Tuesday, July 07, 2026

Crooked Donald and the Strait of Hormuz

Source: Tom Englehardt

It will soon be the 250th anniversary of this country and the Trump administration is already planning its own set of celebrations. In that context, let me be as straightforward as I can: amid his latest war (or do I mean peace?), there’s nothing strait about President Donald J. Trump, despite his recent bombing attacks around the Strait of Hormuz. In fact, his assault on Iran has been about as crooked as you can get, but all too sadly, not as crooked as Donald Trump and his pals (including, of course, Secretary of War Pete Hegseth) might still prove to be.

Let me start, though, by saying this: before he suddenly attacked Iran, more or less out of the blue, none of us would have had the faintest idea (including possibly him) that he might do so. And, of course, given the size and military power of the two countries, if you had paid no attention to American history since the Korean War began in 1950, you might (like “our” president) have imagined that, should he launch an attack on Iran, victory would be a given or at least a more than reasonable probability. As has indeed been true, however, since that war in Korea ended in a victoryless fashion in 1953, no such luck — not for the United States of America anyway — not even, I would bet, if he does convince Congress to increase the Pentagon budget to $1.5 trillion (yes, trillion!) a year.

And as for his full-scale air assault on Iran, as David Faris put it recently at the Nation magazine, it’s turned out to be “a long-overdue Waterloo for America’s decades-long project to topple the Iranian theocracy or force it to its knees.” A Waterloo indeed! And that, of course, makes Donald Trump the world’s strangest modern version of Napoleon Bonaparte. If only he could be exiled to the island of Elba (though, of course, that didn’t work out too well the last time, did it?) or, since I’m not picky, perhaps Long Island, not so far from the city where he was born.

And here’s the truly strange thing in the United States of America in 2026: none of us know what President Donald J. Trump will do two hours, no less two days, two weeks, or (yes, he’ll probably still be president!) two years from now — not even, I’m quite sure, him. And of course, there’s a simple enough reason for that. Donald Trump is a first-class mystery — even, undoubtedly, to himself. And so, while he and his crew have certainly issued militarized threats against both Cuba (”Make a deal before it’s too late”) and Greenland (“One way or another, we’re gonna get it”), that doesn’t faintly mean that those are the places he’s going to face off against and possibly attack next (as he did Iran).

Now, given his record the second time around, he’s not just a war president but PW or President War. And, of course, no one, including him, really knows what he might do next when it comes to this country’s war docket or just about anything else.

The other day, though, it crossed my mind that perhaps, if Iran doesn’t flare up too many times and manage to take the global economy down with it (proving to be a classic Trumpian version of that TV series of his childhood and mine, Victory — or, these days, of course, Defeat — at Sea), and he has a little time on his hands, maybe he might like to take us back to where it all began after September 11, 2001, and launch a new war against Afghanistan. I mean, why not change the subject, especially given how badly Iran has gone for him and the possibility of a war-induced global recession (among other things)?

And what could be a better change of subject than to return to the days after 9/11 by sending the U.S. military back into Afghanistan? I mean, honestly, what could possibly go wrong?

Now, of course, I admit that that’s a completely weird, off-the-wall prediction about our already all-too-strange Trumpian future, especially since, to give him full credit, he did begin the final American military withdrawal from Afghanistan before his first term in office ended (when he was, of course, a different Trump). But hey, why not? Or maybe he’ll just pull a Nicolás Maduro and try to kidnap Afghanistan’s Supreme Leader. (Wouldn’t having the two of them in the same jail cell in Brooklyn be cool?)

And by the way, let’s not forget that at any moment Donald Trump might also go back to war with Iran. Yes, it could certainly happen… or not, which is what you could say about almost anything having to do with him as president.

The thing about Donald Trump is you simply never know… and oh, while I was writing that sentence, I noticed this, in what then was the Guardian‘s latest piece of reporting on Iran: “Iranian negotiators have suspended high-stakes talks with the US in Switzerland in protest at a stream of threats issued by Donald Trump to bomb Iran, and even to kidnap the Iranian negotiating team unless the strait of Hormuz is reopened” or as the president of the United States so charmingly put it then, “You close it and you won’t have a country. You won’t even make it back to your fucking country.” (Of course, he’s also been threatening to blockade the Strait himself or to put all-American tolls on it. But that’s him for you. Nothing he ever says is the final word, not when Donald J. Trump is speaking.)

And give him credit for bluntness, too. Of course, by the time this piece actually comes out, all of the above will undoubtedly be ancient history and who knows where we’ll be, or rather where he’ll be taking us?

In short, on the 250th birthday of this country, he’s distinctly planning to give history new meaning. Think of it this way: When it comes to Donald J. Trump, there is nothing straight about the Strait of Hormuz or, for that matter, anything else and his crooked version of history and of the present moment, just couldn’t be weirder. Maybe — my final thought — sometime in the near future, he’ll launch an operation to kidnap himself. Really, when it comes to him, nothing is beyond the bounds of possibility, is it?


This article was originally published by Tom Englehardt; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.Email
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Tom Engelhardt created and runs the website TomDispatch.com. He is also a co-founder of the American Empire Project and the author of a highly praised history of American triumphalism in the Cold War, The End of Victory Culture. A fellow of the Type Media Center, his sixth and latest book is A Nation Unmade by War.

Let’s Leave the Strait of Hormuz Alone

by | Jul 7, 2026ANTIWAR.COM

President Trump was reportedly “shocked” to see many thousands of Iranians in the street mourning at the funeral of the country’s late leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, over the weekend. Khamenei was assassinated by the United States at the beginning of the February US surprise attack on Iran.

The US attack on Iran was sold to Trump by Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and US neocons as an easy “cake walk” that would lead the Iranian government to fall and be replaced with a US-friendly regime.

“I thought they hated him,” Trump said of the murdered religious leader of Iran.

Not only did the Iranian people not rise up to replace their leadership with one friendly to Washington, but the society seems to have become even more cohesive and patriotic. This should surprise no one, as when similar tragedies occurred in the United States – assassinations, 9/11, etc – we also as a society came closer together.

In Soccer when you kick the ball into your own goal, it is referred to as an “own-goal.” That is what President Trump achieved with his attack on Iran on February 28th. In fact, it was not just one “own-goal,” but a series of them. The blunder will likely go down in American history as one of the worst foreign policy moves in our history.

The Iranians did not rise up and declare support for the US. American military bases throughout the region are so severely damaged by Iranian retaliation that most cannot be brought back online. Scores of US military equipment has been destroyed or damaged at a cost of tens of billions of dollars. Countries in the region are rethinking their decision to essentially become protectorates of the United States now that it is demonstrated that they cannot be protected by the United States. American military power suddenly looks less powerful.

But perhaps the most destructive “own-goal” of the US attack is the Iranian decision to establish control over the Strait of Hormuz. Even in the US/Israeli attacks of last June, the Strait was kept open by Iran. It is a vital trade route and in everyone’s best interest to keep open for business.

The February attack and Iran’s strong regional response led the country to embrace what some have called a de facto nuclear weapon: control of the Strait. Explaining why he signed the memorandum of understanding with Iran last month, President Trump mentioned the damage being done to the US economy by the closure of the Strait and the possibility that matters may even get worse without the agreement. The US economy desperately needed the Strait to be open.

Now, however, progress toward peace with Iran continues to be thwarted by the stubborn insistence on the US side that the Strait of Hormuz must not be controlled by Iran and that a fee system for passage through the Strait cannot be instituted by Iran and Oman. Several skirmishes have already taken place in the area, threatening to take the US back to war.

It is in the best interest of the United States to abandon claims on Hormuz – which is thousands of miles away – and live with the consequences of Trump’s mistake. Another war cannot win what two previous wars have lost. Let Iran control the Strait and let international trade and commerce be re-established. Let’s leave the Strait alone!

Ron PaulRon Paul is a former Republican congressman from Texas. He was the 1988 Libertarian Party candidate for president.

Britain Detains US Human Rights Lawyer

Source: Naila's Substack

U.S. human rights lawyer, professor and journalist Daniel Kovalik was detained by three counter-terror police officers at Liverpool’s John Lennon Airport on Saturday morning under paragraph 4 of Schedule 3 of the Counter-Terrorism and Border Security Act 2019, which allows border police to detain and question people they believe to be involved in “hostile state activity.”

Kovalik — who was visiting England for a wedding — was detained for approximately two and a half hours and interrogated extensively on his political views about “everything under the sun,” including on Israel, Palestinian and Lebanese resistance organisations Hamas and Hezbollah, the war against Iran and on China and Russia. He told Crispin Flintoff that despite the scope of questions, ultimately, “I think what they wanted is my stuff [electronic devices], that’s what they wanted and they got it.”

In the height of irony, I was detained at John Lennon International AirPort in Liverpool, England by anti-terrorism police concerned about my opposition to the Genocide on Gaza and the war on Iran. They seized my phone, computer, fingerprints and DNA sample. More to come . . . pic.twitter.com/WOtXQLjjO2

— Dan Kovalik (@danielmkovalik) June 29, 2026

Kovalik was told he would be arrested if he did not co-operate with the interview or provide the passwords to his electronic devices. Officers seized his phone and laptop, took his DNA, fingerprints and photographs from nine angles, copied his bank and credit cards and rifled through his luggage. They also questioned him about a book he was carrying — a gift from a student by Palestinian writer Ghassan Kanafani, Palestine’s Children: Returning to Haifa & Other Stories — before releasing him.

During his interview, Kovalik repeatedly informed the interrogating officers — who refused to identify themselves when asked — that he is a practising lawyer, that his electronic devices contained material protected by legal professional privilege and that he objected to their seizure. A supervising sergeant subsequently confirmed that Kovalik had properly asserted legal professional privilege but said his devices would nevertheless be retained “with intention to copy.”

The decision to retain and copy the devices despite those objections raises serious concerns about the protection of legally privileged material, the preservation of client confidentiality, and compliance with the safeguards governing legal professional privilege under Schedule 3.

Another notable case of a legal professional persecuted by the British state is that of British solicitor Fahad Ansari who was detained under Schedule 7 of the Terrorism Act 2000 in August 2025 following a family trip in Ireland. During Ansari’s detention, his work phone was seized, copied and retained. Ansari — who believes his phone data may have been sent to Israeli intelligence agency Mossad — brought judicial review proceedings against the British Home Secretary and Chief Constable of North West Police, arguing that the seizure of his phone and handling of legally privileged material was unlawful.

Screenshot, X.

London has long targeted pro-Palestine journalists, activists, academics, doctors, musicians, former MPs —  — and more recently moved onto lawyers, forcing some into exile — including Galloway and journalist Steve Sweeney — while persecuting those at home with years-long and expensive court-cases which are often, eventually dropped, making the legal process itself the punishment. This was seen years earlier during the British state’s persecution of WikiLeaks founder, journalist and publisher, Julian Assange, where a common refrain amongst activists and journalists covering the case was that “the process is the punishment.”

Over the last month, the British Home Office outright banned journalists and commentators from entering Britain, including Jeremy Loffredo — who was detained by Israel when reporting in occupied Palestine — Hasan Piker and Cenk Uygur, claiming that their “presence in the UK is not conducive to the public good.”

Meanwhile, thousands of Brits who have taken part in “the crime of all crimes” of genocide — by serving in the Israeli army following October 7 — have returned to Britain with open arms, despite the Genocide Convention requiring states to prevent, punish and prosecute individuals responsible for or complicit in genocide.

But then, this would include the British government itself.

As we expect further persecution of those opposed to genocide, it is worth stating for those seeking to visit Britain and/or travelling out of the United Kingdom, that it may be worth considering leaving electronic devices one prefers not to part with at home, considering the primary purpose of these relentless state attacks — aside from to intimidation and disruption — appears to be intelligence gathering, likely for Israel. Kovalik regrets taking his devices with him, adding that,

“Activists and others need to be smart, they shouldn’t be bringing their phones and computers onto international trips. Buy burner phones.”

After his ordeal, Kovalik has no plans to return to Britain,

“I cannot see myself coming back to the UK for some time. Honestly, that seems foolish for me to do that.”

Finally, as is typical when these state attacks occur against those opposed to genocide in Palestine, the British mainstream media remains mute, ignoring these detainments and arrests entirely. However, netizens — on the increasingly restricted social media websites — continue to share their outrage another dark chapter of British history:


This article was originally published by Naila's Substack; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.Email

Stuff I write is mostly related to my activism since that is my main interest as well as my main (unpaid) job. If you appreciate my activism and the stuff I write, please consider subscribing to my Substack if you have the means.

 

Source: The Econoclasts

In this episode of The Econoclasts, Yanis Varoufakis and Wolfgang Munchau dissect the fallout of Keir Starmer’s resignation to expose a broader Western leadership crisis, before debunking the myth of the free market to reveal the hidden corporate swindle rigging European electricity prices – a systemic failure that is not only driving up consumer bills but starving the continent of the energy capacity needed to compete with the US and China in the AI race.


This article was originally published by The Econoclasts; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.

ECOSOCIALISM

(Video) Why socialists must understand metabolic rifts


Desperately Missing Susan

July 7, 2026

Susan George. Photo: Transnational Institute.

Susan George passed away in February of this year. It is good to have waited this long for the movement to give her a proper send-off, for we have finally absorbed the shock of her departure and realized what a jewel we have lost.

What can one say about Susan George in 15 minutes? One can just scratch the surface of a truly multi-faceted life and personality. Only a biography will do her justice, and I hope one of her many admirers will do one soon.

But let me begin by saying that Susan wrote at least 15 books, all of them of great importance to the progressive movement, two of which definitely belong to the great books of political economy in the last half century, How the Other Half Dies and A Fate Worse than Debt.

In her work, Susan showed her thorough grasp of the dynamics of capitalism not by abstract theorizing but by showing how, in the concrete, they worked to wreak such devastating consequences on the lives of billions of people, especially on those in the Global South. She had a sure command of the analysis. She had a sure command of the numbers. And she had a sure command of the language, one marked by beauty, wit, and urgency.

This combination made her one of the most effective educators at a time that people were trying to make sense of the head-spinning changes that global capitalism was putting them through in the age of neoliberalism.

She was a master of several genres, including satire. The Lugano Report might be viewed as being a contemporary take on Jonathan Swift’s eighteenth-century classic, A Modest Proposal, where he famously proposed that the families of poor Irish families could be improved if they sold their numerous children to be made into delicious dishes that could be eaten by the rich. Imagining herself as a committee tasked with coming up with measures to preserve capitalism in the twenty-first century, she recommended “eschewing the Auschwitz solution” and resorting to more “humane” measures to radically reduce the numbers in a world that was 40 percent overpopulated, like making “reproductive inhibition” via chemical and other means part of the conditionalities for economic assistance programs in the Global South, the natural consequence of which would be a great reduction of pressures to replace market capitalism.

The Lugano Report was graced with sparkling examples of George’s wit, as were her other books. I am grateful to Claudio Schuftan for compiling a list of some of her best quotes, among them:

Unstable financial markets do not behave rationally; they can also create losers on a scale which would today make the 1930s look like a bad day at the races.

For the poor, children are like lottery tickets: one may succeed in life and change the status of the whole family

The Invisible Hand is thwarted by the Invisible Womb

The doctrine of Liberalism is akin to that of the Gospel: many are called, only a few are chosen

Markets discipline instantly; they hold, as it were, permanent elections

Happily, few politicians are heroes

Big money is nomadic and travels at the speed of bytes

While ignorance and stupidity must be given their due, most things come out the way they do, because the powerful want them to come out that way

Susan was not an academic, though she had a doctorate from the University of Paris. Thank god, she decided that her role was to be an educator outside the four walls of the university, to be an agitator, an activist.

Among her many memorable achievements was her role in co-founding the Amsterdam-based Transnational Institute in 1973, of which she was president at the time of her passing in February of this year. It was at TNI that I met her back in the early 1990s and came under her spell, as did so many others who were fellows and associates of that wonderful hotbed of ideas.

She worked with many movements, among them ATTAC in France, and generously shared her time with many others. She was at her best with big audiences and at mass rallies. I heard her agitate the crowd in Seattle in late November 1999 at a historic teach-in organized by the International Forum on Globalization. She was again at it in that other landmark anti-globalization rally that drew hundreds of thousands in Genoa in June 2001. She was charismatic, but she did not set out to cultivate inspiration, charming an audience instead with her persuasive analysis, her often caustic wit, the elegance of her delivery, and the strength of her conviction.

She was generous with her praise, but she was not uncritical. She was frank and always made sure to accompany praise with constructive criticism. For instance, in endorsing the book Dark Victory that I co-authored with Shea Cunningham and Bill Rau in 1994, she said, “One could wish that Bello at al had made more of the complicity of Southern elites who, on the whole, lie back and enjoy rollback because they, too, profit hugely from it. A North versus South, Empire versus Barbarian scenario, yes, but another serious player is the transnational elite to match transnational capital, sitting pretty at the top, with everyone else underneath. The world-as-sphere, North-South, is also world-as-pyramid and those at the apex are not all white.” She was right, of course.

Susan was an internationalist at a time that internationalism was under assault from right-wing nationalism that put the blame for the troubles of the Global North on migrants. Although she devoted most of her work to showing how capitalism was destroying the Global South, she also considered herself a European and campaigned for the creation of a progressive, non-neoliberal Europe. Indeed, she also found time to endorse and campaign for preferred candidates in the U.S. elections. Like her ideas, her activism knew no borders.

I got to know Susan better when I interviewed her while preparing her nomination for the Right Livelihood Award, also known as the Alternative Nobel Prize, in 2005. One thing I learned was that she went to Smith College, one of the leading finishing schools for women of the upper class in the United States, that she was, in fact, descended from the patrician upper class in the United States and had enjoyed all the privileges of that class growing up and inherited its style. It was a class style that she put to good use in battling the representatives of capitalism later in life. Few men of the global elite dared go up against her in public debate, since she could devastate them not only with her arguments but with a gaze that said “I know what you are since I came from where you came.”

Susan did not get the Right Livelihood Award, and both of us were quite disappointed she didn’t. But she did get the equally prestigious Outstanding Public Scholar Award from the International Studies Association in 2007.

I need to end, and I will do so by invoking the three Cs in summing up Susan George, the thinker and global personality.

She was courageous in taking on the task of unmasking capitalism at a time that the establishment was saying “There is no alternative” to neoliberalism, a perspective to which the established progressive parties and many thinkers of the left had capitulated.

She was consistent in her opposition to capital till the very end, and she lived to see this pay off with the collapse of neoliberalism and globalization after 2008.

She was a class act, unique in her elegance, style, and wit.

She will be missed. Sorely.

Walden Bello, a columnist for Foreign Policy in Focus, is the author or co-author of 26 books, the latest of which are Global Battlefields: Memoir of a Legendary Public Intellectual from the Global South (Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2025), Paper Dragons: China and the Next Crash (United Kingdom: Bloomsbury, 2019), and Counterrevolution: The Global Rise of the Far Right (Halifax: Fernwood Press, 2019).