Monday, November 30, 2020

Thailand Protesters Gather as Government Weaponizes Lese Majeste

Protest groups change venue to keep the peace as authorities resurrect the notorious Article 112.

By Tyler Roney
November 27, 2020

A demonstrator present at nearly all protests, with 112 and 116 on his cheeks, referring to the lese majeste law and sedition law respectively.

Credit: Tyler Roney

After a week of escalating government threats and arrests, razor wire and shipping container barricades were set up around the Crown Property Bureau (CPB) on Wednesday for a tense showdown between police and protest groups. But the protesters had other ideas.

Khana Ratsadon 2020 (People’s Party) and Free People announced a change of protest venue a dozen kilometers north to the Siam Commercial Bank (SCB) headquarters, giving the police just 16 hours to adjust.

“I’m happy it is changed,” says a protester wishing to be referred to as Chan. “We want peaceful protests. We all want to be peaceful. Thais are peaceful.” Protesters met, among other reasons, to criticize the king’s wealth, which is estimated at $40 billion. The king holds a $2.3 billion stake in SCB.

A protester waves the Thai flag in front of SCB headquarters.

Photo by Tyler Roney

The protests that have gripped Bangkok have been largely without major conflict, but scuffles between protest groups and police last week saw scenes of violence, gunshot wounds, and water cannons. By moving the protest, Wednesday’s event was an occasion for political speeches, songs, and dancing. The week, however, had taken a severe toll on the movement’s leaders.

To much shock around the country, Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha gave notice on Thursday last week that “all laws and all articles” would be used against the protesters, and on Tuesday the worst fears were confirmed when 12 protest leaders were charged under Thailand’s notorious lese majeste law, Article 112.

As of Wednesday, the protests’ biggest names — Parit “Penguin” Chiwarak, Anon Nampa, Passaravalee “Mind” Thanakitvibulphol, Mike Rayong — are all now facing Thailand’s infamous lese majeste law, which carries a penalty of 15 years in prison for insulting the monarchy.

Article 112 has not been levied in earnest since 2017, with the government relying on vague charges of sedition and computer crimes to silence critics. The resurrected and notorious Article 112 could be levied for almost any reason. In the past, it was used against people for sharing a BBC article or discussing historical battles

Nonetheless, the protest leaders showed up at the protest. Mike Rayong came early in the day, Chukiat dressed as usual in a satirical outfit, Rung gave interviews, and, to much amusement, Penguin came dressed as a duck.

Parit -Penguin- Chiwarak on the main protest stage in front of SCB headquarters. Photo by Tyler Roney.

Inflatable rubber ducks have become a symbol of the movement, used last Tuesday against the water cannons, hence Penguin Chiwarak’s costume and the tossing of rubber chickens from the main stage. Penguin has become one of the most popular protest leaders and faces an array of charges for previous protests.

The CPB protest plans stemmed from the Royal Assets Structuring Act of 2018, in which the current king was granted ownership of the CPB’s assets and in which there is no distinction between the royal family’s private holdings and state assets.

The monarch, His Majesty King Vajiralongkorn, is a powerful and, to some, sacred force in Thai politics. King Rama IX was universally beloved in Thailand, but his son has drawn criticism for a range of topics, including his lavish lifestyle. On signs, make-up, and on stage, Thai protesters were fighting back against Article 112 and the king’s finances.

“Reform, not destroy,” says Nam, a student at Suan Dusit University, which was closed in preparation for protests at the CPB. “We are Thai people. We want to control our future and money. End 112.”

Plans to reform of the monarchy involve nearly a dozen specific changes, but the Free Youth group released a statement prior to the protest stating, “The ruling class oppress the people who are the true founders and heirs of this country, not any great king.”

Demonstrators and traffic on Ratchadapisek Road. Photo by Tyler Roney.

As celebration and protest songs raged from Ratchayothin bridge to SCB Park Plaza and beyond, a collection of royalists attended a ceremony with a royal motorcade and shouted support for Prayut in Lumpini park on the other end of town.

The yellow-clad pro-royalists were one of the main reasons protesters chose to move the protests from the Crown Property Bureau. Though smaller in Bangkok and made up of largely older adherents, the pro-royalists at the rally last week were found beating protesters, chucking bricks into the crowd, and the gunshots were believed to have come from a 35-year-old pro-royalist.

Prayut’s military-aligned government has been the central complaint of the protesters, with Prayut taking a great deal of criticism at the protest on Wednesday, including one man dressed as a monk carrying a photo of him in a funeral procession.

The past week has seen the government taking on a much more antagonistic role. In a move seemingly dedicated to sow chaos among the protesters, Bangkok also arrested Piyarat “Toto” Chongthep on Tuesday, head of the “WeVo,” short for “We Volunteer,” who stand arm-in-arm between police and rival protesters to keep the peace. The guards of the protest on Wednesday, however, were unphased, directing traffic and giving security pat downs to those entering the area.

Protest guard by the main protest stage. Photo by Tyler Roney.

The protests began in 2019 with the lawfare launched against the charismatic Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit’s Future Forward Party but picked up after COVID-19 lockdowns in July with protesters growing increasingly bold. The demands of the anti-government protesters include the resignation of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha who took power in a 2014 coup, a rewriting of the constitution that keeps the current government in power, and reform of the monarchy.

The protest’s taboo turn toward reforming the institution of the monarchy galvanized royalist groups. The Network for the Protection of the Monarchy planned to gather in front of the CPB to protect the institution against protesters prior to the location being moved to SCB.

The king’s recent charm offensive around the country — following on from criticism of the time the monarch spent in Germany during the pandemic — has fallen on deaf ears for may, with his statements “Thailand is a land of compromise” and “We love them all the same” becoming the subject of derision in the wake of the violence against protesters.

Crowd shot at the November 25 with a picture of Prime Minister Prayut.

Photo by Tyler Roney.

Thai Twitter comes alive with the daily “mob” hashtag, with the Free Youth’s eye-catching posters sometimes announcing locations the day of the protest. On the ground, the protests vary from a festival style-atmosphere — with street food and music from local stars — to the harrowing scenes of teargas laced water cannons and bloody wounds.

Some protest groups like Sk8tizen skateboard over Prayut’s face, others like Rap Against Dictatorship film their videos live from the “mob.” On the frontline, Thailand’s protesters have taken lessons from Hong Kong’s 2019 protests.

Opposition to the protesters centers around nationalism and evidence-free accusations that dark money — such as from Thanathorn or the CIA or George Soros — is funding the protesters. As tension grows, the military finds itself denying constant rumors of a coup.

An image of the king at SCB looking down on Parit -Penguin- Chiwarak on the main protest stage. Photo by Tyler Roney.

To little relief, army chief Narongphan Jittkaewtae, urged media outlets to stop reporting coup rumours. Prime Minister Prayut also denied coup rumors before he took power by force in 2014. Move Forward MP Rangsiman Rome was gladhanding at the protest and spoke about how it is ridiculous that the country still has to live under fear of a coup

The scheduled protests in Bangkok’s Ladprao area on Friday will concentrate on preventing a coup.

AUTHORS

CONTRIBUTING AUTHOR
Tyler Roney is a Bangkok-based writer and editor who has reported from Asia for more than a decade

Thai protesters flood street with rubber ducks in 'coup prevention' drill

Thousands block major Bangkok junction in continuing protests against government and monarchy

Protesters in Bangkok pass giant inflatable yellow ducks, a symbols of resistance, in the latest demonstration against Thailand’s government and monarchy. Photograph: Teera Noisakran/Pacific Press/REX/Shutterstock

Agence France-Presse
Sat 28 Nov 2020

Thousands of democracy activists blocked a major junction in Bangkok for several hours on Friday to rehearse “coup prevention” strategies in the latest round of Thailand’s anti-government protests.

The country has for months been rocked by youth-led protests demanding a new constitution, reform of the untouchable monarchy and for the prime minister, Prayut Chan-O-Cha, to resign.

Giant rubber ducks become symbol of Thai pro-democracy rallies

Prayut, who came to power in a 2014 coup, this week played down the prospects of being overthrown or introducing martial law.

Inflatable Santa Claus figures joined the bright yellow rubber ducks that have become a symbol of the movement as some 5,000 demonstrators massed in the shadow of a motorway flyover in the north of the capital.

Natalie, a 32-year-old Bangkok office worker, said the last coup was disastrous for Thailand and warned the country shouldn’t go down that path again.

“Now is a crisis time in Bangkok and Thailand. I want new elections and to change the prime minister and for a new government to actually listen to the people,” she said.

As part of what they called “coup prevention” drills, protesters passed an armada of the pool toy ducks over their heads, to represent the military passing over the people to take the front row of Thai politics.

Another group paraded portraits of generals who had led past coups before ritually burning them. After speeches from protest leaders, the crowds dispersed around 10.30pm.

The young protesters taking on the monarchy are changing Thailand for ever Pravit Rojanaphruk

The army chief, Narongphan Jittkaewtae, has rejected coup rumours, saying the chance of another putsch was “less than zero”.
Advertisement

Political scientist Titipol Phakdeewanich from Ubon Ratchathani University believes another coup is unlikely at present.

“I don’t think [Prayut] will be ousted because he still has strong support from conservatives ... and big businesses,” Titipol said.

But in a country that has seen a dozen coups since it became a democracy in 1932, the current round of protests, which began in July, has fuelled rumours another could be looming.

Next week a constitutional court in Bangkok will rule on whether Prayut has broken rules by living in an army house, despite the fact the former general is no longer in the military’s top brass. Losing the case could see Prayut forced out of office.is rooted in authority and integrity. That’s why we made a different choice: to keep our reporting open for all readers, regardless of where they live or what they can afford to pay. This means more people can be better informed, united, and inspired to take meaningful action.

Thai protesters move to Bangkok suburbs

with a duck parade

Thai protesters stage an inflatable duck parade in Nonthaburi on the outskirts of Bangkok, on Nov 28, 2020.PHOTO: REUTERS

PUBLISHED NOV 28, 2020

BANGKOK (REUTERS) - Thai anti-government protesters demonstrated in Bangkok's outskirts on Saturday (Nov 28) with a duck parade and speeches demanding the removal of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, a new constitution and reforms to the monarchy.

Protests have been stepped up this week despite threats by Mr Prayut, a former junta ruler, to use all available laws against protesters who break them and charges of insulting the monarchy against several protest leaders.

Hundreds of people gathered in both Nonthaburi and Bang Na, to the northwest and southeast of Bangkok respectively.

"We have had too many years of corrupt dictatorship. We want an election in which our voices are really heard," said one 24-year-old recent graduate, who gave only her nickname "A".

Protesters are seeking the removal of Mr Prayut, accusing him of engineering an election last year to keep power that he seized from an elected government in a 2014 coup. He has said the vote was fair and he will not resign.

Protesters have also broken taboos by seeking reforms to curb the powers of the monarchy of King Maha Vajiralongkorn, saying the institution has enabled decades of military domination.

The palace has made no comment since protests began. The king has said that despite the demonstrations, the protesters are loved "all the same".

MORE ON THIS TOPIC

Thai protesters target would-be coup makers as rumours swirl

Thai protesters target King's wealth in latest Bangkok rally

Thai protesters flood streets with rubber ducks as a symbol of resistance as fears of a coup grow

Getty Images

Thailand is no stranger to coups. There have been 13 since a 1932 revolution established a constitutional monarchy, VOA News added.

Army Chief Narongphan Jittkaewtae has rejected coup rumors and said chances were "less than zero," The Guardian added.

The call for the monarchy to be reformed has been the most controversial since it is considered untouchable and a cornerstone of Thailand's national identity, according to the Press Association.

Protestors believe that King Maha Vajiralongkorn holds too much power and has recently made it the main campaigning point despite a possible 15 years in prison, the Press Association added.

The royal institution is led by an army whose actions are endorsed by the ever-powerful royal palace, according to VOA News.

Prime Minister Chan-O-Cha who came to power during the country's last coup in 2014 has played down prospects of being overthrown and a change in martial law, The Guardian added.

Thai pro-democracy protesters rally outside army base

BANGKOK — Thailand’s indefatigable pro-democracy activists took to Bangkok's streets again Sunday, this time to protest the army as they push forward with their campaign for sweeping reforms, including to the nation's monarchy.

© Provided by The Canadian Press

Around 800 protesters marched to the base of the 11th Infantry Regiment, which is closely associated with the country’s royal palace. Their number grew to well over 1,000 as they settled in for speeches by protest leaders.

An advance group of protesters had already pulled away two decrepit buses that had been used to block the entrance to the base and removed strands of razor wire. A large contingent of riot police, several rows deep, stood their ground in front of the gate but no violence was reported by the end of the rally.

The protesters believe that the army undermines democracy in Thailand, and that King Maha Vajiralongkorn wields too much power and influence in what is supposed to be a democratic constitutional monarchy.

The student-led protesters for months now have been demanding reforms to make the monarchy more accountable, even though criticism of the institution has long been considered taboo and comments judged defamatory of the king and key royals are punishable by up to 15 years in prison.

“People should be able to criticize the king. People should be able to inspect what he does. In this way, people will respect and love him more,” said activist Somyot Pruksakasemsuk, who served seven years in prison for defaming the monarchy and is facing criminal charges in connection with this year’s protests.

The protesters also want Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha and his government to step down and the constitution to be amended to make it more democratic.

As the army chief in 2014, Prayuth led a coup ousting an elected government. His military junta oversaw the rewriting of the constitution, which shifted power from elected politicians to unelected bodies, and he was returned to power after elections held under the new rules last year.

Prayuth faces a legal challenge on Wednesday, when the constitutional Court is to rule on whether he illegally stayed in army housing after he retired from the military at the end of September 2014. If found guilty, he could be forced out of the prime minister's post. Protest leader Parit “Penguin” Chiwarak urged the crowd to rally outside the court on the day of the verdict.

The site of Sunday's protest was symbolic for several reasons.

Last year, the 11th Infantry Regiment was shifted from the army’s chain of command and made part of the Royal Security Command, answerable directly to the king. The action was one of several denounced by protesters as an example of the palace taking powers that should not be allowed under constitutional rule.

Although it was a bloodless army revolt in 1932 that ended the absolute monarchy and installed constitutional rule, the military and the palace have been closely allied for decades. By promoting and defending the royal institution, the army lays claim to being the protector of the nation, while the palace can count on the army to put down any threats to its position of privilege.

There have been 20 military coups since 1932, the most recent ones in 2006 and 2014. Because it is based in Bangkok, the 11th Infantry Regiment has been a key player in coups, or opposing them, according to the prevailing political climate.

While most coups are bloodless, the army has not hesitated to use force to crush threats to the established order.

In 2010, more than 90 people were killed and almost 2,000 injured during nine weeks of protests that saw part of central Bangkok occupied by protesters who were eventually cleared out by the army. Prayuth, then a senior army general, was involved in the crackdown.

In announcing plans for Sunday’s protest, a group from Bangkok’s Thammasat University explained on Twitter that the regiment was targeted “because this unit suppressed people in 2010 and it was the main force for the previous coups.”

Near the end of the rally, protesters threw red paint in the direction of the army base — some splattering on shields held by the police — to symbolize the 2010 bloodshed.

___

Associated Press journalist Chalida Ekvitthayavechnukul contributed to this report.

Grant Peck, The Associated Press NOV 30/2020

Scientists: Here's how to fight back against anti-maskers, climate deniers and anti-vaxxers

“If we cannot talk about sex, then we cannot talk about good sex,” proclaimed gynecologist Jennifer Gunter on a trailer for Jensplaining, her show on female reproductive health. Gunter is an example of a scientist using non-traditional platforms to communicate research.

© (Shutterstock) Teaching researchers and scientists communication skills — including social media proficiency — will help inform the public about new discoveries and research.

The shift to online science communication from conventional news platforms has been going on for a while. There is a need for credible and accurate science reporting because the miscommunication of science in the media is causing lasting damage to the public’s understanding of science.

Misinformation has consequences, as seen during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. Ignoring public health advice to wear masks and physically distance has cost thousands of lives and livelihoods in countries such as the United States, Brazil and Russia. Yet, resources in science journalism are dwindling. Budget cuts have slashed the number of journalists in conventional news outlets; this often affects specialized reporters like science journalists.

We need to equip scientists with science journalism skills. At Concordia University, the Projected Futures science journalism summer school is training graduate science students on journalism in various media such print, TV and radio. In fall 2021, a minor in science journalism will be an option for science undergrads. The Concordia School of Graduate Studies has also initiated a Public Scholars program, where a cohort of 10 Concordia doctoral candidates each year is trained to communicate their research to the public.

This withdrawal of conventional news outlets from conducting science journalism and the increasing role of universities and scientists doing so introduce new challenges. Through Projected Futures, we conducted interviews and research to examine the future of science communication.
Academic publishing is flawed

Because there are fewer science journalists in conventional news outlets, the public is less able to access the scientific information they need to make informed decisions. This is further exacerbated by the flaws of the existing academic publishing model.

Currently, scientists communicate their research via private publishing groups. Due to paywalls, this research is very hard to access by the taxpayers who fund that research. Meanwhile, research funded by industry is freely accessible to the public via the publication of patents

Open access is often discussed as a way to ease public access to scientific findings. However, some publishing groups lobby against possible open access government regulation.

But scientists are fighting back. Psychologist Tal Yarkoni, who has been an outspoken critic of the academic publishing model, and other researchers are boycotting journals that engage in this lobbying. In January 2019, the entire editorial board at Elsevier’s Journal of Infometrics resigned in protest of commercial control of scholarly work.

Academic institutions are joining the resistance against for-profit publishing models. In June 2020, the libraries of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology ended negotiations with the Elsevier publishing group as a result of a new policy making MIT’s research publicly accessible.
Challenges of communicating science

When it comes to communicating research, there is an inherent conflict of interest between scientists and the universities that employ them.

That’s not to say that universities have sinister intentions. Universities are heavily invested in enhancing their reputations, which is closely tied to their success in raising funds through student recruitment, government grants and philanthropic endowments.

Universities view science communication as a fundraising activity, directed at funding sources, rather than the general public. It’s important that university communication engages in knowledge translation with the intention of informing public debate, instead of viewing scientific communication as a potential fundraising tool.
Futures of storytelling

Universities should equip scientists with the knowledge-translation skills necessary to communicate their own science critically and credibly. And an emphasis on science journalism skills and training can help academic communicators apply a critical eye to their work. This builds credibility and engages the public audience, moving away from the cycle of hyped scientific findings.

Universities should also find a way to engage students in scientific communication. For example, there should be funding for internships for communications students, where those hired can manage Twitter accounts and blogs for research labs, update websites and write research publications in a more compelling, accessible and critical way. Such internships would be a way to apply what these students learn in their science journalism training without further burdening already overworked scientists.

The importance of credible science journalism goes well beyond addressing the immediate COVID-19 crisis. Credible science journalism remains critical to fight the anti-vaccine movement and the climate crisis with evidence-based urgent action.

Universities and scientists must recognize the necessity of equipping the next generation with science journalism skills, and adapt their training and professional development accordingly.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Keroles Riad, PhD student in the individualized program, Concordia University,

Cristina Sanza, Digital Journalism Instructor, Concordia Science Journalism Project Team Manager, Concordia University

and Nancy Hamdy, MSc candidate studying Physiology and Neuroscience, University of Toronto

Keroles Riad receives a PGS-D scholarship from NSERC.

Cristina Sanza works at Concordia University.

Nancy Hamdy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Brightly burning meteor seen across wide areas of Japan

TOKYO — A brightly burning meteor was seen plunging from the sky in wide areas of Japan, capturing attention on television and social media.

Provided by The Canadian Press

The meteor glowed strongly as it rapidly descended through the Earth's atmosphere on Sunday.

Many people in western Japan reported on social media seeing the rare sight.

NHK public television said its cameras in the central prefectures of Aichi, Mie and elsewhere captured the fireball in the southern sky.

A camera at Nagoya port showed the meteor shining as brightly as a full moon as it neared the Earth, the Asahi newspaper reported.

Some experts said small fragments of the meteorite might have reached the ground.

The Associated Press

In ancient Italian monastery, monks defend a dying tradition
By Angelo Amante and Philip Pullella

Italy's last Basilian monks of the Greek rite

GROTTAFERRATA, Italy (Reuters) - In an ancient monastery behind huge medieval battlements in a hilltop town just south of Rome, 10 monks are striving to keep alive a 1,600-year-old spiritual tradition against increasing odds.

Aged between 23 and 89, they are among Italy's last remaining Byzantine-rite Basilian monks - adherents of an order founded by St. Basil in 356 in present-day Turkey who still follow his ascetic regimen of prayer and work.

Brother Claudio Corsaro, 27, abandoned a promising career as an opera singer to become a monk. The only singing he does now is in the chapel.

"I was only six years old when I felt the Lord for the first time but I fully realised my vocation many years later, when I had already started my singing career," he said while walking between olive trees in the monastery compound.

Corsaro and his confreres dress in the habit of Orthodox churchmen, including flowing black robes and the traditional flat-topped round hat.

Basilian monk St Nilus founded the Grottaferrata abbey in 1004, 50 years before the Great Schism of 1054 split Eastern and Western Christianity.

At the time, the Grottaferrata monks chose to remain faithful to the pope in Rome rather than switch allegiance to the newly established Orthodox patriarch in Constantinople, now Istanbul.

However, to this day they worship in the Eastern, Byzantine rite, including saying the Divine Liturgy, their version of the Mass, in ancient Greek. Catholics in the West say the Mass in local languages and occasionally in Latin.

The daily regimen starts at 5:30 a.m. with individual prayer and communal worship. Then there is work in the vegetable garden and olive groves, painting icons, study, and house chores. Lunch is followed by rest, vespers, more work, more prayer and then early to bed.

Most of the monks have connections to tiny ethnic Greek or Albanian communities in southern Italy populated by descendants of early settlers from the East.

They are the last monks of the Italo-Albanian tradition to follow the Rule of St. Basil.

Brother Filippo Pecoraro, 23, was raised in an Italo-Albanian family in Sicily and is from the Arbereshe people who fled Ottoman invasions of the Balkans between the 14th and 18th centuries.

"I grew up in an environment very close to the Church and this life choice was inside me," Pecoraro said.

The young blood has not stopped the order's numbers from shrinking significantly. In the middle of the last century the abbey was home to around 80 monks.

Nonetheless, Corsaro is steadfast in his belief that preserving the ancient tradition is his sacred calling.

"I feel like someone the Lord has chosen among the few to continue this responsibility and I thank God for the grace he has given me to carry out this task," he said.

(Philip Pullella reported from Rome; Editing by Raissa Kasolowsky)

Uproar in France over proposed limits on filming police

PARIS — French activists fear that a proposed new security law will deprive them of a potent weapon against abuse — cellphone videos of police activity — threatening their efforts to document possible cases of police brutality, especially in impoverished immigrant neighbourhoods.

© Provided by The Canadian Press

French President Emmanuel Macron’s government is pushing a new security bill that makes it illegal to publish images of police officers with intent to cause them harm, amid other measures. Critics fear the new law could hurt press freedoms and make it more difficult for all citizens to report on police brutality.

“I was lucky enough to have videos that protect me,” said Michel Zecler, a Black music producer who was beaten up recently by several French police officers. Videos first published Thursday by French website Loopsider have been seen by over 14 million viewers, resulting in widespread outrage over police actions.

Two of the officers are in jail while they are investigated while two others, also under investigation, are out on bail.

The draft bill, still being debated in parliament, has prompted protests across the country called by press freedom advocates and civil rights campaigners. Tens of thousands of people marched Saturday in Paris to reject the measure, including families and friends of people killed by police.

“For decades, descendants of post-colonial immigration and residents in populous neighbourhoods have denounced police brutality,” Sihame Assbague, an anti-racism activist, told The Associated Press.

Videos by the public have helped to show a wider audience that there is a “systemic problem with French police forces, who are abusing, punching, beating, mutilating, killing,” she said.

Activists say the bill may have an even greater impact on people other than journalists, especially those of immigrant origin living in neighbourhoods where relationships with the police have long been tense. Images posted online have been key to denouncing cases of officers’ misconduct and racism in recent years, they argue.

Assbague expressed fears that, under the proposed law, those who post videos of police abuses online may be put on trial, where they would face up to a year in jail and a 45,000-euro ($53,000) fine.

“I tend to believe that a young Arab man from a poor suburb who posts a video of police brutality in his neighbourhood will be more at risk of being found guilty than a journalist who did a video during a protest,” she said.

Amal Bentounsi's brother, Amine, was shot in the back and killed by a police officer in 2012. The officer was sentenced to a five-year suspended prison sentence. Along with other families of victims, in March she launched a mobile phone app called Emergency-Police Violence to record abuses and bring cases to court.

“Some police officers already have a sense of impunity. ... The only solution now is to make videos,” she told the AP. The app has been downloaded more than 50,000 times.

“If we want to improve public confidence in the police, it does not go through hiding the truth,” she added.

The proposed law is partly a response to demands from police unions, who say it will provide greater protection for officers.

Abdoulaye Kante, a Black police officer with 20 years of experience in Paris and its suburbs, is both a supporter of the proposed law and strongly condemns police brutality and violence against officers.

“What people don’t understand is that some individuals are using videos to put the faces of our (police) colleagues on social media so that they are identified, so that they are threatened or to incite hatred,” he said.

“The law doesn’t ban journalists or citizens from filming police in action ... It bans these images from being used to harm, physically or psychologically,” he argued. “The lives of officers are important.”

A “tiny fraction of the population feeds rage and hatred” against police, Jean-Michel Fauvergue, a former head of elite police forces and a lawmaker in Macron's party who co-authored the bill, said in the National Assembly. “We need to find a solution."

Justice Minister Eric Dupond-Moretti has acknowledged that “the intent (to harm) is something that is difficult to define."

In an effort to quell criticism, lawmakers from Macron's party announced Monday they would rewrite the criticized article of the bill, which will be debated by the Senate early next year.

Activists consider the draft law just the latest of several security measures to extend police powers at the expense of civil liberties. A statement signed by over 30 groups of families and friends of victims of police abuses said since 2005, “all security laws adopted have constantly expanded the legal field allowing police impunity.”

Riots in 2005 exposed France’s long-running problems between police and youths in public housing projects with large immigrant populations.

In recent years, numerous security laws have been passed following attacks by extremists.

Critics noted a hardening of police tactics during protests or while arresting individuals. Hundreds of complaints have been filed against officers during the yellow vest movement against economic injustice, which erupted in 2018 and saw weekends of violent clashes.

Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin said out of 3 million police operations per year in France, some 9,500 end up on a government website that denounces abuses, which represents 0.3%.

France’s human rights ombudsman, Claire Hedon, is among the most prominent critics of the proposed law, which she said involves “significant risks of undermining fundamental rights.”

“Our democracy is hit when the population does not trust its police anymore,” she told the National Assembly.

___

AP writer John Leicester contributed from Le Pecq, France.

___

Follow all AP stories on racism and police brutality at https://apnews.com/Racialinjustice

Sylvie Corbet, The Associated Press

Get on with promised gun-control measures, advocates urge Trudeau government

OTTAWA — Advocates of stricter gun control are urging the Trudeau government to get on with promised reforms, saying they are months overdue

© Provided by The Canadian Press

Public Safety Minister Bill Blair has pledged new measures, including a buyback of recently outlawed firearms, stricter storage provisions and steps to control handguns.

Heidi Rathjen, coordinator of the group PolySeSouvient, told an online news conference today that several months later there are no signs of progress on legislation.

Rathjen was joined in the virtual session by victims of mass shootings who want to see government action.

The federal government outlawed a wide range of firearms by cabinet order in May, saying the guns were designed for the battlefield, not hunting or sport shooting.

The measures have met with stiff criticism from some firearms owners and the federal Conservatives, who question the value of the ban.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 30, 2020.

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment

Monday, November 30, 2020

About Me