Sunday, August 16, 2026

Bad Affordable Housing Policy Contributes to the High Rate of Homelessness for Black Men



 August 14, 2026

The policy brief, “Make Housing More Affordable,” part of CEPR’s Majority Agenda, points out that “federal housing policy directs too much funding to the wealthy and too little for everyone else.” For instance, most of the benefit of the mortgage interest deduction goes to households with incomes over $200,000, and this policy costs the government more than twice as much as the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit. Also, only a quarter of renters eligible for housing assistance receive it, and less than 10 percent of unhoused people are provided housing by homelessness programs.

Prioritizing the wealthy has contributed to a high rate of homelessness which disproportionately harms Black and Hispanic people. Although the Black population makes up 12 percent of the overall population, they made up 30 percent of the homeless population in 2024. The Hispanic population makes up 20 percent of the US population but made up 31 percent of the homeless.

Men were homeless at a higher rate than women (27 versus 18 per 10,000) in 2024. Data by race and sex is not provided in the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s Annual Homelessness Assessment Report (AHAR). Figure 2 shows a guesstimate made by applying the overall AHAR share of men in the homeless population to the White and Black counts. Applying that share yields a Black male homelessness rate of 71 per 10,000.

But it is not likely that Black men are merely as disadvantaged as men overall. Black men are worse off than White men on many of the predictors for homelessness (e.g., low income, debt, and a history of incarceration). A study of homelessness in California by the University of California San Francisco (UCSF) from 2021 to 2022 found that 75 percent of the Black people experiencing homelessness were male. This is higher than the share of men – 59.6 percentoverall – in the AHAR data. Applying the UCSF share for Black men yields a Black male homelessness rate of 89 per 10,000. This guesstimate is likely to be closer to the real rate.

Policy changes could drastically reduce or even eliminate homelessness. From 2009 to 2022, homelessness among veterans declined by 55 percent. This was accomplished with strategic Housing First investments by the Department of Veterans Affairs in collaboration with the Department of Housing and Urban Development. The National Alliance to End Homelessness observes:

Congress could fund an end to homelessness nationwide. The estimated 9.6 billion dollars required to house everyone living in a shelter during a given year is a small fraction of other federal programs. For example, just over one percent of annual funding for the Department of Defense is enough to house every person experiencing homelessness. But the Administration’s proposed cuts to homeless services along with recent changes to Medicaid, Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Supplemental Security Income and other supports will hurt response workers’ efforts and make the crisis worse

The Trump administration also no longer supports the Housing First approach to address homelessness even though it has been proven to be effective. It is important to remember that the safety net cuts in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act were done to help pay for tax cuts to the rich. There would be much more affordable housing if policymakers were to prioritize the needy over the rich.

Notes.

1) This discussion focuses on the rate of homelessness for Black people, but the rates for American Indians and Alaska Natives (95 per 10,000) and for Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders (186 per 10,000) are even higher. One should also note that the Black homeless population is more than eight times the size of the American Indian and Alaska Natives, and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders homeless populations combined.

2) Author’s calculations based on data from Tanya de Sousa and Meghan Henry, The 2024 Annual Homelessness Assessment Report to Congress (U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, 2024), Exhibit 1-7; and IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, www.ipums.org.

3) Ibid.

4) Ibid.

First published in CEPR.

Algernon Austin, a senior research fellow at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, has conducted research and writing on issues of race and racial inequality for over 20 years. His primary focus has been on the intersection of race and the economy. 


When Disabled People Are Priced Out, We


Lose More Than a Home


August 14, 2026

Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

For those in the disability community, it has always taken a village.

When your life is filled with doctor’s appointments, chronic illness symptoms, and navigating a world that isn’t built for accessibility, being surrounded by reliable family, friends, and peers doesn’t just enrich the day-to-day — it makes the day-to-day possible.

Yet the cost of housing is throwing this critical ecosystem out of balance. As home prices climb and renters contend with skyrocketing leases and utilities, disabled people often have no choice but to leave the communities they’ve built because they’ve been priced out.

Disabled Black women — like myself — are more likely to struggle to pay our rent than our white counterparts. We shoulder the compounding stress of affording where we live while also managing the costs of doctors’ visits, medications, and mobility aids. All of these factors make it harder to find quality, affordable places to live.

That’s where the community around us comes in. Neighbors and peer networks have long filled the gaps left by underinvestment in social programs and safety nets through everyday acts of care. Neighbors exchange rides, share childcare responsibilities, check in on elders, and support one another in ways that make daily life possible.

For many disabled people, these relationships also make our communities more accessible to us, empowering us to navigate and participate in everyday life with greater dignity, autonomy, and connection.

But as housing costs continue to rise and people are displaced, these informal systems of care become harder to sustain. When affordability forces people farther from family, neighbors, and community, it weakens the very relationships that help everyone survive and thrive.

As a Black, disabled woman renting in the metro Atlanta area, I’ve felt the direct impact of policies that prioritize corporate profits over tenants’ livelihoods. Every month, I receive worryingly expensive utility bills from the private water and sewage corporation that contracts with my apartment complex. And every month, as I watch the amount grow for no discernible reason, I wonder if I’ll be able to make my base rent.

The fear isn’t just about losing my home but also losing the friends I’ve made, the doctors I rely on, and the community that sustains me as a disabled woman.

Housing is supposed to provide stability and peace of mind. But for people with disabilities and anyone struggling to make it under this economy, it often feels like you’re stuck between a rock and a hard place. Finding affordable housing can mean moving away from the support networks that make independence and living a socially enriching life possible.

What’s missing from today’s housing debate is a recognition that accessibility isn’t just about ramps, elevators, or widened doorways, but whether disabled people can afford to remain in the communities that enable us to thrive.

Any future housing bill must embed accessibility into its core design, which means regulating predatory utility billing practices, enforcing maintenance standards so tenants aren’t forced to advocate for basic repairs, and ensuring that affordability measures account for the additional costs disabled people shoulder every month.

Accessibility also means protecting the social infrastructure that makes independence possible. When disabled people are pushed out of neighborhoods, they often lose transit access, nearby doctors, trusted neighbors, and the informal care networks that fill the gaps our healthcare system leaves behind.

Accessibility is a policy choice. And right now, policymakers are choosing to leave disabled people behind.

There is a future where everyone can have what they need to meet their needs while still leaving space for joyful connection. It’s a future where people with disabilities are surrounded by neighbors who want to help and build community. It’s a future where instead of just scrolling on our phones, we actually talk to each other. It’s a future built for people with disabilities, but it’s also one where everyone works to enrich the community they live in.

That’s a future that we all deserve access to.

Janiah Miller is the senior campaigns organizer at Black Feminist Future. 


USA

Revoking TPS: Trump Escalates Racist Assault

Sunday 16 August 2026, by Malik Miah



TEMPORARY PROTECTED STATUS (TPS) for more than 350,000 Haitians living in the United States was overturned by the government, following a June 25 ruling by the Supreme Court to allow the termination.

On August 6 all legal work permits ended, Mass layoffs will occur, leading to Haitians losing their homes. Overnight thousands of legal residents will become “illegal.”

Haitians waiting for hearings will be forced to wear iron monitors, a reminder of slavery.

Haitians, even children, are seen by the government as “the worst of the worst.”

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) moved quickly to end TPS protections, even while the State Department says it is unsafe for anyone to travel to Haiti.

Trump does not care. His hatred for Black people, whether from Africa or their descendants in other countries of the world, is obvious, as is his goal to “Make America White Again.”

Tens of thousands of Syrians living under TPS will also be impacted.

Origins of TPS

Haitians have been covered under Temporary Protected Status in the United States since January 2010, when Haiti was first designated for TPS following the devastating earthquake that struck the country.

As of 2026, many Haitian TPS beneficiaries had been living in the United States under TPS protections for about the past 16 years. The designation was extended and re-designated multiple times in view of Haiti’s ongoing humanitarian, political and security crises.

Soon after taking office, the Trump administration said it rescinded the Biden administration’s TPS extension because it believed TPS was being used far beyond its intended temporary purpose.

The DHS said it was “returning TPS to its original status: temporary.”
The administration contended that repeated extensions allowed increasing numbers of Haitians to qualify for the program over time and described the system as having been “exploited and abused.”

The DHS also said the move was part of President Trump’s broader effort to reverse immigration policies it viewed as encouraging “illegal” immigration.

Critics of the decision — Haitians, as well as human rights and civil libertarian and immigrant rights leaders — argued that Haiti continues to face severe political instability, gang violence and humanitarian challenges, making it unsafe for many people to return.
The Haitian Community

People of Haitian descent in the U.S. number roughly 1.1 to 1.5 million people, depending on the definition and dataset used.

Of Haitian-born immigrants, in 2024 about 70% were naturalized U.S. citizens. With an estimated 852,000 Haitian immigrants, that works out to roughly 585,000 naturalized citizens.

The remainder were generally noncitizens with various statuses, including permanent residents (green card holders), TPS holders, parolees (their order of removal was stayed because of the country’s instability), visa holders, and some undocumented immigrants.

DHS reports that 235,350 Haitians received green cards between 2010 and 2022.

Haitian immigrants and TPS holders are concentrated in a few major areas. South Florida’s Miami-Dade County, North Miami, Little Haiti, Fort Lauderdale and surrounding areas have some of the largest Haitian communities in the country.

In New York City, particularly in Brooklyn including neighborhoods such as Flatbush and East Flatbush, have long-established Haitian populations.

In Massachusetts Boston, Brockton, Randolph and nearby locations, and in New Jersey Newark, Irvington and surrounding areas have substantial Haitian communities.

In Georgia, the Atlanta metropolitan area has a growing Haitian community. Significant populations also live in parts of Connecticut and central Florida.

In Ohio, where Vice President JD Vance is from, he and Trump falsely claimed Haitians in Springfield were killing and eating residents’ cats and dogs.

The Republican governor repudiated those attacks and said Haitians were hard working members of the community.

Imperialist Destruction

What the Trump government is doing, however, is not new. Hostility towards Haitians and Black people has long been a feature of U.S. imperialism. U.S. direct intervention in Haiti dates back more than a century.

The only successful slave revolt took place in Haiti in 1891 against France’s colonial rule. Haiti gained independence in 1804, yet France demanded payments for the loss of slave property; those payments continued for 150 years. Needless to say, freed slaves received no reparations from France.

In the 20th century the United States, the new top imperialist power, took over from France in administering a neo-colonial relationship of exploitation and national oppression. This included a two-decade Marine occupation of the country from 1915-34.

The battle to defend Haitian refugees today is part of the Haitian people’s broader struggle for their freedom.

Source: Against the Current.