Monday, May 23, 2022




Consumers defy inflation to support economy. For how long?


Dan Gabel, right, and fellow musicians perform in downtown Boston, Tuesday, May 10, 2022. Gabel has canceled Netflix and other streaming services and tried to cut back on driving as the costs of gas, food, and other items, such as the lubricants he uses for his instruments, has soared. In the photo, from left to right, are Eric Baldwin, banjo; Ed Goroza, sousaphone; Josiah Reibstein, trombone; and Gabel, trumpet.
 (AP Photo/Steve LeBlanc)More

CHRISTOPHER RUGABER and ANNE D'INNOCENZIO
Sun, May 22, 2022

WASHINGTON (AP) — With prices across the economy — from food, gas and rent to cars, airfares and hotel rooms — soaring at their fastest pace in decades, you might think Americans would tap the brakes on spending.

Not so far. Consumers as a whole are showing surprising resilience, not only sustaining their spending but increasing it even after adjusting for inflation. In April, the government said, retail sales outpaced inflation for a fourth straight month. It was a reassuring sign that consumers — the primary drivers of America’s economy — are still providing vital support and helping allay concerns that a recession might be near.

Yet at the same time, there are signs that some people, especially in lower-income households, are starting to cut back, by shifting to lower-priced or alternative items or by skipping some purchases altogether as inflation shrinks their disposable income.

Last week, for example, Walmart, which caters to price-conscious consumers, reported that more of them were favoring lower-cost store brands of lunch meat over pricier national brands and buying half-gallon cartons of milk rather than full gallons. Likewise, Kohl's, a mid-priced department store, said its customers were spending less on each visit.

All of which has spotlighted a question floating over the economy: How long will consumers as a whole continue to spend at healthy levels — even if through gritted teeth — despite the pressures they're feeling from inflation near 40-year highs? The answer will be key to whether the nation can avoid a recession as the Federal Reserve moves to sharply raise borrowing rates.

By most measures, consumers have downshifted from last year’s blowout spending, which was fueled by stimulus checks and other government aid after the brutal pandemic recession. This year, noted Michelle Meyer, chief U.S. economist at the MasterCard Economics Institute, steadily surging prices have dimmed Americans’ outlook for the economy.

Even so, Meyer said, there is some cause for optimism.

"There’s still plenty of reasons to believe in the resilience of the consumer,” she said, pointing to America's robust job market and the solid pay increases many people are receiving. “There is a certain amount of frustration as they navigate the environment we’re in. But they’re still spending.”

Consider that even while consumer sentiment as measured by the University of Michigan plunged nearly 30% over the past year, Americans’ spending outran inflation during that time. Economists at Michigan noted that there has been a “historic disconnect” between sentiment and actual consumer behavior.

Some economists warn that steady consumer spending won't likely last in the face of the Fed's aggressive credit tightening. And if consumer spending does stay strong, the Fed might eventually have to jack up rates even further to cool the economy and slow inflation. Earlier this month, in its quest to quell inflation, the Fed raised its benchmark rate by a half-percentage point and signaled additional large rate hikes to come. Some fear the economy could slide into recession next year.

Still, several trends are driving Americans' spending, including rising pay, savings amassed during the pandemic and a rebound in credit card use. Those savings and continued wage gains, economists say, could fuel healthy spending throughout this year.

Consumers have been shifting much of their spending away from appliances, electronics and exercise equipment — the kinds of goods many splurged on early in the pandemic while hunkered down at home — to travel, entertainment and other services. The intensity of that shift has caught many retailers off guard and contributed to some negative earnings reports.

Brian Cornell, Target's CEO, said that chain “did not expect to see the dramatic shift” in spending away from TVs, appliances and patio furniture and toward luggage, restaurant gift cards and other items that reflect Americans' increased desire to leave home and spend.

Southwest Airlines has said that surging demand for air travel will keep it profitable through this year. Though average fares jumped 32% in the first quarter from a year earlier, the carrier said it's seen no sign of curtailed demand.

For many people, the opportunity to travel after two years of restrictions is outweighing the financial pressures of higher prices.

Mike and Marsha Dyslin, who live in San Jose, flew to Washington, D.C., last week to visit their daughter, Sarah, a graduate student at Georgetown University.

“She’s been out here at school for two years, and we haven’t visited the whole time because of COVID," Marsha Dyslin said. “Your priorities change.”

To save on gas, Mike Dyslin said they've been driving their Toyota Prius more than their SUV but otherwise haven't made major changes in their spending habits.

Soaring gas and food prices have led other consumers, though, to start pulling back. The national average cost of a gallon of gas has jumped to $4.59, up a painful 50%-plus from a year earlier, according to AAA.

Walmart has said its shoppers are visiting its gas stations more frequently but filling up less each time. And Kohl's last week reported a drop in the payment rate for its store cards after a year in which customers made sizable payments. Higher levels of card debt raise the risk of increased delinquencies.

Dan Gabel, a musician in Millbury, Massachusetts, has pared his entertainment spending as costs have soared far beyond what he earns. Gabel, a big-band leader and trombonist, is facing soaring prices not just for gas but also for many items he needs for work — from dry clearing band uniforms to lubricant for maintaining instruments to the cost of paper and ink to print music scores.

To save money, Gabel, 33, and his partner, an opera singer, have dropped HBO and Netflix. Though the music gigs have been steady, Gabel now takes the train, if he can, rather than drive when he performs out of town.

“We're feeling the crunch,” Gabel said. “It's all these little things that do add up.”

Nationally, though, the overall resilience of consumer spending illustrates a trend that can perpetuate inflation: Though people hate higher prices, they often keep paying them if their wages are also rising.

“Inflation doesn’t cure itself,” said Laura Veldkamp, a finance professor at Columbia University. “If the prices of goods and wages rise together, then that doesn’t necessarily bring down demand.”

Across the economy, median wages jumped 6% in April from a year earlier, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta. That was the largest increase since 1990, though it was below the inflation rate of 8.3%.

A surprisingly large portion of workers, though, are receiving pay gains that exceed inflation: About 45% did so in March compared with a year earlier, according to research by the Indeed Hiring Lab.

Nick Bunker and AnnElizabeth Konkel, economists at Indeed, called it “remarkable” that that figure was so high given the level of inflation. It shows, they said, how desperate many employers are to find and keep workers with unemployment just 3.6% and posted job openings near record highs.

Many other consumers have had to draw on their savings to keep spending. The national saving rate has fallen to about 6%, below pre-pandemic levels, after having reached 16.6% in 2020, the highest on records dating to 1948, and 12.7% in 2021.

And with more Americans turning to credit cards for spending, household debt rose 8.2% in the first three months of this year compared with a year earlier. It was the biggest such increase since early 2008, when the economy was entering a recession.

Economists say, though, that overall debt hasn’t yet reached problematic levels. They estimate that households still have about $2 trillion in savings beyond what they would have had based on pre-pandemic trends.

And Paul Ashworth, an economist at Capital Economics, notes that household debt is equal to 86% of disposable income, sharply lower than its peak of 116% in 2008.

“Never bet against the U.S. consumer," Ashworth said.

____

D'Innocenzio reported from New York. AP Writer Steve LeBlanc contributed to this report from Boston.
Kazakhstan Cuts Iron Supplies To Russian Steelworks

Editor OilPrice.com
Sun, May 22, 2022,

Kazakhstan’s largest iron ore-enricher has cut supplies to a major steelworks in Siberia as the repercussions of international sanctions against Russia disrupt economic ties between these two members of the Eurasian Economic Union, a free-trade zone.

The Sokolov-Sarybai Mining Production Association in northern Kazakhstan was the main supplier of ore to the Magnitogorsk Iron and Steelworks until Russia invaded Ukraine.

Known by the acronym SSGPO, the Kazakhstani plant, based in Rudniy, was supplying 70 percent of the ore sourced by the steelworks in Magnitogorsk, which lies just 340 kilometers away. The Russian plant, often shortened to MMK, obtained the rest from suppliers in Russia.

Because of the halt in supplies from Kazakhstan, MMK has been forced to source ore from nearly 2,000 kilometers away, Russia’s Vedomosti newspaper reported on May 17, citing anonymous sources from both companies.

“Problems with supplies of iron ore arose at MMK after the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine and large-scale sanctions against the Russian Federation,” the newspaper said, using the euphemism for the war that Russian media are legally required to write.

Related: Global Supply Chains Will Never Be “Normal” Again

Reports of SSGPO halting shipments to Russia emerged in April, Vedomosti noted.

MMK majority shareholder and chairman Viktor Rashnikov is the target of international sanctions, which the company has dismissed as “groundless.”

Firms in Kazakhstan have no obligation to implement international sanctions against any person or entity in Russia. However, many are wary of contagion from damage to their trade with foreign buyers or their reputations if they do business with Russian companies.

MMK is sourcing replacement ore from two enriching plants on Russia’s border with Ukraine. They are owned by Alisher Usmanov, a Russian oligarch who is under international sanctions, via his Metalloinvest steel company.

“There are no disruptions with raw material [supplies],” an anonymous source from MMK told Vedomosti. The company “has already moved to purchasing greater volumes of iron ore from Russian producers.”

The Kazakhstani company has not commented, but it must be casting around for buyers for the ore it was formerly selling to MMK.

That previously amounted to 7-8 million metric tons annually, according to Vedomosti. That sum is equivalent to about a quarter of the nearly 31 million tons the enricher produces every year.

The search for new customers comes at a time when the international appetite for steel is subsiding. The World Steel Association forecast last month that demand would rise just 0.4 percent this year, compared to growth of 2.7 percent in 2021.

Falling demand comes against the backdrop of “global spillovers from the war in Ukraine, along with low growth in China,” where strict coronavirus lockdowns are in place, the association said.

By Eurasianet.org
Congress struggles to ban lawmaker trading amid ‘very tough’ negotiations



Ben Werschkul
Senior Producer and Writer
Sun, May 22, 2022

Earlier this year a ban on lawmaker trades seemed inevitable.

But months have now passed, and in spite of a wide swath of lawmakers across the political spectrum —from Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) to Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) — expressing support, the parties have yet to come together on the details.

Close observers now say the last best hope for action this year is from ongoing talks among about a dozen senators.

Senator Jeff Merkley (D-OR) is one of the leaders of that effort which includes Warren and others. During a detailed conversation with Yahoo Finance this week, he said consensus is building around certain issues, but he doesn't "feel we're anywhere close to being able to say we've got it all wrapped up.”

“Oh boy,” he added with a laugh when pressed on when the clock might run out for action during this election year. He didn't offer an answer but said he is having conversations on the topic every day.

Senator Jeff Merkley, D-OR in April.
 (BONNIE CASH/POOL/AFP via Getty Images)

This year's last-ditch effort comes amid a stock market selloff that has seen the S&P 500 (^GSPC) flirt with a bear market with other indexes already there. Much of what has galvanized the issue in Washington — and the strong public support for action — was a 2020 scandal that saw two senators sell stocks after a private briefing on the coronavirus in 2020 before the market fell that year.

While Merkley says he's seen no evidence of additional trading during this current sell-off, advocates for a ban often note that even the proximity of a lawmaker trade to market movements can be damaging. There’s corruption and then “there is also the perception of corruption, and that's a problem” Merkley says.

Merkley has now been pushing for a stock trading ban for the better part of a decade alongside Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-OH). They began pretty much immediately after then-President Barack Obama signed the Stop Trading on Congressional Knowledge (STOCK) Act in 2012 which required public disclosure of trades but stopped short of a ban.
‘Family members have to be included’

The Oregon Senator says agreement was forming around some issues.

“I think there's a consensus that family members have to be included,” he said of one of the recent points of contention, specifically whether a lawmaker’s spouses would also be banned from trading stocks.

Craig Holman works as Public Citizen’s Capitol Hill lobbyist says the big issue there “would be what happens with Nancy Pelosi in the House.” The House Speaker has drawn attention to the matter because of her husband's plentiful stock trades, but Holman says “she seems to have come around and is willing to accept some sort of restriction on spouses.”

The Speaker has tasked one of her deputies, House Administration Committee Chair Zoe Lofgren (D-CA), with leading the effort in the House. Pelosi made widely noted remarks last December, which later backed away from, that "we are a free market economy [and lawmakers] should be able to participate in that."


Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) with her husband Paul on Capitol Hill in 2019. (REUTERS/Joshua Roberts)

Merkley also says there is consensus that any deal will have strong enforcement mechanisms and penalties for lawmakers that violate the rules.

Another point of contention is how widespread any ban would be. Some are pushing for restrictions to also apply to a range of figures around Washington like President Biden, sitting Supreme Court justices, and some Federal Reserve officials.

Merkley suggests that the best path there - in order to gain Republican support and the 60 votes for passage - is “first we need to get our house in order...and if we can work it out for ourselves it will provide a foundation for applying to judiciary, or strengthening the provisions for the executive.”

But he acknowledges it’s still an ongoing discussion. One of the leading proponents for a wider ban, Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) recently told Yahoo Finance “it's important that, if we do this ban, it's across all layers of government.”
‘The thornier issues’

But perhaps the biggest hurdle to any unity bill - and adoption by the wider Congress - is how to deal with lawmakers’ incoming assets. Gillibrand suggests a model would be along the lines of “we would allow people to own what they own, but they would have to put it behind the blind trust.”

But the various sides seem far from agreement on a range of related issues like whether lawmakers would be able to dissolve their assets tax-free if they wanted and how blind trusts would work for people below certain asset levels.

Sens. Jeff Merkley (D-OR) and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) are two of the leaders in the current effort to ban lawmakers from trading stocks.
(Alex Wong/Getty Images)


“I think that's the most contentious issue,” says Holman.

Merkley says negotiators are trying to take the best elements from existing guidance in the House, the Senate, the executive branch, and federal law. But he than noted another set of “what I think are the thornier issues” and have not been widely discussed such as what to do about lawmakers that hold stakes in private companies as well as bond-holders.
‘Doing nothing is the absolute worst option’

Donald Sherman is a Senior Vice President at Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) and he has been pushing lawmakers to be as aggressive as possible. “I'm confident that the Senate is going to introduce some legislation” he said this week but was withheld judgment about whether it would be effective.

“There are a range of options available on the spectrum,” he says, adding “doing nothing is the absolute worst option.”

Others have been less optimistic that any sort of deal is in the offing. Punchbowl News recently quoted senior Democratic aides as saying the the effort was stalled with no current path forward. It was even described as “in ‘Nowhereland.’”

Other have questioned whether Congress can ever regulate itself. "It's not really a mystery to me why it's difficult to pass," Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) told Yahoo Finance in February and Merkley himself added - perhaps more diplomatically - that “when you get into people's finances and into things that affect their family, there are a lot of complexities that have to be ironed out.”

Either way, as Sherman puts it, “this is either going to be something that [lawmakers] are able to run on in November or something that they'll have to run from.”

Ben Werschkul is a writer and producer for Yahoo Finance in Washington, DC.



US sees risk of COVID supply rationing without more funds



Pedestrians wearing protective masks walk along Broadway in the SoHo district of New York, March 4, 2022. The White House is planning for what it calls “dire” contingencies that could include rationing supplies of vaccines and treatments this fall if Congress doesn’t approve more money for fighting COVID-19. Biden administration officials have been warning for weeks that the country has spent nearly all the money approved for COVID-19 response. (AP Photo/John Minchillo)More

ZEKE MILLER
Sat, May 21, 2022,

WASHINGTON (AP) — The White House is planning for “dire” contingencies that could include rationing supplies of vaccines and treatments this fall if Congress doesn’t approve more money for fighting COVID-19.

In public comments and private meetings on Capitol Hill, Dr. Ashish Jha, the White House coronavirus coordinator, has painted a dark picture in which the U.S. could be forced to cede many of the advances made against the coronavirus over the last two years and even the most vulnerable could face supply shortages.

Biden administration officials have been warning for weeks that the country has spent nearly all the money in the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan that was dedicated directly to COVID-19 response.

A small pool of money remains, and the administration faces critical decisions about how to spend it. That means tough decisions, like weighing whether to use it to secure the next generation of vaccines to protect the highest risk populations or giving priority to a supply of highly effective therapies that dramatically reduce the risks of severe illness and death.

That decision may be made in the coming week, according to the administration, as the White House faces imminent deadlines to begin placing orders for vaccines and treatments before other nations jump ahead of the U.S. in accessing supply.

Jha has warned that without more money, vaccines will be harder to come by, tests will once again be scarce, and the therapeutics that are helping the country weather the current omicron-driven surge in cases without a commensurate increase in deaths could be sold overseas before Americans can access them.

“I think we would see a lot of unnecessary loss of life if that were to happen,” Jha said this past week. “But we’re looking at all the scenarios and planning for all of them.”

He said the administration was “getting much more into the scenario-planning business to make sure that we know what may be ahead of us so we can plan for it and obviously also lay those out in front of Congress."

Jha, who declined to put a specific projection on potential loss of life, has become the face of the Biden administration’s efforts to persuade Congress to approve an additional $22.5 billion for COVID-19 response.

“The scenarios that we’re planning for are for things like what if Congress gives us no money and we don’t have adequate vaccines,” Jha told the AP in a May 12 interview. “We run out of therapies. We don’t have enough tests. What might things look like? Obviously, that’s a pretty dire situation.”

Already, the domestic production of at-home testing is slowing, with workers beginning to be laid off. In the coming weeks, Jha said, manufacturers will sell off equipment and “get out of this business,” leaving the U.S. once again dependent on overseas suppliers for rapid test.

Drug manufactures and the Food and Drug Administration, meanwhile, are working on evaluating the next generation of vaccines, potentially including ones that are targeted at the dominant omicron strain. But getting them ready before the predicted case surge in the fall means placing orders now, since they take two to three months to produce.

Jha said this week that the U.S. has yet to start negotiations with drugmakers because of the lack of money.

“We’ve had some very preliminary conversations with the manufacturers,” he said. “But the negotiations around it have not yet begun, partly because we’re waiting for resources.” He added: “The truth is that other countries are in conversations with the manufacturers and starting to kind of advance their negotiations.”

The U.S., he said, doesn't have enough money to purchase additional booster vaccines for anyone who wants one. Instead, the supplies of those vaccines may be restricted to just the most vulnerable — not unlike the chaotic early days of the COVID-10 vaccine roll-out.

“Without additional funding from Congress, we will not be able to buy enough vaccines for every American who wants one once these new generation of vaccines come out in the fall and winter,” he said.

And while the U.S. has built up a stockpile of the antiviral pill Paxlovid, which has been widely effective at reducing severe disease and death, it’s running out of money to purchase new doses — or other, even more effective therapies that are in the final stages of development.

“If we don’t get more resources from Congress, what we will find in the fall and winter is we will find a period of time where Americans can look around and see their friends in other countries — in Europe and Canada — with access to these treatments that Americans will not have,” Jha said.

A congressional deal for a slimmed-down COVID-19 response package of about $10 billion fell apart in March over the Biden administration’s plans to lift virus-related restrictions on migration at U.S. borders. But a federal judge on Friday put that plan on hold, just days before it was to take effect on Monday.

There is no guarantee of swift action on Capitol Hill, where lawmakers — particularly Republicans — have grown newly wary of deficit spending. On Thursday, a $40 billion measure to assist restaurants that struggled during the pandemic failed on those grounds. GOP lawmakers have also objected to additional funding for the global pandemic response, and called for any new virus response funding to come from unspent economic relief money in the $1.9 trillion rescue plan.

The administration is preparing to lay the blame on lawmakers if there are tough consequences this fall due to lack of money. Still, it could be perilous for Biden, who has struggled to fulfill his promise to voters to get control of the pandemic.
Mozambique insurgency: Why 24 countries have sent troops

Joseph Hanlon - Mozambique analyst
Sun, May 22, 2022

A Rwandan soldier walks in front of a burned truck near Palma, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique on September 22, 2021


At least 24 countries have sent soldiers to support Mozambique in its fight against insurgents in northern Cabo Delgado province.

The discovery of 7,000 "ghost soldiers" in the ranks of a poorly paid and badly trained army underline why Mozambique needs help.

The Carta de Moçambique daily newspaper discovered many of the salaries of fake soldiers were paid to senior defence officials, and that there are a growing number of children of former officers and politicians who receive salaries without ever having been in military training, let alone setting foot in a military unit.

More than 2,000 well trained Rwandan troops were sufficient to largely take control of the two coastal districts, Palma and Mocimboa da Praia, near giant gas fields. Despite their successes, Mozambique's civil war rumbles on.


The big struggles now are political - about money, the causes of the war, who can fight, and if the gas project can resume.

Cabo Delgado is Mozambique's resource-curse province, with gas, rubies, graphite, gold and other natural resources.

Protests were growing that the profits were all going to an elite in the ruling party, Frelimo, and that few local jobs were being created.

The coastal zone is historically Muslim. Local fundamentalist preachers said Sharia, or Islamic law, would bring equality and a fair sharing of wealth - effectively, a socialist message.

The war started in 2017 when young people in Mocimboa da Praia attacked the local police station and army post, capturing weapons.

Since then, more than 4,000 people have been killed and 800,000 forced from their homes.

The conflict has created a massive humanitarian crisis in northern Mozambique

The first struggle is over the roots of the war. President Filipe Nyusi and Frelimo say it is entirely an external aggression and thus not their fault.

The European Union (EU) and the World Bank want to contribute hundreds of millions of dollars to try to stop the war, partly by creating jobs and resolving the grievances, but Frelimo has for six months refused to put an EU-World Bank proposal to the cabinet.

Civil wars always attract outsiders, and there has been some involvement from Islamic State (IS) and jihadists from other wars, as well as finance from some Middle Eastern states.

Most Mozambican researchers say local issues remain dominant. But both the US and IS want this to be seen not as a local civil war, but as a clash between two global powers.

In March 2021, the US labelled the insurgents as Isis-Mozambique and "global terrorists".

This was widely rejected by those researching the war, and the US refused to release its evidence.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken on 14 July 2021 stressed that the main US interest in Mozambique was "countering Isis".

And on 4 April 2022 the US named Mozambique as one of five countries under the Global Fragility Act, which would involve substantially increased US involvement in Mozambique.

Meanwhile, apparently pleased with the growing publicity for such a small investment, IS began to call the insurgents IS Mozambique.

The fear is that IS and the US seem to be aiming for a proxy war in Mozambique.

This stirs unhappy memories because in the 1980s, before the end of the Cold War, the US waged a proxy war against the then Soviet Union that killed one million Mozambicans.

So Mozambique is trying to keep the US at arm's length. It has been allowed a small military training mission, but no more.

Entire villages have been destroyed in attacks by insurgents

Two other countries have pushed to send in their soldiers - Portugal and South Africa.

Portugal is the former colonial power which was defeated in the 1965-1975 independence war, and has been trying to regain a military presence ever since.

It has sent its troops through a European Union training mission - most soldiers are Portuguese but 10 other countries, including Greece, Spain, and Italy, have also contributed.

South Africa sees itself as the regional power and Mozambique as its back yard.

It pushed to create a Southern African Development Community (Sadc) military force. Mozambique stalled.

President Nyusi met Rwanda's President Paul Kagame and France's President Emmanuel Macron last year.

Rwanda has a professional army heavily involved in peacekeeping operations, and the lead company in the suspended gas project is French, TotalEnergies.

The first 1,000 Rwandan troops arrived on 9 July 2021 and in three weeks cleared insurgents from key areas.

The Sadc Mission in Mozambique (Samim) had been created earlier in 2021 but Mozambique only allowed the first South African troops to arrive on 19 July, after the Rwandans were already in operation.

Most Samim troops are South African but nine other Sadc states have also contributed personnel. They include Angola, Botswana and Zimbabwe.

Samim has been assigned to less important zones far from the gas, and has not proved effective in fighting the insurgents.

President Nyusi visited Uganda in late April and met President Yoweri Museveni, who had received military training from Frelimo in Cabo Delgado in the 1970s when he was waging a guerrilla war against the then-Ugandan government.

Mr Museveni revealed he was already supporting the Mozambican military and suggested sending a troop contingent.

Thus the Rwanda-Uganda-France axis is helping to keep South Africa, Portugal and the US at bay.


Map

Two other struggles continue. The first is that Frelimo and the military want to keep tight control of the war zone, restricting journalists and aid workers.

The government and military want to control the distribution of aid. Special humanitarian visas must be individually approved by the National Disaster Agency, and are restricted to working for a named agency.

TotalEnergies head Patrick Pouyanné told investors on 28 April that there could be no return to Mozambique until the people had returned to Mocimboa da Praia district and were living in peace with a normal life. He said a simple security zone was not acceptable.

But, so far, Mozambican authorities are not allowing displaced people to return to most of Mocimboa da Praia. They say conditions are not suitable yet, and they fear that many displaced people still support the insurgents.

So there is a stand-off. Will the government allow people to return and allow aid agencies in, or are they hoping that TotalEnergies will eventually accept a security zone without population?

Dr Joseph Hanlon is a visiting senior fellow in international development at the London School of Economics, author of eight books on Mozambique, and editor of Mozambique News Reports and Clippings.
Americans hosting Ukrainian refugees encounter ‘unbelievably difficult’ process

Mary Pflum
Sat, May 21, 2022

TAMPA, Florida — When Roaya and Tony Tyson saw the images in March of Ukrainian families fleeing their homeland, the couple looked around their three-bedroom home in Tampa, Florida, and knew they had to do something.

“Some people were sending money,” Roaya said. “But we wanted to do more.”

After researching online, the Tysons, who have no children, came across the website for Spring of Life, a Ukrainian church based in California’s Sacramento County that’s paired hundreds of Ukrainian families with American hosts.

“We told them we had room in our home for two or three people,” Roaya said. “They told us they had a family of four. We said all righty then — bring them on!”


Two days later, Yuliia Venhlinska and her husband, Serhii Donet, arrived, along with their two sons, Max, 11, and Mark, 3, transforming the Tysons’ once-quiet house of two adults into a bustling home of six.


John and Lisa Monaco, self-described

A 10-minute drive from the Tysons, another Tampa household was also growing. John and Lisa Monaco, both doctors, decided to open the second floor of their home to a Ukrainian family.

Spring of Life Church paired them with Masha and Vladimir Halytska and their three children, Vasilisa, 11, Lev, 7, and Danylo, 3.

“Two weeks ago our house was empty and quiet,” said John, whose youngest child is in college. “Now we have toys and strollers and shoes all over the place. I love it!”

The Tysons and the Monacos opening their homes to Ukrainian refugees are examples of not only strangers helping strangers but also of American hosts and Ukrainian refugees learning to navigate a complicated system of resettlement. Their experiences have in some proved more difficult than recent refugee resettlements in the U.S. and more challenging than many anticipated.

On one hand, the American host families say there have been ample rewards.

“I love having a loud, laughter-filled home,” Lisa Monaco said, noting she has enjoyed teaching Vasilisa to make crafts, and transforming the family’s yard into a soccer pitch for Lev.

“Every night we have a family dinner, all seven of us.

On the other hand, there’s been a mountain of often formidable paperwork.


“It’s not an easy process,” said Roaya Tyson of the experience of helping Venhlinska, Donet, and their children settle into the United States. “It’s been unbelievably difficult. In so many cases, you can’t get one document if you don’t have other documents, so it’s been a catch-22.”

The challenges are not unique, said Chris George, executive director of Integrated Refugee & Immigrant Services, a Connecticut-based refugee resettlement agency.

“Welcoming and resettling refugees or humanitarian parolees is not easy. I can’t imagine an individual or couple doing this without help.”

‘They don’t know what they’re in for’


Under the Uniting for Ukraine program, run by the Department of Homeland Security, up to 100,000 Ukrainians will be able to resettle in the U.S. unders humanitarian parole, which is separate from the State Department’s Refugee Admissions program. Unlike that program, Ukrainians admitted under humanitarian parole will not receive the benefits of refugee status, which include work authorization, health care and housing assistance.

In the fall, 78,000 Afghans came to the U.S. as humanitarian parolees. Congress provided emergency funding for the Afghans to receive medical care, housing allotments and work visas. That kind of assistance has not been provided to Ukrainian refugees.

That means, George said, there is considerable burden placed on individual American sponsors and families who raise their hands to host Ukrainian refugees because they lack the resources of the relief organizations that the government typically calls on to resettle refugees.

“The current system puts too much pressure on the sponsors,” said George. “They’re accepting the pressure willingly, but honestly they don’t know what they’re in for. It’s very time-consuming, all of these necessary tasks, like enrolling kids in school, finding health care, helping somebody find a job, helping them integrate into the community.”

In the case of Venhlinska and Masha Halytska and their families, Susan Morgan, a Florida social worker, volunteered to help. Morgan is serving as a point person for several Ukrainian families resettling in the U.S.

“It’s a lot of responsibility,” Morgan said.

The laundry list of things Ukrainians need to do to get settled is considerable, according to Morgan. Besides state IDs, Ukrainians coming to the U.S. need help in getting driver’s licenses, applying for work visas, seeking out affordable housing, finding schools for children and undergoing physical exams.

Host families and sponsors also need to be mindful, Morgan said, of the trauma the Ukrainians have endured.

“You’re bringing a family in that has left their home, their family,” Morgan said. “They have losses. So as many times people are happy to get here, they’re still experiencing trauma.”

A complicated and unequal process

In the case of the Halytskas, the family was forced to flee their home in Dnipro in the middle of the night, when Russian bombs hit their neighborhood.


Masha and Vladimir Halytska fled their home in Dnipro, Ukraine, with their three young children after Russian bombs destroyed buildings in their neighborhood. (Masha Halytska)

“The kids were really afraid,” Masha said. “They could hear the sirens all around them, see the smoke and buildings on fire.”

The family fled with just a pair of bags and a ukulele. They slept in the car for days before making it out of Ukraine.

Even the smallest of children have experienced trauma, said Morgan, who noted Venhlinska’s 3-year-old, Mark, spent his first weeks with the Tysons hiding under furniture, still fearful of Russian shelling.


Ukrainian refugees Danylo, age 3, Lev, 7, and Vasilisa Halytska, 11, slept in the car for several days, as their family tried to make their way out of Ukraine.
(Masha Halytska)

As challenging as it will be for Ukrainians to resettle in the U.S. in the coming weeks and months, critics have noted they’ve received better treatment in some instances than other refugees seeking asylum here, particularly those at the U.S.-Mexico border. Ukrainians were in many cases able to move to the front of the line.

“It’s not the fault of the Ukrainians that they’ve been at times getting preferential treatment,” George said, noting they’ve received better treatment in many cases than refugees from El Salvador, Honduras and Syria. “We shouldn’t blame them but we should blame people at the border for the way they are forcing other people fleeing dangerous conditions to wait many months under dangerous situations.”

George hopes the United for Ukraine program will implement an orientation and coaching program in the coming weeks to help Ukrainian refugees and host families navigate the resettlement process more smoothly.

“We’ve always believed in the ability of an ordinary American to step forward and welcome refugees, but ordinary Americans need help.”


Roaya and Tony Tyson say their three-bedroom house was quiet before they welcomed Ukrainian refugees Yuliia Venhlinska and Serhii Donet and the couple's two children, Max, 11, and Mark, 3
. (Mary Pflum)

While they feel overwhelmed at times, for now, Venhlinska and Masha Halytska say they’re happy to have found their way to the U.S.

“We feel safe now,” Halytska said. “Now we can breathe.”

Both mothers are enrolling their children in Tampa-area public schools in the fall and both families are awaiting work visas, which is likely to take months.

“We want to work,” said Venhlinska, who was a chemist in Ukraine.

“We don’t want to be dependent on anybody’s support, even if it’s very helpful,” said Halytska, who worked as a nutritionist in Ukraine and whose husband owned and operated his own trucking company.

Their hosts — one-time strangers they now call family — say, no matter how daunting the resettlement process may be at times, they’re happy to have opened their homes and their hearts.

“I now consider Yuliia a daughter,” Roaya Tyson said.

“It’s really a gift,” agreed John Monaco. “They get to be in a safe home, and we get to feel like we’re doing something in what I consider to be a world war of good versus evil. We feel like we’re the grandparents and the kids and the grandkids have come home.”

Large solar array means 2 Northwest Alaska villages can turn off diesel power for hours a dayAlex DeMarban, Anchorage Daily News, Alaska

May 22—A new $2.2 million solar farm is generating power in two Alaska villages above the Arctic Circle, where energy costs are among the highest in the state.

The 225-kilowatt project in Shungnak, in Northwest Alaska, is unusual because the tribal government in that village and in nearby Kobuk own the farm and will sell the power to the Alaska Village Electric Cooperative, the largest electric utility in rural Alaska.

"This is the first time we entered into a power purchase agreement with anyone," said Bill Stamm, the chief executive for the utility. "We buy the power from the community and it's putting money back into the community."

The power is used in Shungnak and in Kobuk, connected with an electrical intertie about 10 miles away. The communities have a total population of about 450 residents. They're about 450 miles northwest of Anchorage.

The solar array was completed last fall, just as winter darkness was setting in.

Now, with long spring days afoot, it's getting its first real test. The solar farm has been producing so much power that it has allowed the diesel-fed power plant to shut down for several hours a day, said Billy Lee, a Shungnak resident who serves on the energy committee for the Northwest Arctic Borough, the regional government.

"The diesel generators were off for about seven hours yesterday and the other day, with no burning of fossil fuels," Lee said on Friday. "It's great for us."

[Solar power heats up in Alaska]

Not many communities in Alaska have the ability to shut down their diesel power plants and use only renewable power, Stamm said. The opportunity to do so should grow in the coming weeks as power demand falls, as temperatures warm and village residents travel to subsistence camps for fishing and hunting, he said.

The project is expected to reduce diesel costs in the village by about $200,000 annually, eliminating the need for about 25,000 gallons of fuel, Stamm said.

It's expected to lead to slightly lower electricity prices and will reduce greenhouse gas emissions by burning less diesel fuel, he said.

In another first for the utility, which operates close to 50 power plants in rural Alaska, the project includes large batteries to store the solar power for one to two hours after the sun goes down, he said.

The system uses a sophisticated controller to smoothly manage the differing sources of power on the system: battery, solar or diesel, he said.

"Those are the two components that have made this type of project more affordable and manageable," he said, referring to advances in battery power and the power-management system.

The solar array in Shungnak is just one of several large commercial solar projects underway in Alaska, said Chris Rose with Renewable Energy Alaska Project, which advocates for more renewable power.

Natural gas and diesel fuel are used to make most of the electricity in Alaska's communities, but they are very expensive compared to the Lower 48, Rose said.

"People are looking at the alternatives and realizing they can generate power cheaper than utilities," he said.

Along the Alaska Railbelt in the state's most populated region, private entities are pursuing large commercial solar projects in both Houston in the Matanuska-Susitna Borough and on the Kenai Peninsula, he said.

[Breakup Bash: Bethel celebrates as river ice moves on the Kuskokwim River]

The Shungnak solar array can produce about one-fifth of the power of a privately owned solar farm installed in Willow in 2019, Stamm said.

Shungnak and Kobuk have some of the highest electricity prices in Northwest Alaska and in the U.S., said Ingemar Mathiasson, the energy manager for the borough.

A gallon of diesel fuel easily exceeds $10 a gallon when water levels drop on the Kobuk River and prevent fuel barges from reaching the villages. When that happens, planes must fly in relatively small loads of diesel, adding to costs.

The new solar array will offset annual diesel fuel use by more than 10%, possibly much higher, Mathiasson said.

"We'll see if we can get to 30%," Mathiasson said.

The project is a partnership made up of many entities, including NANA Regional Corp., representing Alaska Natives from the Northwest region, as well as the villages, officials involved in the project said.

The Department of Agriculture and the Denali Commission, a federal agency created to improve infrastructure in Alaska, provided much of the funding.

The borough contributed about $400,000 through the village improvement fund supported by a payment-in-lieu-of-taxes agreement with Teck, the operator of the Red Dog zinc mine in the region, Mathiasson said.

Mathiasson said the borough has set a goal of building solar installations for the 10 villages in the region outside Kotzebue. The hub city for the region is home to rural Alaska's largest solar array, owned by the Kotzebue Electric Association.

Next up to receive a solar array is Noatak, another village with high fuel prices, Mathiasson said.

Plans are underway to build a 275-kilowatt solar array in that Northwest Alaska community of 420, larger than the one in Shungnak, he said.

The projects are important in part because they create local jobs, Mathiasson said.

Construction for the Noatak array should begin soon, he said, and it should be operating next summer.

"The idea is to harvest energy when it's there, like we do with our other resources, caribou and berries and everything else out there," Mathiasson said.

Lara Logan, Once a Star at CBS News, Is Now One for the Far Right

When Lara Logan reached the heights of American journalism more than a decade ago, as the chief foreign affairs correspondent for CBS News, her bosses didn’t think twice about sending her to cover the biggest stories in the world. Producers clamored to work with her as she landed interviews with a Taliban commander, chronicled the Arab Spring and tracked the Ebola outbreak. Former President Barack Obama called her to wish her well after the most traumatic event of what seemed like a limitless career: She was sexually assaulted while covering a demonstration in Cairo’s Tahrir Square in 2011.

But today Logan cuts a far different figure in American media. Instead of on national news broadcasts, she can be found as a guest on right-wing podcasts or speaking at a rally for fringe causes, promoting falsehoods about deaths from COVID vaccines and conspiracy theories about voter fraud.

Recently, she downplayed the seriousness of the Jan. 6, 2021, assault on the Capitol on one of those shows. “This is now the crime of the century?” she asked sarcastically. She has echoed pro-Kremlin attacks on the United States, accusing Americans of “arming the Nazis of Ukraine.” And she has compared Dr. Anthony Fauci and Hillary Rodham Clinton to some of Hitler’s most notorious henchmen.

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Her latest project is a forthcoming documentary on voting machines called “Selection Code” that is being financed by Mike Lindell, the CEO of My Pillow, who has helped spread some of the most outrageous myths about the 2020 presidential election.

From the outside, Logan’s path has been one of the most puzzling in the modern history of television news. Her reporting for “60 Minutes” and the “CBS Evening News” helped inform the nation’s understanding of the toll that a decade of military conflict was taking on U.S. forces. CBS News executives envisioned her as a next-generation star in the mold of a Mike Wallace or Dan Rather.

But her transformation, into a star of far-right media, is one that former colleagues who worked closely with her said did not come out of nowhere.

More than a half-dozen journalists and executives who worked with Logan at “60 Minutes,” most of whom spoke anonymously to discuss private interactions with her, said she sometimes revealed political leanings that made them question whether she could objectively cover the Obama administration’s military and foreign policy moves. She appeared increasingly conservative in her politics over the years, they said, and more outspoken about her suspicions of the White House’s motives and war strategy.

Some said her opinions started to dovetail with the views of Obama critics she relied on as sources then who have since become close allies of former President Donald Trump, including Lindsey Graham, the hawkish Republican senator from South Carolina, and Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, who aided efforts to attempt to overturn the 2020 election and has embraced numerous other conspiracy theories.

Still, Logan’s turn has disappointed many who considered her bright and fearless and admired her for returning again and again to Iraq and Afghanistan despite nearly losing her life in 2003, when a U.S. military vehicle she was in was hit by Taliban fire. She lay unconscious while her crew and military personnel scrambled to drag her to safety, thinking she was dead.

“She was extraordinarily courageous in her war reporting,” said Ira Rosena former “60 Minutes” producer who wrote a book about his years with the network, “Ticking Clock.”

“When I think of Lara,” Rosen added, “I want to remember the Lara who put her life on the line reporting for CBS News in Afghanistan and Egypt. The one now I almost don’t even want to know about.”

When reached for comment, Logan said she wouldn’t participate in “a hit piece,” and added, “I’m not interested,” before abruptly hanging up. But today she speaks often to conservative talk show hosts about her days at CBS, describing what she views as a culture of conformity in the mainstream media.

“The moment I wasn’t toeing the line, then I was, ‘Oh, she used to be great, what happened to her?’” Logan said on a recent episode of Lindell’s web show, “The Lindell Report.”

“‘Oh, she’s unhinged and disgraced,’” Logan added, referring to the criticism and ostracism she has faced in recent months after making disparaging comments about public health officials like Fauci, among others.

In November, after she compared Fauci to Josef Mengele, the Nazi doctor who performed inhumane experiments on concentration camp prisoners, Logan was dumped by the production company that made a show she starred in on Fox Nation, the streaming service for Fox News. Her longtime talent agency also severed ties with her, according to one news executive.

Since then, she has been relegated even further into the periphery of conservative media, where vaccine skeptics and election deniers host her and hail her as a whistleblower who, in their telling, is exposing mainstream media cover-ups. In interviews in recent weeks, she has taken aim at a range of seemingly unrelated targets — railing against “open border ideologues” and the United Nations bureaucrats she accuses of supporting them, so-called smart meters that record energy consumption in homes, and activists working to reverse climate change, which she has called “another load of B.S.”

Although she expresses views that are hard right today, some former CBS News colleagues recalled that her politics were not always easy to pigeonhole as conservative when they worked together. One said that Logan, who was raised in South Africa, once expressed dismay at the prevalence of guns in the United States and said she did not understand the affinity that many Americans have for the Second Amendment. She spoke with pride about her family when she described them as dedicated opponents of apartheid, they said.

Several who worked alongside her said her fearlessness in war zones was double-edged — it produced some good television but also sometimes made them question her judgment. On occasion, they said, she led her producers and crew into situations that they thought were not worth the risk. Some cameramen refused to work with her, one of the former colleagues added, and she could be dismissive of the security teams the network hired to keep its journalists safe.

One former CBS producer who worked with her, Peter Klein, said in an interview that the structure of a large newsroom was a moderating influence. “There’s a system in place in newsrooms that offer checks and balances,” said Klein, founder of the Global Reporting Centre in British Columbia, a nonprofit. “Most of us need that system — but she really needed that system. And we knew that from the beginning,” he said.

“Now she’s just unfiltered,” Klein added.

The former CBS journalists said that spending more than a decade reporting from war zones started to take its toll on her emotionally, as it would on almost anyone repeatedly subjected to the trauma of combat. And they said they noticed a considerable change in her demeanor — seemingly more paranoid at times, erratic and deferential to her military sources — after she was sexually assaulted in Cairo’s Tahrir Square in 2011. In that attack, a mob of men grabbed her, separated her from her crew and tore off her clothes in what she described as a “merciless” attack. She was hospitalized for several days.

The next year, Logan gave a speech that would presage her downfall at CBS. The U.S. consulate in Benghazi, Libya, had just been attacked, killing four Americans and igniting a firestorm among Republicans who accused Obama and Clinton, the secretary of state at the time, of underestimating the threat terrorists posed to Americans.

Sounding more like an advocate for the military than a reporter, Logan told her audience in Chicago that she hoped the government was getting ready to deploy its “best clandestine warriors” to “exact revenge.” The world should know, she added, that the United States would not be attacked and then “stand by and do nothing about it.” And she accused the Obama administration of playing down the threat from the Taliban, and of lying “about who they really are.”

Then, about a year later, she began telling people she was working on a story that “was going to blow the lid off Benghazi,” according to one person’s recollection.

The story she came up with was the kind of work known inside “60 Minutes” somewhat dismissively as a “book report” because it was based in part on a forthcoming book. Logan interviewed the author, a security contractor stationed in Libya, who said in a segment that aired on Oct. 27, 2013, that he had helped defend the compound on the night of the attack. He described in harrowing detail how he came face to face with the enemy.

The New York Times reported several weeks later that the contractor had, in fact, told the FBI that he was not inside the compound that night. After initially defending Logan and the report, CBS News retracted it and apologized. Logan and her producer were placed on a leave of absence, and she acknowledged having made a “disappointing” mistake.

The network’s chief and executive producer of “60 Minutes” at the time, Jeffrey Fager, later called the story “the worst mistake on my 10-year watch.”

Logan quietly left the network in 2018 after her contract expired. In a defamation lawsuit she filed in 2019 against New York magazine over a 2014 profile she claimed had harmed her ability to find other work, she said CBS cut her salary to $750,000 in 2015 from $2.15 million in 2014. (A federal judge dismissed the case.) She moved from Washington to the Hill Country of Texas with her husband and children, a relocation she told People magazine in 2016 allowed her to focus more on being a mother, especially to her son with a learning disability.

Logan’s banishment from mainstream media has hardly restricted her access to the center of gravity in the Republican Party.

This month, she made a trip to Mar-a-Lago, Trump’s Florida estate, for a screening of a new film by conservative author Dinesh D’Souza. Other guests included Flynn, Rudy Giuliani, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., and Kyle Rittenhouse, the man acquitted of murdering two people during a political demonstration that turned violent in Kenosha, Wisconsin, in 2020. As guests mingled on the grounds, Rittenhouse stopped to have his picture taken with Logan.

© 2022 The New York Times Company

Crude oil is selling for over $100 per barrel, but 200 years ago it was a plentiful resource used in medicine and cosmetics. Here are 15 surprising facts about the history of oil and gas.

Dominick Reuter

Sun, May 22, 2022

Woodford oil well with whiskey barrels in 1861
The first century of the oil industry was a wild and unregulated time, with fortunes made and lost almost overnight.Library of Congress
  • For the past century, crude oil has been the lifeblood of the global economy.

  • Before that, the oil industry was marked by wild swings in the usefulness and market value of the resource.

  • Here are 15 surprising facts about the history of oil, according to Daniel Yergin's 1991 book "The Prize."

Commonly called "rock oil," crude oil was found in many places around the world seeping out of the ground or floating on the surface of ponds or streams.

A natural oil seep
A natural oil seep.USGS

Source: Yergin, p. 19

Indigenous peoples in North America and Asia commonly used "rock oil" for both medicinal and cosmetic purposes, including treating headaches, toothaches, upset stomachs, and even straightening eyelashes.

The oldest oil well in the US
Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 19

People would typically collect the oil using rags or blankets to soak it up and wring it out into a container.

An oil tank in Pennsylvania
An oil tank in Pennsylvania.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 19

One 19th century banker, when asked for funding for the novel idea of drilling for oil, famously scoffed at the idea: "Oil coming out of the ground, pumping oil out of the earth as you pump water? Nonsense! You're crazy."

Pumping oil in western Pennsylvania
Pumping oil in western Pennsylvania.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 26

Soon, pumped oil was worth half as much as the whiskey barrels that were repurposed to hold it. To this day, the 42-gallon whiskey barrel remains the unit of measure for the industry, even when no actual barrels are used.

Woodford oil well with whiskey barrels in 1861
Woodford oil well with whiskey barrels in 1861.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 28

Drillers set off the first-ever gusher in April 1861, sending 3,000 barrels per day up into the air before an explosion and fire killed 19 people and burned for three days.

An oil rig in Titusville, Pennsylvania
An oil rig in Titusville, Pennsylvania.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 30

When the Civil War disrupted the supply of camphene illuminating oil from the South, a market for kerosene derived from Pennsylvania oil emerged. The Union also began exporting crude oil to Europe's growing market.

Pennsylvania oil rigs
Pennsylvania oil rigs.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 30

After the war, the rush to produce outpaced demand so much that a price crash in the 1870s made oil cheaper than drinking water for households in the oil regions.

Oil refinery in Erie, Pennsylvania
Oil refining in Erie, Pennsylvania.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 42

Kerosene was the dominant petroleum product prior to 1905, while gasoline was a small byproduct that was often poured off into rivers. Gasoline sold for as low as 2 cents a gallon in 1892.

Interior of a Pennsylvania oil exchange
The interior of the Pennsylvania Oil Exchange.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 14

That began to change in 1905 with the invention of the automobile, which led gasoline sales to overtake kerosene sales by 1911.

Ford Model T assembly line
Ford Model T assembly line.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 95

In the early years of the automobile, gasoline was sold at hardware stores and general stores by shopkeepers who kept it in unbranded cans under the counter or outside behind the store. Some entrepreneurs even attempted to deliver via gasoline wagons, which had a tendency to explode.

General Store
General store.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 209

World War I ushered in the modern oil era, when combustion engines demonstrated their reliability and superior versatility over coal- and horse-powered modes of transportation.

A German car towing a plane in WWI
A German car towing a plane in WWI.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, ch. 9

By 1920, the concept of a service station had taken root, with roughly 12,000 drive-in gas stations in 1921, rocketing up to more than 140,000 in 1929.

1920's gas station
1920s gas station.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 209

By 1929, once-dominant kerosene was basically negligible, due to the heightened demand for gasoline and fuel oil, which represented 85% of oil consumption.

Hartford Oil and Gas Co. workers
Hartford Oil and Gas Co. workers.Library of Congress

The 1920s also forged the bond that would tether politics and oil prices for the next century. One Wisconsin Senator railed against corporate price manipulation, warning that if it were to continue "the people of this country must be prepared, before long, to pay at least $1 a gallon for gasoline."

Oil rigs in Oklahoma
Oil rigs in Oklahoma.Library of Congress

Source: Yergin, p. 211

Read the original article on Business Insider

CAPITALI$M WITH CHINESE CHATACTERISTICS
Tencent Billionaire Airs Frustration During China’s Slowdown



Bloomberg News
Mon, May 23, 2022

(Bloomberg) -- Tencent Holdings Ltd.’s billionaire co-founder Pony Ma shared a viral opinion piece on the economic costs of China’s strict Covid Zero measures, in a rare show of frustration after his company struggled to grow during the first quarter.

Ma, usually reluctant to step into the spotlight, re-posted the column on his semi-public WeChat feed over the weekend. From the long piece -- which called out economists, academics and even average internet users for dismissing the economic impact of Beijing’s harsh Covid measures -- Ma extracted a short segment that accused Chinese internet users of taking online service providers like Tencent for granted, saying netizens would rather see those businesses go bankrupt than conduct layoffs or let their staff work overtime.

“This is a really vivid description,” the Tencent chief commented, according to a screengrab of a WeChat post that Bloomberg News verified with people in Ma’s WeChat circle. He went on to quote the article: “But of course, if their meal orders come 10 minutes late, they would be cursing the delivery guys.”

Ma lifted that quote from a long opinion piece originally posted May 20 by history author Zhang Mingyang, entitled “Apart from Hu Xijin, no one else cares about the economy.” That column referred to comments by Hu, the influential former editor-in-chief of the nationalist tabloid Global Times. Hu had previously suggested that the economic costs of containing the virus shouldn’t exceed the public-health benefits.

Ironically, the former newspaper editor had also commented on Zhang’s column after it was widely shared across the Chinese social media sphere -- he called it sensationalist clickbait.

Read More: Xi Moves to Silence Covid Zero Critics in Sign of Brewing Tumult

China’s top leaders this month warned against questioning President Xi Jinping’s Covid Zero strategy. The Politburo’s supreme seven-member Standing Committee pledged to “fight against any speech that distorts, questions or rejects our country’s Covid-control policy,” state broadcaster China Central Television said.

Ma expressed no further judgment on the overall article himself. But the fact that the boss of China’s most valuable company shared the post made waves on the Chinese internet. Representatives for Tencent didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Tencent reported revenue growth all but evaporated in the three months ended March, walloped by sweeping government restrictions as well as lockdowns across the country. Executives warned that the current quarter could be even worse, as a quarantine covering much of Shanghai -- China’s media and finance hub -- hammered commercial payments and ad spending.

The country’s largest tech corporations have resigned themselves to a new era of low growth, more than a year into a Chinese government crackdown that’s engulfed every internet arena from e-commerce to gaming and online education. Companies from Tencent to Alibaba Group Holding Ltd. have reduced headcount and streamlined laggard businesses, among other measures, to improve margins and control costs.

Why China Is Sticking With Its Covid Zero Strategy: QuickTake

(Updates with more detail from the opinion piece in the second paragraph)

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