Germany's domestic secret service battles far-right AfD
WHY DOES GERMANY STILL HAVE THE GESTAPO
Marcel Fürstenau
DW
10 victims, 10 tragedies
Nine of the 10 victims were of foreign heritage, but they had all made Germany their home when they were killed. The 10th victim was a German police officer. Every one of them was shot in cold blood.
On September 9, 2000, the florist Enver Simsek, pictured with his wife, was shot eight times. The 38-year-old father of two sold flowers near a small parking lot in the southern city of Nuremberg. Simsek, who migrated from Turkey to Germany in 1986, is believed to be the first murder victim in the NSU series of racially motivated killings.
Also in Nuremberg, Turkish-born tailor Abdurrahim Ozudogru was shot on June 13, 2001 in his alteration shop. He was 49 years old with a daughter who was 19 at the time of his murder.
Later that month, on June 27, 2001 Suleyman Taskopru was shot dead in his father's fruit and vegetable shop in Hamburg. He was 31 years old and had a three-year-old daughter.
On August 29 of the same year, 38-year-old Habil Kilic, who was also a fruit and vegetable grocer, was killed in his shop in Munich. Like Taskopru, he was shot in the head. His wife and his 12-year-old daughter later left Germany.
Mehmet Turgut lived in Hamburg, but was visiting a friend in the eastern German city of Rostock and helping out at a Doner kebab fast food restaurant when he was shot on February 25, 2004. He was killed by three bullets to the head.
Ismail Yasar was shot five times in his doner kebab restaurant in Nuremberg on June 9, 2005. A customer found him behind the counter. The 50-year-old had three children.
Just a few days later, on June 15, 2005, Theodoros Boulgarides was shot dead in Munich in his lock and key service shop. He was the only victim with Greek heritage. The 41-year-old father of two was the NSU's seventh murder victim.
On a busy street at noon on April 4, 2006 in the western city of Dortmund, Turkish-born Mehmet Kubasik was killed by several shots to the head in his small convenience store. The 39-year-old left behind a wife and three children.
In Kassel on April 6, 2006, Halit Yozgat was also shot in the head. He was killed in the internet cafe he ran with his father. Twenty-one years old, Turkish-born but with a German passport, Yozgat was taking night school classes to graduate from high school.
Michele Kiesewetter, a 22-year-old police officer, was shot dead on April 25, 2007 in the southwestern city of Heilbronn. She was the NSU's 10th and final murder victim.
This article was originally written in German.
March 10, 2024
Germany's domestic intelligence service is again facing the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) in court this week. Its job is to safeguard the democratic principles set out in the Basic Law.
The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz, BfV), Germany's domestic intelligence service, argues that the populist far-right Alternative for Germany party (AfD) is anti-constitutional. It therefore classified it as a "suspected case" in 2021.
The party took legal action against this at the Cologne Administrative Court, but was unsuccessful. The appeal subsequently lodged by the AfD will be heard by the Münster Higher Administrative Court on March 12 and 13, 2024.
The appeal proceedings draw attention to a state organization that acts as an early warning system to detect threats to democracy and is one of the most important intelligence agencies in Germany. It gathers intelligence while coordinating information gathered by the 16 state-level intelligence agencies.
Germany has several intelligence organizations that collect information for the federal and state governments. At a federal level, these include the Military Counterintelligence Service, or Militärischer Abschirmdienst (MAD), and the Federal Intelligence Service, or Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND), which is responsible for foreign intelligence.
The BfV has no executive power, but it collects and evaluates information on anti-democratic movements and individuals and espionage activities, which is then passed on to the government — specifically the Interior Ministry. The government can then trigger police action, if necessary, or even ban political organizations, a move that must be voted on in parliament.
The police forces in the 16 states are tasked with averting specific threats, while the Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) and the Federal Police are responsible for border protection.
Right-wing extremism is considered the greatest danger
Around 4,300 people work at the BfV in its Cologne headquarters and its Berlin office, focusing on allfocusing on all forms of political and religious extremism. For several years, annual BfV reports have warned that right-wing extremism poses the biggest threat to German democracy, though its reports also include information on Islamist groups and left-wing extremists in the country.
While clandestine BfV operations are rarely reported on, the organization has occasionally made the headlines with high-profile scandals. Among the most notable of these was the failure to act on evidence about the far-right terrorist group the National Socialist Underground (NSU), a group of at least three neo-Nazis that carried out ten murders and several bombings and robberies between 1999 and 2007.
After the NSU's discovery in 2011, it emerged that the BfV and some of the state-level agencies had been surveilling its members for more than a decade but had failed to take action. A parliamentary inquiry into the NSU investigation concluded that there had been a "total failure" of state institutions. After this disaster, the BfV's structures and responsibilities were reformed several times.
Overseeing the secret service
A parliamentary supervisory committee monitors all the federal intelligence services. Each party represented in the Bundestag names its candidates, who then have to be approved by the whole parliament. This was long just a formality, but for two years now, candidates put forward by the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) have failed to get approval from the other parties.
That is partly because the BfV now considers the AfD itself as "partly right-wing extremist," leading the other Bundestag parties to argue that AfD politicians should therefore not be supervising the work of the BfV.
Not only that, the AfD's youth organization Junge Alternative (JA) and its chapters in the eastern states of Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, and Thuringia have been found by intelligence services to be "proven right-wing extremist."
The scrutiny of the courts
The BfV has the power to surveil members of organizations suspected or proven to be extremist. Such a classification can, however, be challenged in the courts. The AfD has repeatedly taken legal action against what it considers to be politically motivated measures by the BfV. Their lawsuit against the classification in 2021, however, was dismissed by the Cologne Administrative Court a year later. This month, the AfD's appeal against this verdict will be heard by the next highest court in Münster.
Other parties and individual lawmakers have also taken legal action against BfV surveillance. In 2013, Bodo Ramelow, head of government in Thuringia and prominent member of the socialist Left Party, brought a successful appeal to the Federal Constitutional Court, which ruled that his surveillance was a disproportionate interference with his work as an elected representative.
In its ruling, Germany's highest court outlined the conditions under which elected members of parliament may be subject to surveillance: "If there are indications that the MP is abusing their mandate to fight against the free democratic basic order or is actively and aggressively combating it."
Whether this applies to AfD lawmakers may also have to be decided by the courts. The current vice-president of the Bundestag, Petra Pau (Left Party), is opposed to having the constitutionality of political parties assessed by the domestic intelligence agency. Pau herself was under surveillance for many years, and eventually won a court battle to gain access to her files.
She told DW in 2019 that she felt the AfD should not be subject to surveillance by the BfV. "I don't consider surveillance by the secret services to be the appropriate means of politically suppressing this openly racist and misanthropic party." We have criminal laws for this, said Pau.
Germany's domestic intelligence service is again facing the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) in court this week. Its job is to safeguard the democratic principles set out in the Basic Law.
The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz, BfV), Germany's domestic intelligence service, argues that the populist far-right Alternative for Germany party (AfD) is anti-constitutional. It therefore classified it as a "suspected case" in 2021.
The party took legal action against this at the Cologne Administrative Court, but was unsuccessful. The appeal subsequently lodged by the AfD will be heard by the Münster Higher Administrative Court on March 12 and 13, 2024.
The appeal proceedings draw attention to a state organization that acts as an early warning system to detect threats to democracy and is one of the most important intelligence agencies in Germany. It gathers intelligence while coordinating information gathered by the 16 state-level intelligence agencies.
Germany has several intelligence organizations that collect information for the federal and state governments. At a federal level, these include the Military Counterintelligence Service, or Militärischer Abschirmdienst (MAD), and the Federal Intelligence Service, or Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND), which is responsible for foreign intelligence.
The BfV has no executive power, but it collects and evaluates information on anti-democratic movements and individuals and espionage activities, which is then passed on to the government — specifically the Interior Ministry. The government can then trigger police action, if necessary, or even ban political organizations, a move that must be voted on in parliament.
The police forces in the 16 states are tasked with averting specific threats, while the Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) and the Federal Police are responsible for border protection.
Right-wing extremism is considered the greatest danger
Around 4,300 people work at the BfV in its Cologne headquarters and its Berlin office, focusing on allfocusing on all forms of political and religious extremism. For several years, annual BfV reports have warned that right-wing extremism poses the biggest threat to German democracy, though its reports also include information on Islamist groups and left-wing extremists in the country.
While clandestine BfV operations are rarely reported on, the organization has occasionally made the headlines with high-profile scandals. Among the most notable of these was the failure to act on evidence about the far-right terrorist group the National Socialist Underground (NSU), a group of at least three neo-Nazis that carried out ten murders and several bombings and robberies between 1999 and 2007.
After the NSU's discovery in 2011, it emerged that the BfV and some of the state-level agencies had been surveilling its members for more than a decade but had failed to take action. A parliamentary inquiry into the NSU investigation concluded that there had been a "total failure" of state institutions. After this disaster, the BfV's structures and responsibilities were reformed several times.
Overseeing the secret service
A parliamentary supervisory committee monitors all the federal intelligence services. Each party represented in the Bundestag names its candidates, who then have to be approved by the whole parliament. This was long just a formality, but for two years now, candidates put forward by the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) have failed to get approval from the other parties.
That is partly because the BfV now considers the AfD itself as "partly right-wing extremist," leading the other Bundestag parties to argue that AfD politicians should therefore not be supervising the work of the BfV.
Not only that, the AfD's youth organization Junge Alternative (JA) and its chapters in the eastern states of Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, and Thuringia have been found by intelligence services to be "proven right-wing extremist."
The scrutiny of the courts
The BfV has the power to surveil members of organizations suspected or proven to be extremist. Such a classification can, however, be challenged in the courts. The AfD has repeatedly taken legal action against what it considers to be politically motivated measures by the BfV. Their lawsuit against the classification in 2021, however, was dismissed by the Cologne Administrative Court a year later. This month, the AfD's appeal against this verdict will be heard by the next highest court in Münster.
Other parties and individual lawmakers have also taken legal action against BfV surveillance. In 2013, Bodo Ramelow, head of government in Thuringia and prominent member of the socialist Left Party, brought a successful appeal to the Federal Constitutional Court, which ruled that his surveillance was a disproportionate interference with his work as an elected representative.
In its ruling, Germany's highest court outlined the conditions under which elected members of parliament may be subject to surveillance: "If there are indications that the MP is abusing their mandate to fight against the free democratic basic order or is actively and aggressively combating it."
Whether this applies to AfD lawmakers may also have to be decided by the courts. The current vice-president of the Bundestag, Petra Pau (Left Party), is opposed to having the constitutionality of political parties assessed by the domestic intelligence agency. Pau herself was under surveillance for many years, and eventually won a court battle to gain access to her files.
She told DW in 2019 that she felt the AfD should not be subject to surveillance by the BfV. "I don't consider surveillance by the secret services to be the appropriate means of politically suppressing this openly racist and misanthropic party." We have criminal laws for this, said Pau.
The victims of the neo-Nazi NSU murder spree
From 2000 to 2007, the notorious National Socialist Underground (NSU) neo-Nazi cell killed 10 people in Germany. After five years, the trial of the group's sole surviving member has come to a close.
From 2000 to 2007, the notorious National Socialist Underground (NSU) neo-Nazi cell killed 10 people in Germany. After five years, the trial of the group's sole surviving member has come to a close.
10 victims, 10 tragedies
Nine of the 10 victims were of foreign heritage, but they had all made Germany their home when they were killed. The 10th victim was a German police officer. Every one of them was shot in cold blood.
On September 9, 2000, the florist Enver Simsek, pictured with his wife, was shot eight times. The 38-year-old father of two sold flowers near a small parking lot in the southern city of Nuremberg. Simsek, who migrated from Turkey to Germany in 1986, is believed to be the first murder victim in the NSU series of racially motivated killings.
Also in Nuremberg, Turkish-born tailor Abdurrahim Ozudogru was shot on June 13, 2001 in his alteration shop. He was 49 years old with a daughter who was 19 at the time of his murder.
Later that month, on June 27, 2001 Suleyman Taskopru was shot dead in his father's fruit and vegetable shop in Hamburg. He was 31 years old and had a three-year-old daughter.
On August 29 of the same year, 38-year-old Habil Kilic, who was also a fruit and vegetable grocer, was killed in his shop in Munich. Like Taskopru, he was shot in the head. His wife and his 12-year-old daughter later left Germany.
Mehmet Turgut lived in Hamburg, but was visiting a friend in the eastern German city of Rostock and helping out at a Doner kebab fast food restaurant when he was shot on February 25, 2004. He was killed by three bullets to the head.
Ismail Yasar was shot five times in his doner kebab restaurant in Nuremberg on June 9, 2005. A customer found him behind the counter. The 50-year-old had three children.
Just a few days later, on June 15, 2005, Theodoros Boulgarides was shot dead in Munich in his lock and key service shop. He was the only victim with Greek heritage. The 41-year-old father of two was the NSU's seventh murder victim.
On a busy street at noon on April 4, 2006 in the western city of Dortmund, Turkish-born Mehmet Kubasik was killed by several shots to the head in his small convenience store. The 39-year-old left behind a wife and three children.
In Kassel on April 6, 2006, Halit Yozgat was also shot in the head. He was killed in the internet cafe he ran with his father. Twenty-one years old, Turkish-born but with a German passport, Yozgat was taking night school classes to graduate from high school.
Michele Kiesewetter, a 22-year-old police officer, was shot dead on April 25, 2007 in the southwestern city of Heilbronn. She was the NSU's 10th and final murder victim.
This article was originally written in German.
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