Monday, November 17, 2025

 

How AI can rig polls



Study shows how AI can mimic humans and complete surveys.



Dartmouth College





Public opinion polls and other surveys rely on data to understand human behavior.

New research from Dartmouth reveals that artificial intelligence can now corrupt public opinion surveys at scale—passing every quality check, mimicking real humans, and manipulating results without leaving a trace.

The findings, published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, show just how vulnerable polling has become. In the seven major national polls before the 2024 election, adding as few as 10 to 52 fake AI responses—at five cents each—would have flipped the predicted outcome. 

Foreign adversaries could easily exploit this weakness: the bots work even when programmed in Russian, Mandarin, or Korean, yet produce flawless English answers.

"We can no longer trust that survey responses are coming from real people," says study author Sean Westwood, associate professor of government at Dartmouth and director of the Polarization Research Lab, who conducted the research.

To examine the vulnerability of online surveys to large language models, Westwood created a simple AI tool ("an autonomous synthetic respondent") that operates from a 500-word prompt. In 43,000 tests, the AI tool passed 99.8% of attention checks designed to detect automated responses, made zero errors on logic puzzles, and successfully concealed its nonhuman nature. The tool tailored responses according to randomly assigned demographics, such as providing simpler answers when assigned less education.

"These aren't crude bots," said Westwood. "They think through each question and act like real, careful people making the data look completely legitimate."

When programmed to favor either Democrats or Republicans, presidential approval ratings swung from 34% to either 98% or 0%. Generic ballot support went from 38% Republican to either 97% or 1%.

The implications reach far beyond election polling. Surveys are fundamental to scientific research across disciplines—in psychology to understand mental health, economics to track consumer spending, and public health to identify disease risk factors. Thousands of peer-reviewed studies published each year rely on survey data to inform research and shape policy.

"With survey data tainted by bots, AI can poison the entire knowledge ecosystem," said Westwood.

The financial incentives to use AI to complete surveys are stark. Human respondents typically earn $1.50 for completing a survey, while AI bots can complete the same task for free or approximately five cents. The problem is already materializing, as a 2024 study found that 34% of respondents had used AI to answer an open-ended survey question.

Westwood tested every AI detection method currently in use and all failed to identify the AI tool. His study argues for transparency from companies that conduct surveys, requiring them to prove their participants are real people.

"We need new approaches to measuring public opinion that are designed for an AI world," says Westwood. "The technology exists to verify real human participation; we just need the will to implement it. If we act now, we can preserve both the integrity of polling and the democratic accountability it provides."

Westwood is available for comment at: Sean.J.Westwood@dartmouth.edu.

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University of Exeter





Small changes in turnout could substantially alter election results in the future because the UK now has a multiparty system with majoritarian voting rules, a new study warns.

Last year’s General Election, which saw a marked increase in the number of candidates and a fragmented vote, will have an impact on the mandate of the Labour government, an expert has said.

The research shows how the 2024 election tested the boundaries of the first-past-the-post system and the result means the UK has an uncertain electorate with diverse preferences. While the result led to a stable government there is plenty of instability.

The study, by Dr Hannah Bunting, from the University of Exeter’s Elections Centre, shows how Labour was able to secure a third-largest victory in terms of seats, on the lowest vote share of a winning party in modern times. On an increase of just 1.7 percentage points in national vote share, they won 211 seats more than suggested by the 2019 notional results. In 2024 there were few areas where the electorate clearly preferred a single party over all others.

Dr Bunting said: “While the 2024 General Election results might have produced a stable government, under the surface and throughout the British population there is plenty of instability. Last year the public knew who they did not want, but the vote shares showed they did not uniformly agree on who they wanted to govern them.

“Labour overwhelmingly won the most seats, but they did so on small margins. The rise of Reform UK, the Greens, independents and others across the country was the driving factor for the party to win the election on such a small percentage of the overall vote.

“The Liberal Democrats won eight times as many seats as the previous election and returned their highest number of MPs since 1923 on a vote share increase of less than a percentage point and a 2.1% lower vote share than Reform UK.  The party achieved their best election result by improving in only three regions.”

Dr Bunting measured how competitive constituencies were by assessing the number of parties that had a substantive impact on the results, and how evenly spread the votes were across multiple candidates. This shows in 2019, there were seventeen three-way marginals; in 2024 there are more than 100.

More than 75 per cent of constituencies had at least three effective parties. The average was 3.4 per cent in 2024, and 2.4 across all other years.

Dr Bunting said: “This tells us the party system fragmented and suggests that the electorate have diverse ideas about the representatives they want to see in parliament.

“Some seats were won by just a handful of votes, signifying fierce competition in the constituency. There were twelve where the winner was victorious on a margin of less than 200 votes and eighteen on less than a percentage point, 112 were won with a majority less than 5%, almost twice the number with the same margin in 2019.”

The highest constituency share of the vote for the Conservatives was 53.3 per cent, in all others they received less than half of votes. In 2019 they won at least half the votes in 288 constituencies and their highest share was 76.5 per cent. In 2024, the Greens placed higher than the Conservatives in seventy-eight seats. Reform UK placed higher than them in 140 seats.

The study says some of this reduced vote share is a function of fragmentation as Labour’s landslide was won with just seventy constituencies where they took at least 50 per cent of the votes, down from 122 in 2019, which was their worst performance in eighty-four years. The Liberal Democrats more than tripled the number of seats where they won a majority of votes, from five in 2019 to eighteen in 2024.

Across Britain, turnout dropped by 7.8 percentage points to 59.8 per cent. This was the second-lowest post-war turnout, and only slightly above the record low in 2001. The study says this may be due to the greater number of parties and increase in the number of citizens that are unsure of who to vote for.

   
    
     

 

 

Study finds Marion County Record raid created 'shared press distress' among fellow journalists



In wake of police raid, journalists feared they could be next, reporting on law enforcement might suffer is such actions were allowed




University of Kansas





LAWRENCE — When police raided a newspaper in the small town of Marion in 2023, they made international headlines as computers and phones were seized in an apparent attack on press freedom. New research from the University of Kansas has found the incident sparked “shared press distress” among fellow journalists, who feared they could be next.

Journalists are no strangers to secondary trauma, often covering fires, fatalities, natural disasters and war. Interviews with Kansas journalists after the raid of the Marion County Record and subsequent death of the publisher’s 98-year-old mother when police also raided her home revealed they were distressed by seeing their fellow journalists raided.

“The idea of shared press distress came from the reporters. We didn’t go in with the idea,” said study co-author Stephen Wolgast, Knight Chair in Audience and Community Engagement for News and professor of journalism at KU. “The interviews were done about six months after the raid and about six months before the prosecutor’s report was released. At that time, people were still upset and unsure about what it all meant.”

To learn more about what the raid meant to other journalists, Wolgast and Nick Mathews of the University of Missouri conducted in-depth interviews with 19 working Kansas journalists. The study was published in the Journal of Communication Inquiry.

The interviews revealed both a practical and emotional response to the incident. Practically speaking, many of the reporters said they wondered how they could continue to cover local governments and hold those in power accountable.

“There were some who said they were not concerned. But there were also some who said, ‘I can’t afford the legal expenses if this happens to me,’” Wolgast said. “One was worried that if the raids were deemed OK, what’s to stop the police from doing the same thing to their newsroom?”

Among the most concerning findings, the authors wrote, is that several respondents reported considering they might have to alter their coverage. While some respondents reported having a good relationship with local law enforcement, others said they were forced to consider if they should temper their coverage or if they could be critical of local leaders.

“You hate to say you’re going to temper your coverage, but maybe not put it all out there, kind of like we used to,” one respondent said.

Ultimately, respondents said they continued their coverage, but several reported uncertainty about what might result from doing so.

The emotional toll was reflected as several respondents said they were deeply concerned about the well-being of a fellow journalist and small-town publisher. The idea of secondary or vicarious trauma for journalists is well established in research, but Wolgast and Mathews identified distress among journalists for colleagues who experienced a traumatic event in the line of work and one who lost a family member after the stress of the raid.

“They were feeling, not for a person they covered in a story about a car accident or whose house burned down, but for a fellow journalist whose office and home was raided,” Wolgast said.

Respondents reported feeling shock, disbelief, outrage and disgust. One encapsulated the uncertainty and trepidation by saying, “If they can get away with this, it’ll be open season on all of us.”

The incident also underscored what many journalists feared: that declining trust in the news media and the resulting hostility had instigated a violation of norms regarding freedom of the press. However, it didn’t happen in an abstract, far-off locale; it happened close to home.

“This thing doesn’t really happen in America much nowadays,” one journalist said of the raid, “but with the current political landscape and just people's general attitude and valuing of news, it doesn’t surprise me that this happened.”

The raid on the Marion County Record ultimately drew international headlines and condemnation, and several lawsuits regarding the incident are advancing through the courts. Marion County apologized for its part in the raid and agreed to pay about $3 million in damages last week in one of the suits. 

But the fact that it happened and the journalists’ responses show that such attacks on the press are not only possible, they can have lasting effects on journalists beyond those directly involved in the case, the researchers said. In the big picture, that can negatively influence journalism, especially in small towns and in communities that are becoming news deserts. 

“If journalists can’t be critical, it’s the public that loses out,” Wolgast said. “Every town has a limited budget, and knowing where it goes and how it is being used is important. Journalists need to be able to speak freely.”