about twice the average in Germany, France and the UK, according to a researcher from University of Oxford.

Climate Litigation Surge Reshapes Energy Policy As Africa Seeks Stronger Legal Voice – OpEd

April 11, 2026 
By African Energy Chamber


The rapid rise of climate litigation is reshaping how energy policy is defined and enforced worldwide, with courts increasingly setting the parameters of climate action. Advisory proceedings at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) are establishing legal interpretations that extend far beyond national borders, influencing how governments regulate emissions, approve projects, and manage natural resources.

For Africa, the implications are significant. While the continent contributes less than 4% of global emissions, it faces mounting pressure to align with legal standards largely shaped outside the region. Without stronger participation in these proceedings, African states risk having climate obligations defined externally – with direct consequences for industrialization, energy access, and investment flows.

Against this backdrop, the African Energy Chamber (AEC) has moved to intervene in a landmark advisory proceeding before the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The application seeks amicus curiae status in a case initiated by the Pan African Lawyers Union, which aims to define state climate obligations under the African Charter.

The case reflects a broader jurisprudential shift. Recent and ongoing proceedings build on earlier rulings such as Social and Economic Rights Action Center v. Nigeria and Ivorian League of Human Rights v. Côte d’Ivoire, which established environmental protection as an enforceable legal duty while affirming the need to safeguard broader socioeconomic rights. Together, these decisions are expanding the scope of climate-related obligations across jurisdictions.

At the global level, advisory opinions from the ICJ and ITLOS emphasize that states must exercise due diligence to prevent significant environmental and climate-related harm – setting clearer expectations for how climate obligations are interpreted under international law. While these interpretations stop short of prohibiting fossil fuel development, they introduce more stringent expectations around environmental oversight, regulatory enforcement, and long-term climate risk management.


This trend is already affecting the financing of oil and gas projects across Africa. Banks and insurers are increasingly cautious about backing high-emission infrastructure, citing reputational and legal risks. For example, Standard Chartered declined to finance the $5 billion East African Crude Oil Pipeline due to civil society pressure and climate concerns. These risk-averse stances make loans for large upstream projects harder to secure, leaving some discoveries unable to reach FID. In Nigeria, marginal field developments have stalled despite proven reserves, and refinery expansions that could improve local energy security struggle to attract funding. To fill these gaps, African-led initiatives like the Africa Energy Bank are emerging, reflecting a shift in financing flows in response to climate and regulatory risk.

As a result, the continent’s ability to expand production and meet energy demand is constrained. Projects with strong fundamentals may face delays, stranded asset risk or permit uncertainty. Downstream and gas-to-power projects – critical for local consumption – also struggle for financing, even as climate and legal frameworks evolve. While institutions like Afreximbank have underwritten $2.5 billion toward Nigeria’s Dangote Petroleum Refinery, upstream oil and gas finance remains fragmented amid global climate mandates and litigation risk.


In South Africa, the Climate Change Act (2024) aligns domestic law with international climate commitments, and recent litigation – including a Supreme Court of Appeal decision invalidating a gas power plant authorization for inadequate environmental assessment – demonstrates how courts are increasingly scrutinizing energy projects.

This shift is redefining risk for investors. Expanding legal interpretations – including the potential characterization of climate inaction as an internationally wrongful act – increase exposure for states and private operators. Projects that fail to meet evolving standards may face financing hurdles, delays or stranded asset risk, while governments may confront investor-state disputes if regulatory changes affect project viability.

At the same time, these legal developments are reshaping geopolitics. African states are leveraging climate-related legal findings to strengthen claims for climate finance, debt relief and technology transfer. By framing climate harm as a legal liability rather than solely a political issue, the continent gains negotiating leverage – but also subjects domestic energy strategies to greater scrutiny.

Within this landscape, the AEC’s intervention ensures African priorities are represented in emerging legal standards. The Chamber advocates for a balanced interpretation that recognizes both environmental obligations and the right to development, particularly in a region where more than 600 million people lack access to electricity. Competing perspectives remain strong, with environmental groups calling for stricter limits on fossil fuel expansion under human rights frameworks.

“If Africa leaves its energy future to outside courts, we risk seeing policies designed for other continents applied here,” says NJ Ayuk, AEC Executive Chairman. “Climate litigation is not just a regulatory challenge – it affects financing for our oil and gas sector. Banks are retreating, discoveries can’t reach FID and projects that could fuel our energy ambitions remain stalled. Africa must turn this challenge into an opportunity to define standards that protect the planet while ensuring our people, our resources, and our growth are not left behind.”


The rise of climate litigation marks a decisive shift from political negotiation to legal enforcement. For Africa, the stakes are clear: engage actively in shaping these frameworks or risk adapting to standards set elsewhere. Ensuring African representation in these processes is now critical not only to align climate ambition with economic growth and energy security but also to secure the financing necessary for the continent’s oil and gas sector to reach its potential.


African Energy Chamber

The African Energy Chamber upholds a results-focused business environment for companies operating in Africa’s dynamic energy industry. The African Energy Chamber works with indigenous companies throughout the continent in optimizing their reach and networks.
Australia: Background And Relations With The United States – Analysis


Flags of Australia and United States. (DoD photo by D. Myles Cullen/Released)

April 11, 2026
The Congressional Research Service (CRS)
By Jared G. Tupuola


The Commonwealth of Australia is a close ally and partner of the United States, and the relationship is underpinned by the 1951 Australia-New Zealand-United States (ANZUS) Treaty. The two countries enjoy close trade, political, cultural, intelligence, and defense relations. As geopolitical competition in the Indo-Pacific has increased, the alliance has deepened over shared concerns about the military and economic rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC or China). In September 2021, the governments of Australia, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States launched the “AUKUS” security partnership, which is intended to provide Australia with nuclear propulsion technology for its next generation submarines and to jointly develop advanced military capabilities. Australia and the United States also coordinate through the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (or “Quad,” with Japan and India).

Australia is the world’s sixth-largest country by surface area (2.96 million sq. miles). Originally inhabited by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, the modern Australian state developed from a British penal colony established in 1788. In 1901, Australia was granted sovereignty over its domestic affairs; in 1942, it adopted the 1931 Statute of Westminster, claiming legal independence from the UK and full control over its foreign relations. Australia is a member of the Commonwealth of Nations, an association of former British territories, and retains the King of the United Kingdom as its head of state.

Politics and Governance


Australia has a bicameral legislature and holds elections at least once every three years, with snap elections possible. The most recent general election was held in April 2025.The incumbent Labor Party Prime Minister Anthony Albanese won reelection while the Liberal Party opposition candidate lost his seat in parliament. The Labor Party and the Liberal-National Parties Coalition are the country’s two main political forces. The Green Party of Australia has been an influential political force at times.

Economics and Trade

The Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) came into force in 2005. Under AUSFTA, the two countries provide reciprocal duty-free access to a broad range of exports. The United States is Australia’s second-largest trading partner in goods and services. The United States also is Australia’s largest source of foreign direct investment. Data from the U.S. Trade Representative reveals that total U.S. goods and services trade with Australia was $62.8 billion in 2025.

In April 2025, the Trump Administration announced that imports from Australia would face a baseline 10% tariff with some exceptions, under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). After the Supreme Court ruled against the use of IEEPA to impose tariffs in February 2026, President Trump imposed a 10% global tariff for 150 days under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974. The Trump Administration also has imposed 50% global tariffs on steel and aluminum imports under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, but has not provided Australia with a tariff exemption as it did during the President’s first administration.

Strategic Outlook

The Australian government’s assessment of its security environment has shifted considerably in the past decade. In the mid-2010s, Australia’s security community perceived few imminent or proximate threats to its national security. In 2024, Australia’s inaugural National Defence Strategy (NDS) noted the commonwealth faced its most challenging strategic environment since World War II.

In part, this assessment is motivated by concerns related to U.S.-China competition, China’s military modernization, a lack of perceived transparency in China’s military build-up, and China’s activities in Australia’s near neighborhood (particularly the Pacific Islands). While Australian officials have not labeled China a military threat, the NDS states that China has employed coercive tactics in pursuit of its strategic objectives, including to alter the regional balance of power in its favor. The NDS asserted Australia “must work even more closely with the U.S., our closest ally and principal strategic partner.”

To adjust to this changed strategic environment, Australia is pursuing updates to its force structure and defense spending practices. The government has laid out plans to expand its military capabilities and increase defense spending, including by allocating an additional AU$50.3 billion to defense spending through 2034. Australia also is expanding its diplomatic and security partnerships with countries in the Indo-Pacific, especially the Pacific Island Countries.

Ties with the United States


The U.S. government describes U.S.-Australia defense ties as “exceptionally close.” U.S. armed forces have a rotational military presence in Australia, including at the northern port city of Darwin, and the United States has invested in defense infrastructure at northern Australian sites under the U.S. Force Posture Initiative. Australia partners with the United States through the “Five Eyes” intelligence-sharing arrangement, which also includes Canada, New Zealand, and the UK. The defense relationship has included bilateral and multilateral military exercises such as the Talisman Sabre, Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC), and Malabar exercises.

The annual Australia-U.S. Ministerial (AUSMIN) consultations are central to the bilateral relationship. The 2025 AUSMIN Joint Statement emphasized “shared challenges” and the need to “uphold an open and stable international order.” Observers have interpreted this language as referencing shared concerns about economic and military competition with China.

Critical Minerals. Australia has joined the United States on several initiatives aimed at securing critical mineral supply chains, while also investing in its own production and refining capabilities, which some analysts argue could become an alternative to PRC-dominated supply chains. In 2023, the allies committed to enhanced mineral cooperation under a Climate, Critical Minerals and Clean Energy Transformation Compact. As part of the compact, a Critical Minerals Taskforce pursues supply chain diversification and investment opportunities and addresses barriers to cooperation. At the Quad Foreign Ministers Meeting in July 2025, the grouping announced a new Quad Critical Minerals Partnership. During an October 2025 visit to the United States, Prime Minister Albanese and President Trump signed a Critical Minerals Framework Agreement that expects to see $3 billion worth of shared investments in critical mineral projects within six months of the signing as well as deepening defense and technological cooperation.


AUKUS. AUKUS Pillar 1 would allow Australia to purchase 3-5 U.S. Virginia-class nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs) in the 2030s as authorized in the 2024 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA). The three AUKUS partners also plan to develop a new class of SSNs based on the UK’s next-generation design that incorporates technology from all three countries, including cutting-edge U.S. submarine technologies. Pillar 2 focuses on joint development of advanced military capabilities in technological areas—including AI, cyber, hypersonic and counter-hypersonic, electronic warfare, and quantum technologies—and functional areas such as innovation and information sharing. In 2025, the U.S. Department of Defense conducted a review of AUKUS; President Trump stated the initiative is “full steam ahead.”

The Quad. Australia has bolstered relations with the United States, Japan, and India through the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. During the 2025 Quad Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, the partners welcomed recent and upcoming activities that advance a free and open Indo-Pacific, including initiatives regarding maritime security, digital infrastructure, emerging technology, and humanitarian assistance.

Australia-China Relations

China is Australia’s largest two-way trade partner, and the two countries signed a free trade agreement in 2015. China restricted some imports from Australia in 2020 following Canberra’s endorsement of an inquiry into the origins of the COVID-19 disease.

Australia’s government has taken several measures to guard against PRC influence in Australian politics and society following instances of PRC organizations attempting to co-opt domestic groups and individuals towards China’s strategic interests. In 2018, the Australian parliament passed laws on espionage, foreign interference, and foreign influence, and the government blocked China’s Huawei from participating in Australia’s development of its 5G mobile network. In July 2024, Australia joined the United States, Canada, Germany, Japan, New Zealand, and the UK in issuing a joint-advisory about a PRC-sponsored cyber group targeting government and private sector networks.

In 2025, Albanese pledged during his re-election campaign to bring the Darwin Port back under Australian ownership (it was leased to a PRC-based company for 99 years in 2015). Many Australians express concern that the arrangement carries national security risks for Australia. China’s ambassador to Australia has insinuated that a forced sale of the lease to an Australian company could result in investment and trade repercussions.
Considerations for Congress

U.S.-Australian bilateral relations continue to be a source of interest for some Members concerned with U.S.-Indo-Pacific defense and foreign policy goals. In the 119thCongress, Members may wish to consider several areas for Congressional oversight, legislation, or appropriations, such as progress towards AUKUS Pillar 1 and Pillar 2 objectives, the U.S.-Australia Critical Minerals Framework and supply chain resilience, and defense cooperation.

Congress also may weigh in on specific trade issues by setting trade priorities for the United States with Australia. For example, some Members of Congress have shared Trump Administration concerns over some trade barriers and reciprocity in trade relations, while others have sought to limit the President’s authority to impose tariffs on allies or free trade agreement partners.

About the author: Jared G. Tupuola, Analyst in Foreign Affairs

Source: This article was published by the Congressional Research Service (CRS)

The Congressional Research Service (CRS) works exclusively for the United States Congress, providing policy and legal analysis to committees and Members of both the House and Senate, regardless of party affiliation. As a legislative branch agency within the Library of Congress, CRS has been a valued and respected resource on Capitol Hill for nearly a century.
When War Teaches Medicine – OpEd



April 11, 2026
By Joseph Varon


War is the most unrestrained expression of humanity’s destructive capacity, a setting where order disintegrates, moral boundaries are tested, and life is reduced to its most vulnerable state. Medicine, by contrast, stands as a deliberate act of resistance against that collapse, a disciplined and unwavering commitment to preserve life even when surrounded by death. Despite these opposing identities, war and medicine have remained deeply intertwined across history, not by design, but by inevitability.

Again and again, the battlefield has served as medicine’s most unforgiving classroom, stripping away theory and exposing only what truly works under pressure. In that environment, progress is not driven by curiosity or careful planning but by urgency, necessity, and the relentless demand to save lives hanging by a thread. It is in these moments of chaos and human suffering that medicine evolves most rapidly, forced forward not because it is prepared, but because failure is measured in lives lost and there is no option but to improve.

From the fields of Waterloo to the trenches of World War I, and from the mechanized devastation of World War II to the asymmetric conflicts of the modern era, war has shaped the trajectory of medical progress in both extraordinary and deeply troubling ways. Notably, some of the most significant advances in medicine have arisen during periods marked by profound human failure. However, war not only drives medical advancement but also exposes how easily medicine can lose its ethical direction. This narrative examines both the lessons gained and the critical principles that must be preserved.

The Good: Innovation Forged in Crisis

Modern medicine owes much of its development to wartime innovation. The concept of organized trauma care, now standard in emergency departments worldwide, originated amid the chaos of conflict. During the Napoleonic Wars, Dominique Jean Larrey, surgeon to Napoleon Bonaparte, introduced the revolutionary principle that wounded soldiers should be treated according to the severity of their injuries rather than their rank or status.¹

This concept, now universally recognized as triage, represented a radical departure from the hierarchical norms of the time. It was not only a logistical innovation; it was a moral one. Larrey’s approach emphasized the intrinsic value of human life over social or military position, laying the foundation for modern emergency medicine.²

Larrey’s contributions extended beyond triage. His early implementation of rapid evacuation systems, known as “flying ambulances,” and his observations on environmental exposure and resuscitative physiology anticipated concepts that would only be fully recognized centuries later.³ Subsequent analyses, including recent scholarship, have demonstrated how Larrey’s insights align with principles now seen in therapeutic hypothermia and prehospital care systems.⁴

The 19th and early 20th centuries saw further transformation. During World War I, physicians faced injuries that had no precedent: massive blast trauma, chemical burns, and overwhelming infection in an era before antibiotics. The scale of suffering forced rapid advances in surgical technique, wound management, and infection control.⁵

The development of blood transfusion systems during this period, particularly the introduction of blood typing and storage, represented a turning point in the management of hemorrhagic shock.⁶ For the first time, physicians could meaningfully intervene in one of the leading causes of battlefield death.

World War II accelerated this progress dramatically. The widespread use of penicillin, the refinement of surgical debridement techniques, and the development of forward surgical units significantly improved survival rates.⁷ The concept of rapid evacuation—getting the wounded away from the battlefield and into definitive care as quickly as possible became a central principle of military medicine.

By the time of the Korean and Vietnam Wars, these ideas had evolved into fully integrated systems of care. Helicopter evacuation, mobile army surgical hospitals (MASH units), and coordinated trauma care. These advances extended beyond the battlefield, forming the foundation of civilian trauma care and influencing the development of emergency medical services and intensive care unit design. War compelled medicine to address a fundamental question: how to sustain life in cases previously deemed unsalvageable. Repeatedly, medical innovation provided solutions. Who should be dead? And, time and again, medicine found an answer.

The Bad: Progress at a Moral Cost

However, the history of medicine in war is not solely characterized by progress. Alongside innovation exists a darker narrative in which physicians, rather than opposing the brutality of war, became complicit in its execution. The most infamous example remains the medical atrocities committed during World War II under the Nazi regime. Physicians participated in inhumane experiments on prisoners, often without anesthesia, consent, or any scientific justification.⁹ These acts were not aberrations committed by a few individuals. They were systematic, organized, and sanctioned by the state. The aftermath of these crimes led to the Nuremberg Trials and the establishment of the Nuremberg Code, which articulated fundamental principles of medical ethics, including the requirement for voluntary informed consent.¹⁰

Yet it would be a mistake to view these failures as confined to a single regime or moment in history. In the United States, for example, the Tuskegee Syphilis Study conducted between 1932 and 1972 revealed a similarly disturbing willingness to sacrifice ethical principles in the name of research.¹¹ African-American men with syphilis were deliberately left untreated, even after effective therapy became available, in order to study the natural progression of the disease.

These examples underscore that ethical failures in medicine are not confined to wartime or to foreign contexts. Such failures occur whenever physicians permit external pressures—political, ideological, or institutional—to supersede their primary duty to patients. War does not generate these failures; rather, it reveals them.


The Ugly: When Medicine Becomes a Tool of Power


While the ‘bad’ in wartime medicine reflects ethical failure, the ‘ugly’ represents the transformation of medicine into an instrument of power. Historically, physicians have often been expected to serve state objectives rather than patient welfare. This has included direct participation in acts of harm, withholding care, prioritizing certain populations, or redefining eligibility for treatment. At this point, medicine loses its essential character.

The physician’s duty is not conditional. It does not depend on nationality, ideology, or allegiance. The wounded soldier on one side of the battlefield is no less deserving of care than the wounded soldier on the other. This principle is reflected in the foundational documents of humanitarian medicine, including the Geneva Conventions, which emphasize the impartial treatment of the wounded and sick.¹² It is embodied in the work of organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, which operates under the principle of neutrality. And it is deeply rooted in the ethical traditions of medicine itself.

Maimonides, the medieval Jewish physician and philosopher, wrote: “The physician should not treat the disease but the patient who is suffering from it.” This perspective transcends time, culture, and circumstance. It reminds us that medicine is, at its core, a human endeavor, one that must remain grounded in compassion, even in the face of conflict.

The Forgotten Lesson

A central paradox exists within wartime medicine. War compels the development of life-saving techniques under extreme conditions, driving innovation, refining clinical judgment, and necessitating systems capable of addressing overwhelming needs. However, it also poses the risk of imparting misguided lessons.

During the chaos of war, there is a tendency to categorize patients as members of groups rather than as individuals, viewing them as assets, liabilities, or adversaries rather than as human beings. This shift is perilous, as adopting the logic of war causes medicine to lose its foundational identity.

Physicians are not soldiers, hospitals are not battlefields, and patients are not adversaries. These distinctions must remain clear, particularly during periods of societal division.

Modern Parallels: When the Battlefield Comes Home

Although the context of war may appear remote to many contemporary physicians, similar dynamics persist. In recent years, medicine has become increasingly politicized, mirroring pressures observed in wartime settings. Physicians have been encouraged, both explicitly and implicitly, to conform to prevailing narratives, suppress dissenting perspectives, and prioritize institutional or political objectives over individualized patient care. While this is not traditional warfare, it shares a critical characteristic: the erosion of medical neutrality.

For example, during the Covid-19 pandemic, healthcare providers worldwide reported pressure to follow government directives or institutional messaging that sometimes conflicted with evolving clinical evidence or patient-centered care. Similarly, in ongoing conflict zones such as Ukraine and Syria, attacks on medical facilities and personnel have highlighted the vulnerability of medical neutrality, as physicians have been targeted or coerced based on political alignment. When physicians take sides based on external pressures rather than clinical evidence, they risk repeating historical errors.
Holding the Line

War is likely to persist, reflecting humanity’s enduring tragedy. Medicine, however, must remain steadfast, anchored in principles that transcend conflict, ideology, and time. It should not become a weapon, a tool of power, or an instrument of politics, but must remain a profession dedicated to the care of each individual, regardless of circumstance. The wounded do not choose the side on which they fall, and neither should those who provide care.

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Jasqui-Remba S, Rivera A, Varon J, Sternbach GL. Dominique Jean Larrey: the effects of therapeutic hypothermia and the first ambulance. Resuscitation. 2010;81:268–271.

Wangensteen OH, Wangensteen SD. Military surgeons and surgery, old and new. Bull N Y Acad Med. 1971;47(10):1265–1290.

Starr D. Blood: an epic history of medicine and commerce. New York: Knopf; 1998.
Hardaway RM. Wound shock: a history of its study and treatment. Am Surg. 2000;66(8):720–728.

Bellamy RF. The evolution of battlefield trauma care. Mil Med. 1987;152(12):617–620.
Lifton RJ. The Nazi doctors: medical killing and the psychology of genocide. New York: Basic Books; 1986.

Shuster E. Fifty years later: the significance of the Nuremberg Code. N Engl J Med. 1997;337(20):1436–1440.

Brandt AM. Racism and research: the case of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study. Hastings Cent Rep. 1978;8(6):21–29.

Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field. 1949.


Joseph Varon

Joseph Varon, MD, is a critical care physician, professor, and President of the Independent Medical Alliance. He has authored over 980 peer-reviewed publications and serves as Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Independent Medicine.
What We Got Wrong About Iran – Analysis

April 11, 2026 

By Dr. Majid Rafizadeh


The dust of conflict has settled. The fever of the moment has yielded to the cooler discipline of strategic reflection. It is time to ask, with unflinching clarity, what the United States and its partners should do with the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Tehran’s propaganda organs were quick to claim victory. That claim, however theatrical, must be taken seriously—not because it reflects battlefield reality, but because it reveals an uncomfortable truth: the regime cannot, or will not, abandon the terrorist and extremist doctrines that have defined it for more than four decades. No amount of quiet concessions extracted in back-channel talks can alter the fact that its public posture remains implacable. Neither the nations of the region nor the broader international community can any longer pretend that peaceful coexistence with this regime is possible.

The war just concluded exposed a secret weapon the regime had wielded against the international community for years: our own ignorance of its internal workings. We had imagined its strength lay in hardware—missiles, drones, a navy, an air force, a nuclear program. Within weeks those assets were largely neutralized. Its proxy network, once menacing, lies shattered and operationally crippled. Yet the regime’s real power was never hard; it was soft. It was the architecture of influence quietly embedded in our own societies: proxies operating inside think tanks, newsrooms, and foreign-policy circles, often cloaked in the respectable garb of “Iran experts” or “opposition voices.” These networks do not fire rockets. They shape narratives. They steer decisions.

For two decades the West invested heavily in the comforting narrative peddled by these same experts: that “moderates” existed inside the regime, pragmatic figures who could be engaged, moderated, and ultimately steered toward reform. The very individuals held up as proof of this moderation later boasted in regime-controlled settings of how skillfully they had deceived their Western interlocutors—advancing missile and nuclear programs in the shadows while posing for cameras alongside leaders of Tehran’s proxy militias in state-staged ceremonies. The cost of that illusion has been paid in strategic surprise and diminished credibility.

On April 7, The New York Times reported on a telling episode. In a closed-door session with the Trump administration, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pressed vigorously for strikes against Iran and floated Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi as the logical successor. The suggestion was not new, but its timing was revealing—and it is worth noting that even a close ally such as Israel may have been subtly steered by the same currents of influence that have long shaped Western perceptions.


For two decades Pahlavi has issued public appeals to the Revolutionary Guards, the regular army, and security services to rise up and join the people. Those appeals have never borne fruit. In the uprisings of 1999, 2009, 2017, 2019, 2022, and again in 2026, not a single meaningful defection from the military forces materialized. Instead, the security forces answered with slaughter of unarmed citizens. Those Iranians who trusted Pahlavi’s hollow promises paid with their lives. That pattern should have served as an early warning: this is not a movement with organizational depth or a viable command structure. It is a name without any bodies on the ground.

In 2025, Pahlavi publicly claimed that more than 50,000 military and police personnel had already joined his campaign; months later, appearing on CNN with Jake Tapper, he raised the figure to 150,000. None of these assertions translated into observable shifts on the ground.

Further evidence surfaced in Haaretz, which documented a coordinated social-media bot campaign that systematically amplified Pahlavi’s image. Meanwhile, several Persian-language outlets, staffed with many reporters and editors who once worked for the Islamic Republic, have flooded airwaves and bandwidths with the same message. In a country where state television has lost all credibility, this parallel propaganda pipeline has enjoyed a near-monopoly on the ears and eyes of a frustrated population. Compounding the problem is the composition of Pahlavi’s own inner circle, which has become heavily populated by former regime advisors, state-media influencers, and journalists.


The result is not revolution but illusion. None of the promises made in Pahlavi’s name have shifted the balance of power on the ground. The Iranian people have paid in blood. American taxpayers, should Washington choose this path, would pay in treasure and strategic credibility.

The uncomfortable truth is that Reza Pahlavi has become, wittingly or not, a foreign-orchestrated project aimed at fostering instability and, potentially, the territorial disintegration of Iran. The country’s ethnic mosaic, Kurds, Baluchis, Arabs, Azeris, contains deep fissures. Any power vacuum created in Tehran would likely widen those fissures rather than heal them. Such an outcome does not serve American strategic interests. We do not seek a fractured Iran that becomes a new theater of regional chaos; we seek a stable, non-nuclear actor that no longer exports revolution.

Even Tehran’s own state media have not been shy about using Pahlavi for their purposes. Articles in regime outlets have portrayed him as a useful foil—an external threat that justifies internal repression and creates divisions among dissident groups. In that sense, the regime and its supposed nemesis have quietly served each other’s narratives.

All of this should recall the bitter lessons of the Iraq War. We entered that conflict on the basis of flawed intelligence about weapons of mass destruction and placed misplaced trust in figures like Ahmed Chalabi—a manufactured “opposition leader” whose assurances proved disastrously misleading. We dismantled the Iraqi state and its army, only to watch sectarian violence rush in to fill the vacuum.

The cost to the United States, thousands of American lives and one to three trillion dollars—was paid in full. Today, similarly seductive voices, cloaked in the language of friendship and expertise, risk steering us toward another avoidable catastrophe. Information that originates from elements seemingly aligned with us but in reality linked to Tehran must be subjected to rigorous, unsentimental scrutiny.

The question before us is not whether the Islamic Republic can be toppled tomorrow. It is whether we will allow ourselves to be guided by illusion rather than reality. Strategic prudence, clear-eyed intelligence, and a refusal to outsource American decision-making to convenient proxies remain the only viable course. Anything less would repeat the costliest mistakes of the past, this time on an even larger scale.

Dr. Majid Rafizadeh

Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is a Harvard-educated Iranian-American political scientist. X: @Dr_Rafizadeh