Showing posts sorted by relevance for query BALOCHISTAN IS A COUNTRY. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query BALOCHISTAN IS A COUNTRY. Sort by date Show all posts

Monday, September 02, 2024

BALOCHISTAN IS A COUNTRY


Balochistan: Abused by Pakistan, looted by China

On 25 August, 39 people were killed when a Baloch outfit attacked police stations, railway lines and highways in a co-ordinated manner. 34 more were killed in retaliation by the Pakistani security forces.The 34 included Pakistani soldiers and police personnel and attackers. This happened in Pakistan’s south-western province of Balochistan.

The attacks continued through the night and into the next day. They were by far the most violent killings carried out in recent years by ethnic Baloch separatists, as the Pakistani State calls them. An armed group, called the Baloch Liberation Army, claimed responsibility for the killings, code named “Haruf”, meaning dark, windy storm.

That is the story so far. But that is far from the whole story. The Baloch have been systematically, clinically and brazenly exploited and discriminated against. Tortured by Pakistan’s “Punjabi” Army. Looted by China’s Communists. And hated by Iran’s clerics. Balochistan has become a land where anti-Punjabi, anti-Pakistan and anti-China sentiments converge.

Allegations are flying thick and fast. Pakistan claims that all the dead were civilians. But the B.L.A. says they were all Pakistani security personnel dressed in civilian clothes. Whether they were civilians or not is a moot point. But what is not disputed is that almost all the people who were killed were Punjabis — the name given to the people who hail from the Pakistani province of Punjab.
 
Some more things stand out. One, the timing of the attacks. And, two, the involvement of woman suicide-bombers. The attacks coincided with the death anniversary of a Baloch leader, Akbar Bugti. Bugti was killed by Pakistan’s security forces in 2006 when Gen. Pervez Musharraf was in power. Bugti’s killing fuelled the fifth and fiercest round of insurgency in Balochistan. And it continues to this day. The four previous insurgencies took place in 1948, 1958, 1968 and 1973.

The attacks also coincided with a visit to Pakistan by Gen. Li Qiaoming, the Commander of the People’s Liberation Army Ground Forces. The Chinese General called on Pakistan’s President and Prime Minister and also held talks with Pakistan’s Army chief Gen. Asim Munir.  Pakistan conferred the Nishan-e-Imtiaz, one of its top honours, on the Chinese General.

The B.L.A. says a woman from the southern, port district of Gwadar was involved in a suicide-attack on a para-military base in Bela. The chief minister of Balochistan province is reported to have said that three people had been killed at the base.

The Punjabi Connection

The Baloch-versus-Punjabi ethnic fault line is a story that threatens to snowball into a wider conflict -– one that could have disastrous consequences for Pakistan. The Punjabis are the largest of the six, main, ethnic groups in Pakistan. They dominate the military and other arms of the Pakistani State.

The real estate in Balochistan is exploited by the rich, landed gentry from Lahore and other cities in the Punjab province. Simply put, the Punjabis are well-entrenched in Pakistani society. And, that is why the Baloch complain that their land has become a colony of the Punjabi elite.

Mehran Marri is a Baloch activist. He lives in the U.K. Marri voices a similar sentiment in an interview to a private Indian news agency, ANI. He says: “We, the Baloch, live a life of indignity and humiliation every day, at the hands of the Punjabis.” Marri says that Pakistan’s Punjabi elite supports Chinese activity in Balochistan.

He bets that Beijing will have to stop the China -– Pakistan Economic Corridor sooner rather than later because the project does more harm than good to the locals. “It’s like setting up a chocolate factory in Gaza and expecting it to work amidst war and terror,” he says.

The Baloch have other grievances, too. For one, Balochistan lags the rest of Pakistan insofar as education, employment and economic development are concerned. Baloch separatist groups, such as the B.L.A., say that they’ve been fighting for decades for a larger share in the regional wealth of mines and minerals denied by the Pakistani Government.

Then, there is the issue of enforced disappearances. The Counter Terrorist Department of the Government is accused of carrying out abductions and arbitrary killings. Locals say that the Department is notorious for its so-called death squads. They claim, that what is happening to them is a genocide under the guise of targeted killings.

A quick word about Balochistan and the Baloch people. People of Baloch ethnicity are present in Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. They are Sunni Muslims. The Baloch society is organised along tribal lines. The Marri, Mengal and Bugti are the more prominent tribes. Balochistan borders Iran and Afghanistan.

It has a long, Arabian Sea coastline in the south, not far from the oil shipping lane in the Strait of Hormuz. Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan. It forms about 45 per cent of Pakistan’s total area. It is the richest province in terms of mineral wealth.

But, it is the least developed of the four provinces of Pakistan. And, it has the lowest per capita income in the country. The irony is that Balochistan contributes heavily to Pakistan’s G.D.P. but does not get a fair share of revenue. The province is home to key mining projects.

The Reko Diq Mine is famous for its gold and copper reserves. It is believed to have the world’s fifth-largest gold deposit. A Canada-based company called Barrick Gold operates the Reko Diq mine. Sui in Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest gas field but the gas it produces benefits the Punjab province.

Besides their dislike for the Punjabis, the Baloch have an animus towards China. Balochistan is home to major China-led projects such as a port and a gold and copper mine. China has invested 65 billion dollars in the China -– Pakistan Economic Corridor that passes through Balochistan and terminates at the Gwadar port. The Chinese have also monopolised fishing in the area.

Baloch groups have attacked Chinese interests and citizens in the province, and, elsewhere, in Pakistan. For instance, on 26 March 2024, a suicide-bomber killed at least five Chinese engineers working on a hydropower project in neighbouring Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. A B.L.A. fighter says that China entered Balochistan without the consent of the Baloch people and that the Chinese projects will fail miserably.

Besides China, there’s another country that makes the Baloch anxious — Iran. The Baloch are present in large numbers in an Iranian province called Sistan and Baluchestan. It suffers from neglect, too, much like the Balochistan province of Pakistan.

The ethnic Baloch population of Iran feels discriminated against by the majority Shia population. Iran fears that the Baloch are supported by elements in Pakistan. The Jaish ul-Adl, meaning Army of Justice, is a Baloch group active in the area.

What about the West?

The West has taken a particular stance on the issue. The U.S. State Department does not comment on the continued repression and persecution of the Baloch but its Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs posts a message on X. It reads: “The United States strongly condemns the multiple attacks in Pakistan’s Balochistan province which took many lives.

Any violence disrupting peace and stability is indefensible. We stand with Pakistan in its fight against terrorism and we send our deepest condolences to those who lost their loved ones.” The U.S. has designated the Baloch Liberation Army as a terror group.

This lack of support or understanding does not deter the Baloch. They remain optimistic. Dawn newspaper of Pakistan quotes the late Baloch leader Akbar Bugti’s son Jamil as saying that he sees his father’s mission advancing, what with the daughters of Balochistan now stepping forward to strengthen their movement. And Mahrang Baloch is a good example of just that. 31 years old. Medical doctor. And, the face of Baloch struggle.

Mahrang Baloch heads the Baloch Yakjehti Committee. It is a human rights movement that was set up in 2020. Yakjehti means unity, or, solidarity. In July 2024, the B.Y.C. organised a national gathering called the Baloch Raji Muchi in Gwadar.

In December 2023, it organised a Baloch Long March, a 1,600-kilometre-long peaceful protest, from Turbat in Balochistan to Pakistan’s capital Islamabad, to demand justice for the extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances of Baloch people.

400 Baloch protesters, half of them women and children, held a month-long sit-in outside the National Press Club of Islamabad, to demand justice for their missing and murdered family members.

Clearly, the Baloch seem to have had enough. They are in no mood to put up with mistreatment and humiliation any longer. “If the Baloch fight, they are called a terrorist. If the Baloch cry, they are called a coward. If the Baloch ask for something, they are called a beggar. Where do the Baloch go? What do they do?” asks Mehran Marri.

All of which raises certain questions to ponder.
— Where does the Baloch agitation go from here?
— Will the Baloch unrest gain enough critical mass to challenge the Pakistani State?
— Can the U.S. jettison Pakistan?
— Is Pakistan too big to fail, as some in China would like to believe?
— Will the West change its attitude towards the Baloch cause?
— How should India view developments in Balochistan?
— And, what if Pakistan implodes under the weight of its contradictions?

Asking questions is the easy part. Finding the answers will be much more difficult. I leave you with Marri’s parting shot.

“We have our dignity as well. We have our self-respect. Whether anyone supports us or not. The Baloch will stand up for themselves.”

Now, that is another point to ponder, isn’t it?

By – Ramesh Ramachandran (Senior Consulting Editor and presenter with D.D. India)


SEE


Friday, June 03, 2022

A History Of Balochistan – OpEd

 Gwadar city, Balochistan, Pakistan. Photo Credit: Shayhaq Baloch, Wikipedia Commons

By 

Balochistan with a mixed history has historically found itself squeezed between competing  powers due to its geographical location between modern-day Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. Earlier it fought to maintain its autonomy against aggressive empires. During the British rule it was directly administered as the ‘Baluchistan Agency’ and a federation of sovereign princely states led by the Khanate of Kalat. Once the British left, Khan of Kalat declared the independence of Kalat state, including that of Las Bela, Kharan and Makkoran.

The Pakistani government was able to pressure the Khan of Kalat to accede to Pakistan by 27 March 1948. However, both Houses of the Kalat legislature rejected the move. The ruler’s own brother, Prince Abdul Karim, initiated a revolt against the coerced merger with Pakistan, resulting in the Pakistan Army’s occupation of Balochistan and since then pro-independence factions continue the Balochistan freedom struggle. 

Balochistan Struggle 

The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) is an armed separatist group that targets security forces and civilians, mainly in ethnic Baloch areas of Pakistan. The BLA, the armed wing of the Baloch movement, has carried out several violent attacks in Pakistan. It has about 6,000 cadre spread across Balochistan and in the bordering areas of Afghanistan. It is borne out of the tradition of armed militants who were earlier indirectly supported by the Marri, Bugti, Mengal and other clans. The US has designated the BLA as a terror organisation. 

BLA is opposed to Pakistan’s exploiting the resources of the  without giving the due share to the locals and the indigenous Baloch tribes. In recent years, the BLA has emerged as a movement with a network of supporters in both urban and rural areas of Balochistan. BLA rebels have claimed that they are aiming for both freedom from Pakistan and internal reform of the Baloch society. 

Geography

Balochistan is geographically the largest of the four provinces at 347,190 square km and totals 42 percent of the total land area of Pakistan. The population density is very low due to the mountainous terrain and scarcity of water.

The Sulaiman Mountains dominate the northeast  and the Bolan Pass is a natural route into Afghanistan towards Kandhar. Much of the province south of the Quetta  is sparse desert terrain with pockets of inhabitable towns mostly near rivers and streams. Quetta is situated in a river valley near the border with Afghanistan, with a road to Kandahar in the northwest.Iranian Balochistan is to the west, Afghanistan and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas to the north and Punjab and Sindh to the east. To the south is the Arabian Sea. The principal languages in the province are Baluchi, Pashto, Brahui, and Persian. The capital and largest city is Quetta.

The  Balochistan Economy

The economy of Balochistan is mainly based upon the production of natural gas, coal and other minerals like gold, copper, etc. Agricultural development could not take place due to the absence of  water. Wheat, rice, jowar are the major food crops, and fruits are the principal cash crops. In addition to this great majority of the population is involved in sheep grazing.

Despite being rich in natural resources the people of this region are living in extremely poor conditions. Much of the population is illiterate, malnourished living without electricity or clean drinking water.

The  Water Crisis

The people of Pakistan, particularly those in southern Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan, are facing the worst kind of water crisis. Research suggests that 85 per cent of people in Balochistan have no access to clean water. The groundwater situation in Pakistan is also alarming, having tumbled down to frightening levels. Pakistan ranks 14 among the 17 countries that are deemed extremely high water-risk regions in the world. Experts say Pakistan may become the most water-stressed nation in the region by 2040.

China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) Exploitation

The political and economic outcomes of the CPEC are at cross roads with the local politics of total distrust and regionalism in Balochistan. The history of political exclusion and resource exploitation by the elite Punjabi military-bureaucracy nexus manifested in Balochs’ CPEC. The acquisition of Gwadar port, exclusion of Baloch firms and labour from Gwadar and associated CPEC projects and exclusion of native fishermen have heightened pre-existing feelings of regionalism in Balochistan, with Baloch nationalist forces either wholly rejecting the project or voicing for greater share in these projects.

Fish Resource Exploitation by Chinese

Most recently, Gwadar has seen protests against CPEC in the specific context of fish resource exploitation by Chinese trawlers. Many of the local fishermen vacated their fishing spots due to construction of Gwadar port in hope of better future. However, the federal government granted fishing permission to the Chinese fishermen ignited widespread unrest and further alienated the local population. This unrest culminated in a 28 day sit-in protest in 2021 led by Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) in which a large number of people, including women, and children, participated.

Gwadar Port

Pakistan has given China exclusive rights to run ‘Gwadar Port’ for the next four decades as it is under huge Chinese debt.China’s debt-trap diplomacy has not spared Pakistan, which ranks as its sole strategic ally.  China will take away 91 percent of the port’s revenues. It also plans to build near the port a Djibouti-style outpost for its navy. People of Baluchistan including women have been protesting against the sell out to China.

The Gwadar port project and associated networks of roads and railways have not resulted in integrating Balochistan with the rest of the country. Contrary to expectations, locals have not found jobs and despite commitments neither a hospital nor a vocational training center has been established. Instead, local fishing grounds have been taken over by the Chinese. The locals view development and economic activities carried out in Gwadar as exploitative which has led to anti-state feeling that  leads to violence.

In response to the Baloch people’s resistance against the  exploitation of it’s natural resources, the Pakistan Agencies have responded with mass-scale forced disappearances and  killings. Balochistan has come to be known as the Land of enforced disappearances which have increased in recent years. At the same time militants have increased the frequency of attacks aimed at undermining Chinese investment. Any blast taking place in Balochistan is a result of RAW conspiracy for the Pakistani establishment. Floods in the Punjab region of Pakistan are always a result of the Indian conspiracy which lets excess waters go without warning from upstream projects. Not withstanding the fact about decades of disappearances in Balochistan, Pakistan policies support proxy wars and enforced disappearances. What justice can a common citizen expect, and Balochistan lives with this malice of enforced disappearances…



Patial RC

Patial RC is a retired Infantry officer of the Indian Army and possesses unique experience of serving in active CI Ops across the country and in Sri Lanka. Patial RC is a regular writer on military and travel matters in military professional journals. The veteran is a keen mountaineer and a trekker.



Monday, January 22, 2024

 

Pakistani Women Are Demanding Answers for Enforced Disappearances and Killings

Hundreds of Baloch women are demanding the return of their missing loved ones amid staunch government repression.


Baloch families carry photographs of their missing loved ones in a demonstration against government repression in Quetta, the capital of Baluchistan Province in Pakistan, on November 21, 2013.

Truthout is a vital news source and a living history of political struggle. If you think our work is valuable, support us with a donation of any size.

This article was originally published on Waging Nonviolence.

As hundreds took to the streets of Pakistan’s largest city, Karachi, on Jan. 12, a sea of mostly female protesters continued screaming “Balochistan wants justice,” even as they were met with a heavy police presence.

Meanwhile, back in the restive but beautiful southwestern province of Balochistan, thousands more swarmed the streets. Their protest against enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings in their province was just the latest mobilization for a movement that has grown exponentially over the past month.

Following the November killing of 22-year-old Balaach Mola Baksh, hundreds of women — along with some of their children — began a roughly thousand-mile march from his hometown of Turbat to Islamabad on Dec. 6. After arriving in Pakistan’s capital city, they set up camp in front of the National Press Club.


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For nearly a month, these protesters — comprised of some nearly 300 families whose loved ones are victims of enforced disappearances and killings — have been living in tents made of cloth and tarpaulin, even as temperatures approach freezing. With more protests cropping up around the country and human rights activists around the world starting to take notice, this women-led movement is showing its power in the face of staunch government repression.

‘They killed him’

“When I went to see his body the agency people told me to bury him, but I said ‘No, I want justice,’” explained Najma Baloch by phone from the sit-in protest in Islamabad. “This is not just my brother, this is the brother of all Baloch people.”

Balaach was taken by men in civilian clothes from his home in Turbat at 1 a.m. on Oct. 30. The family believes these men — who arrived in a convoy of eight cars — were from Pakistan’s Counter Terrorism Department, or CTD.

“When he returned home from work that evening we never could have imagined we would lose him a few hours later,” Najma said about her brother, who worked as an embroiderer in a handicraft shop.

“My mother said the tyrants took him,” Najma continued. But when they approached the police, they were told Balaach was not in their custody. “I said ‘Then where is he? Did the earth eat him up, or did the sky swallow him?’”

It wasn’t until nearly a month later, on Nov. 21, that Balaach appeared in court, where he was remanded to CTD custody for 10 days.

“When we saw him in court my mother and I hugged him,” Najma said. “We were so so happy for my mother it was like he was born again. Two days later they killed him.”

On Nov. 24, CTD issued a statement saying that Balaach had admitted to being involved in a “terrorist operation,” providing them with information that led CTD to his associates’ hideout. When they arrived, according to the statement, an “exchange of fire” took place and four dead bodies were recovered, one of which was Balaach.

“They said he died in an ambush, but we saw him in court — so how could he die in an encounter? It was a fake encounter … they killed him,” Najma said. “I am devastated beyond measure.”

Najma described Balaach as loving brother and son. “He always took care of our mother. He was still so young, and he was not involved in whatever they are saying. He was never involved with anyone bad, he was completely innocent.”

While the CTD denies allegations of kidnapping and murder, it also insists Balaach was only arrested on Nov. 20 — the day before he was presented in court — not on Oct. 29, when he was taken from his home. For activists, this is only further evidence that Balaach became one of thousands in Balochistan to suffer an enforced disappearance and extrajudicial killing.

A movement is born

When Najma’s family received Balaach’s dead body they refused to bury him for seven days, sitting in protest outside their home with his body. People all across Turbat joined the protest, and thus began the wave of protest Pakistan is now witnessing.

Hundreds of women like Najma are turning out to demand the return of their loved ones who have been forcibly disappeared for years — some for over a decade — and taken from their homes in the same way as Balaach. These women have continued to protest despite stringent opposition by police forces.

At the Jan. 12 gathering in Karachi, the police issued an incident report that accused protesters of rioting, causing public nuisance, unlawful assembly and inciting disharmony. If the protesters are charged with these offenses, they face a prison term of up to two years, or fines, or both.

Despite the intimidation, protesters remained until after dark, turning on their phone flashlights while chanting “We stand with Mahrang Baloch” — referring to one of the leaders of the movement against enforced disappearances. She was just 10 years old when her father was first taken by security forces in 2006. He was released three years later, only to be abducted again in seven months. Two years later his mutilated body was found.

While her face has become synonymous with the movement, Mahrang’s story is not unique. The Voice for Missing Baloch Persons says it has registered 8,000 cases of enforced disappearances since 2013 in accordance with the U.N.-advised method for recording such incidents.

“Enforced disappearances are used as a terror tool to intimidate common people,” Mahrang said, “to squash their political movements, to exploit the resources in Balochistan and to take Balochistan under Pakistani control in the manner of colonial rule.”

How Balochistan got here

Balochistan was annexed by Pakistan in 1948, giving the country one of its largest reserves of natural gas. In recent years, its Gwadar Port, situated on the Arabian Sea, has become a crucial link in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor — allowing Pakistan to expand its trade corridors and China to bypass the U.S.-patrolled Malacca Strait and access the Middle East.

Despite Balochistan’s importance to Pakistan, many there say the territory should never have been annexed. Some separatist groups — the Baloch Liberation Army, or BLA, and Baloch Liberation Front, of BLF — continue to fight for this cause.

According to veteran Baloch journalist and political analyst Malik Siraj Akbar, the government in Pakistan has always been afraid that Balochistan would become another Bangladesh, which was formerly East Pakistan and became its own country in 1971, following a bloody war of liberation. Akbar believes that it is this fear — the need to suppress any dissent and maintain control of Balochistan’s natural resources — that explains the state’s repressive policies.

“The military in Pakistan is the de facto powerhouse,” he said. “It controls everything,” especially since 9/11, when Pakistan received a lot of anti-terror funding, which allowed for the modernization of the military and keeping Balochistan “in check.”

In 2006 Pakistan’s security forces killed Akbar Bugti — a former chief minister and popular separatist leader of Balochistan. This is an event that Akbar describes as Balochistan’s 9/11. “It changed everything,” Akbar said. “When Bugti died people in Balochistan began wondering what would happen to them if someone like Bugti, a former chief minister, could be killed.” Following his death, separatist groups in Balochistan retaliated by attacking Pakistan’s infrastructure, and the Pakistani military responded by carrying out more enforced disappearances.

“This began the policy known as the ‘kill and dump policy’” Akbar explained, referring to the kind of disappearances and killings that Balaach and hundreds of others have suffered. Pakistan’s official position, however, is that this is simply a part of its crackdown on anti-state actors. Even current caretaker Prime Minister Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar — who is from Balochistan — has spoken out against the recent protests, calling the women and their families “fake heroes of human rights” and telling them to “go and join the BLF or BLA so the state knows where you stand.”

In just the last week, Balochistan has found itself in the crosshairs of air attacks between Iran and Pakistan. Amid the exchange, Iran launched what it called “preventative action” against the Sunni Muslim militant group Jaish al-Adl, while Pakistan struck alleged hideouts used by the BLF and BLA. All three targeted groups are ethnically Baloch, but — according to protesters — it was civilians, not terrorists, who were killed in the attacks.

As protest leader Sammi Deen Baloch noted, “The Baloch people are always the ones caught in the middle, it is their lives which are lost.”

A fight for generations

Like Mahrang, Sammi Deen — the general secretary of Voice for Missing Baloch Persons — also got involved in the movement as a result of her father being abducted. She has been marching to bring him home since 2009, when she was 10 years old.

“This is the same movement that has been going on for decades,” Sammi Deen explained. “It hasn’t just erupted suddenly.”

In 2010, she visited the capital city of Islamabad for the first time, participating in a march accompanied by seven other families whose loved ones were forcibly disappeared. They returned in 2011 with a few more families. Then, in 2013, they did a “long march” from the city of Quetta in Balochistan to Islamabad, traveling on foot for three months and 18 days.

As a result of consistent protests over the years, 300 families — according to Sammi Deen — now feel empowered to speak up for their loved ones. “In 2013 not many people were aware of the forcibly disappeared persons in Balochistan,” she explained. “But today we have a big tool in social media, which we can use to disseminate our voices to people all over the country and around the world.”

Both Mahrang and Sammi Deen agree that social media has been a big part of their activism. From the organized use of hashtags like #MarchAgainstBalochGenocide and #IStandWithBalochMarch to daily updates from the protest site, sharing their voices online has become a crucial way for the protesters to amass support across Pakistan.

“Traditional media channels don’t cover this,” Mahrang said, “so there is no way for people to know … but now common people in Pakistan are being forced to look at the role they play in the genocide of the Baloch people.”

For Mahrang and all the families protesting, this very much is a genocide — a targeted destruction of the Baloch people and their identity that has been taking place over decades. However, at a Jan. 1 press conference, Interim Prime Minister Kakar described “his fight” as not against any particular race or caste but against the various anti-state organizations in Balochistan.

Women take charge

Apart from social media, another unique characteristic of this movement against enforced disappearances is that it is being led by women like Mahrang and Sammi Deen.

“This movement is a culmination of two decades of women’s suffering, and they are the ones now leading it,” Mahrang said. “There are mothers, sisters, grandmothers, half-widows … and this shows people that we aren’t agents of any organization but simply common people of Balochistan bringing forward our pain and oppression.”

Another reason women have taken the lead, according to Sammi Deen, is to protect their male supporters and family members. “In Balochistan men are not safe in any way, whether it is activism or if they are just going to the market,” she said. “We never know if they will return home alive and safe.”

That being said, the women themselves have been far from safe when it comes to police crackdowns. On the evening of Dec. 20, when the march reached the outskirts of Islamabad, they found their entry blocked by police forces.

A petition filed on Jan. 3 by Sammi Deen to the high court in Islamabad described the interaction, saying “Police baton-charged the protesters and used water cannons against these marchers and their supporters.” Meanwhile, in his press conference, Kakar described the use of water canons as “standard practice of law enforcement across the world.”

Mahrang and 52 other women and children protesters were detained for over 24 hours and only released after the high court ordered it. Another 290 students, women and children were later detained for five days before being released. According to the petition, “the Baloch women and children were brutalized by the Islamabad police,” and an attempt was made to force them onto buses and send them back to Quetta in Balochistan. The Islamabad police rejected these claims on the social media platform X, saying there was “no ill-treatment of women or children.”

Once the protesters were at the sit-in at the National Press Club in Islamabad on Dec. 23, families of missing persons were threatened with arrests if they did not vacate the protest site, and the police repeatedly blocked the entry of food and blankets, which are essential in the Pakistani winter. They were also targeted by masked men in plain clothes, who stole their speaker while pointing loaded guns — all in the presence of the police and multiple surveillance cameras.

With surveillance cameras present nearly everywhere around the sit-in, the police — according to Mahrang — are clearly trying to intimidate the mostly female group of protesters. For their parts, Mahrang has been accused of sedition and Sammi Deen has been the target of a “vile and dirty propaganda campaign” using false photos depicting her with militant groups with whom she has no connection. This incident forced Sammi Deen to take off her niqab (the face covering worn by some Muslim women) which she had previously always worn in press conferences. Nevertheless, Sammi Deen, vows to not be silenced.

Changing tides and demands that pave a way forward

This March Against Baloch Genocide — as the protesters often refer to their movement — has received an unprecedented show of support in the form of solidarity protests in various parts of Balochistan, as well as other Pakistani provinces, and even in front of 10 Downing Street in London, where protesters held a five-day sit in.

According to Mahrang, this response is due to the protest making people feel heard for the first time in decades. “There has always been a negativity spread around that common people do not hold any power in front of the Pakistani establishment and we just have to follow them blindly,” she said.

According to Akbar, the political analyst, this is also because, for the first time, people’s faith in the military has faltered. “There’s a segment of the population that has begun to realize that the military is not so clean,” he said. “In the past people may not have believed all these allegations against the military. But now that they see that former Prime Minister Imran Khan has been so badly silenced that he can’t even contest in the next elections — despite being the country’s most popular leader — people are starting to question things.” Akbar also pointed to the role that social media has played in giving people outside Balochistan a window into their suffering.

According to Sammi Deen, one of the movement’s main objectives has been to collect data. In less than a month, while marching from Balochistan to Islamabad, they have gathered evidence of roughly 600 missing persons. “God forbid, if someone dies tomorrow in a fake encounter, we will at least know if he was [already] missing from before.”

In addition to collecting data, the movement is also working to bring the killers of men like Balaach to justice. On Dec. 9, after initial resistance, the police registered a complaint against four CTD personnel on the direction of a lower court. Then, two days later, the high court ordered the immediate suspension of the four CTD personnel. A committee was also formed to investigate the death. However, no arrests have yet been made.

“We want all the missing persons of Balochistan to be released and … we want to see progress in their cases,” said Sammi Deen before adding that the CTD and state-sponsored “death squads” (or private militia) responsible for these enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings should be disbanded.

On Jan.10, Mahrang and Sammi Deen were able to speak with U.N. Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders Mary Lawler about the need for a U.N. fact-finding mission in Pakistan to investigate the human rights violations and genocide in Balochistan. Writing on X, Lawler said, “The reports of police harassment are v. concerning. Spurious criminal complaints against peaceful protesters should be dropped.”

According to Akbar, as long as there is “genuine will from the military,” it is feasible for the disappeared persons to be returned home, so long as they haven’t already been killed. “The military is a very organized institution, so they definitely have accounts of these missing persons.” Akbar also noted that a large number of missing persons were released in the past when the government wanted to appease the Baloch people. However, Akbar does not believe Pakistan will allow an independent U.N.-fact-finding mission into Balochistan, as Pakistan considers it a sovereign matter.

“This is a collective punishment because when one family member is disappeared all his loved ones suffer,” Sammi Deen said. “It is the uncertainty, the continuous wait, the torturous pain that is unbearable.”

Despite all that, or perhaps because of it, Sammi Deen and Mahrang believe that this movement will not burn out, but continue and grow its important work.

“We are expanding this movement all over the country and all over the world,” Mahrang said. “Anyone who sympathizes with us, we appeal to them to protest in solidarity, to send petitions to the U.N., to write to your parliaments to initiate discussions. This is just the beginning, and we will take this forward peacefully.”

Saturday, March 15, 2025

Balochistan train operations likely to resume next week

Khalid Hasnain 
Published March 16, 2025
DAWN

FRONTIER Corps personnel inspect the siege site on Saturday after the recent ambush on Jaffar Express in the remote Pehro Kunri area of Balochistan. Railway officials say tracks repair will complete within days, but the resumption of train services is linked to ‘security clearance’.—AFP


• Railway officials link resumption of service to ‘security clearance’ after repairs within days

• Rs5.2m compensation announced for victims’ families

LAHORE: Train services to and from Balochistan, which were suspended after the attack on Jaffar Express, are likely to be resumed by next weekend, according to senior officials of Pakistan Railways.

The engineers of Pakistan Rail­ways have been asked to complete the repair and maintenance work on the track within the next three days. The railway authorities in Quetta have decided to send passenger coaches and locomotives damaged in the attack to Lahore for repair work.

The terrorists used explosives to stop the train and also sprayed bullets from both sides, breaking window glasses and causing other damages as well, Dawn has learnt.

“The Jaffar Express had nine coaches and a locomotive. Three of them were derailed by the terrorists through blasts while bullet holes pierced the body of the remaining coaches,” a senior railway official explained while talking to Dawn on Saturday.

Bullet marks are also visible on the locomotive as well as all coaches, said the officials who wished not to be named.

“The train’s rake (set of coaches), including those damaged due to derailment, would be sent to the Mughalpura workshop in Lahore for repair,” they disclosed.

Asked about damages to the track and other infrastructure, the officer said a 600m stretch of railway track was damaged due to blasts and derailment.

According to him, the cost of damage to the infrastructure is being assessed.

He said engineers had started the repair and maintenance work of the track after removing the rolling stock. Work would take two to three days to complete, he added.

“Hopefully, we will make the track ready for operations within the next three days.”

The official said that after the repairs, the train operation will be resumed “if security agencies give us clearance”.

On Saturday, the authorities cancelled the departure of Business Express and Karachi Express from Lahore due to the meagre number of passengers. Those having bookings on these trains were accommodated on other trains.

Likewise, the authorities also cancelled the departure of Jaffar Express from Lahore as train operations to and from Balochistan remained suspended. The passengers having booking in Jaffar Express have been asked to get a refund from the reservation offices.

Compensation announced

While addressing a pr­­esser at Pakistan Railways headquarters on Saturday, Federal Minister for Rail­ways Hanif Abbasi annou­nced a compensation package of Rs5.2 million for the families of the victims of the recent Jaffar Express train at­­tack in Balochistan, along with jobs for their children in his ministry.

He said the train tragedy left the government and security agencies with no option but to launch a massive operation.

He regretted, “Our own people in Balochistan and KP in a bid to earn money have become facilitators of the terrorists protected by our enemy countries.”

“So keeping in view this, it has been decided whosoever involved in terrorism in Pakistan will be eliminated,” he asserted.

“Why India is operating nearly 22 missions / consulates in Afghanistan alone along the Durand line. They are sponsoring terrorism in Pakistan through their local facilitators,” he maintained.

Published in Dawn, March 16th, 2025



Missing in Baloch conundrum



Abbas Nasir
DAWN
 March 16, 2025 


The writer is a former editor of Dawn.



THE hijacking of a train by BLA militants in Balochistan and the reprehensible murder of innocent, unarmed hostages was a step up the escalatory ladder by the banned group and was followed by the Pakistani military’s response that the attack would dictate a change in the rules of engagement.

This change was spelt out at a media briefing by the military’s top spokesman who said BLA members, supporters and facilitators would be targeted wherever they are; inside and outside Pakistan. The decision to respond to fire with fire was made clear.

The Pakistani position was reiterated: Baloch­istan’s insurgency is backed by India. On camera statements of Indian spy Kulbhushan Jadhav, who has been in Pakistani custody for some nine years, and footage of India’s national security adviser, Ajit Doval, speaking at a university in his country some years ago, were also played at the media briefing to substantiate the assertion.

Some security experts believe that Balochistan is being destabilised as vast swathes of land in the province and its strategically important coastline, where China is making investments as a vital element of its Belt & Road Initiative, are being fought over by foreign powers, from India to a ‘brotherly’ Gulf State to even the US — all those united in wanting to contain China.


Anything that allows the militant ranks to swell needs to be addressed.

There is also the added element of powers hostile to Iran trying to promote unrest in Balochistan (and Sistan-Baluchestan) that straddles Pakistan’s border with Iran in order to create a soft south-eastern underbelly so Iran is engaged on another front.

Under the changed rules of engagement, Pakis­tan may now target the BLA, as it has the TTP in recent months, by attacking their bases and safe havens in Afghanistan through air strikes and other ‘kinetic operations’. Pakistan says it would be well within its rights to take all measures to defend itself.

There can be no doubt that the country is under attack. Its soldiers and unarmed civilians alike are being killed and the outlines of a more sinister game, which appears to be focused on bringing the country to its knees by crippling its economy via rampant terrorism, can be seen.

The only disagreement, with great respect to the Balochistan chief minister whose passionate defence of the military’s policies in the province seems to have raised his stock with the establishment, despite his struggle to find credibility in his home province, is on ‘non-kinetic’ measures.

The visibly irritated chief minister lamented at the briefing that the media (one can be sure he was referring to a few nearly barren islands because the rest have now fallen in line) tends to be sympathetic to the Baloch rights cause and this, he seemed to suggest, was unpatriotic.

No, sir, it is not. Patriotism isn’t about advocating a uni-directional approach — even in flawless English and chaste Urdu — and merely parroting establishment-approved views; that has not worked. You can label those in the country who don’t endorse this view anyway you like, it wouldn’t matter to them, and more tragically, neither would it change the ground reality.

Militancy and terrorism, which target innocent civilians are wrong, and need to be tackled head-on and rooted out by force. Equally, anything that allows the militant ranks to swell by the recruiters exploiting state-created circumstances also needs to be addressed. Your own ‘mini-census’ shows the Baloch who have crossed over to the militants’ side in scary numbers.

Enforced disappearances, the ‘missing’, rem­ain a major issue that many Baloch I have talked to see as a major provocation. It alienates them because they see their lives as being of far less value than others’ in the federation. Brushing aside this matter won’t make it go away.

For example, if Sardar Akhtar Mengal said he has a list of 5,000 missing Baloch on the floor of the National Assembly, someone should have appro­a­ched him and asked for the list and investigated its contents on merit. It is not enough to cite the ‘performance’ of the commission on the disappeared headed by an individual with arguably zero cred.

Let alone the affected Baloch, any fair-minded Pakistani won’t be satisfied with the dismissive manner in which the state chooses to address this matter. Even if it does not wish to answer, in the battle of perceptions, empathy and compassion would be far more effective than a hammer-and-nail approach.

Again in the battle for hearts and minds, economic rights are important and even more important are political rights, which can only come through a semblance of representative rule. The last election in Balochistan saw politicians who have held their constituencies since the 1977 elections, lose.

Some of these candidates were not even nationalists and were largely-seen as pro-establishment. But since their political survival hinged on their constituency politics, they felt compelled to articulate the concerns of their electorate. They were made examples of.

Sanity demands that even as individuals and organisations that have chosen the path of an armed struggle are being pursued militarily, the ‘reconcilable’ elements are approached, even if it means making them part of a power-sharing arrangement at the cost of the establishment poster boys, who’d struggle to win an election, but have been placed in the highest offices in the land.

I say this because just about the time of the train hijacking, I saw what I found was a very disturbing video on social media. It showed a few insurgents, who were operating freely in Mastung, being filmed by some fascinated young men.

Alienation and apathy from the state often leads to the harmful romanticisation (or whatever name you wish to give it) of those who don’t shy away from targeting innocent civilians. This can’t only be dealt with ‘kinetic operations’. I wish those at the helm would agree.


abbas.nasir@hotmail.com

Published in Dawn, March 16th, 2025


Sino-Pak cooperation


Muhammad Amir Rana 
Published March 16, 2025
DAWN



The writer is a security analyst.


IT is expected that the train hijacking incident in Balochistan will trigger a robust response from the state — quite likely in the form of military action on several fronts. Nevertheless, discussions focusing on the political aspects of the crisis in the province, and how to address it, particularly regarding the initiation of dialogue, will persist, even if in subdued tones.

The debate will feature another significant element, ie, the role of external support for any military operation against the insurgents, focusing explicitly on securing diplomatic backing and logistical assistance. Three contexts will be particularly relevant. First, the recent warning issued by Baloch insurgents against China during their strategic realignment meeting a few weeks ago raises essential questions about how Beijing will respond, especially in terms of providing financial and logistical support to Pakistan’s counterinsurgency operations.

Second, Pakistan is unlikely to expect substantial material support from the US and its Western allies, not only due to political issues and the Ukraine conflict, but also because the West tends to sympathise with separatist movements, while adopting a different approach towards religiously motivated terrorism and extremism. Consequently, Islamabad will instead prioritise diplomatic backing to counter international lobbying by India, which seeks to promote the Baloch separatist narrative and restrict both the financial and political support provided by the Baloch diaspora to insurgents.

Third, there are historical precedents that suggest that external military support is pivotal. Pakistan previously received notable military assistance from the Shah of Iran during its counterinsurgency operations in the 1970s. Analysts are debating whether China will offer comparable support to Pakistan in its contemporary counterinsurgency operations, mirroring Iran’s role several decades ago.

The Baloch Liberation Army and other smaller insurgent groups have continuously targeted Chi­na’s nationals and its commercial and diplomatic interests in Pakistan. These insurgent groups, as mentioned at a meeting, have devised a strategy that intensifies terrorist activities, especially with regard to targeting CPEC and Chinese interests in Balochistan. China has shown increasing concern about the security of Chinese citizens in this country. It wishes to invest further in Pakis­tan but only if there’s a secure environment. Ter­rorist attacks against Chinese nationals, notably the BLA attack in Karachi last year targeting Chi­nese nationals as they exited the airport, strained bilateral ties temporarily. The tensions were later eased through confidence-building measures.


It’s uncertain how deeply China might engage in CT cooperation against the insurgency.

The BLA considers China an adversary due to its significant investments in Balochistan and close alliance with Pakistan. Given China’s willingness to help Pakistan in its counterterrorism efforts, questions have arisen regarding the possibility of China offering material support to the Pakistani armed forces specifically to counter the BLA. Historically, China has urged Pakistan to ad­dress terrorism, although practical cooperat­i­on has remained limited effectively. For example, in 2007, the Lal Masjid operation in Islamabad was initiated following a call from the then Chi­n­ese president Hu Jintao to Gen Pervez Mush­arraf, triggered by the abduction of Chinese health wor­kers by students of the Jamia Hafsa madressah.

There have been similar speculations that China influenced Pakistan’s decision to launch Operation Zarb-i-Azb in North Waziristan in 2014. After the Karachi attack on the Chinese nationals, Beijing again expressed its expectations of Pakistan to undertake decisive action against the Baloch insurgents. However, China is hesitant to get directly involved in countering terrorism operations through visible financial and logistical support.

Pakistan has established a comprehensive security mechanism to protect CPEC and Chinese interests, including the creation of a special security division. Nevertheless, China assesses risks through its zero-tolerance lens against threats and expects allies to adopt similar stances.

Pakistan wants to take decisive action against the insurgents but faces economic limitations. A full-scale military operation would mean significant costs, when the state is already engaged in campaigns like Azm-i-Istehkam against the separatist insurgency in Balochistan and religiously inspired militancy in KP. Clearly, the economic and political implications of extensive military operations are considerable. However, state institutions are not willing to start a political process that could loosen their grip on power, as they believe it will lead to deeper crises. The political leadership can take political risks. But, its leaders, especially those enjoying powers, do not have a deep understanding of the crisis in Balochistan. Neither is the political leadership willing to take any action, as they believe it does not fall within their turf and is determined by the establishment.

Without political initiative, a kinetic approach is a significant remedy to addressing only the security threats. Chinese scholars often debate how China can enhance support beyond the existing framework, including equipment supply, intelligence sharing and joint security exercises. Although China once proposed deeper cooperation, such as deploying private security consultants to Pakistan, progress has been minimal due to Pakistan’s reluctance.

Will China reconsider enhancing security cooperation by supplying surveillance equipment, military hardware, or even partially funding the costs of a comprehensive military operation? It’s uncertain how deeply China might engage in the counterterrorism cooperation, especially given the threats from the BLA, the TTP, and allied groups targeting Chinese interests and contributing to regional instability. China fears an unsafe neighbourhood increases transnational terrorism risks and diverts strategic and political energies, negatively impacting its geo-economic objectives.

Historically, China has been hesitant to extensively support military campaigns in neighbouring countries, with exceptions like Myanmar, where it supports the military junta and mediates reconci­liation with some militant groups. But despite possible hesitation regarding cost-sharing for a Pa­­­kis­tani military campaign, the potential for enhan­c­­ed bilateral security cooperation remains viable.

China and Pakistan can develop a mutual cooperation framework excluding the direct involvement of Chinese private security personnel. Such a framework might involve intelligence-sharing mechanisms, training, and equipping Pakistani law enforcement — particularly the police and counterterrorism departments in Balochistan and Sindh — effectively. It could also include mutual learning experiences and joint border management protocols covering land, sea and air. Coop­eration could further extend to addressing non-traditional security threats and serious organised crimes.

Ultimately, Pakistan’s immediate challenge is stabilising Balochistan. In such testing times, cou­ntries naturally turn to their allies for support.

Published in Dawn, March 16th, 2025


Pakistan Bogged Down By Growing Ferocity Of Balochistan Insurgency – Analysis



By 

By Sushant Sareen


The insurgency in Balochistan is becoming ominous and has been palpable for a couple of years. But the gravity of the situation in Pakistan’s biggest province failed to register in the Byzantine corridors of power in Islamabad. In Pakistan’s capital city, the only thing that mattered was controlling and manipulating the state’s institutions to ensure the survival of the hybrid regime controlled by the military junta of General Syed Asim Munir and fronted by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif.

The fires in Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh, and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (POK) received cursory coverage in the media. The public discourse has predominantly revolved around Imran Khan and his trials and tribulations in prison, and the regime’s machinations in countering his narrative, and his popularity. Balochistan was too distant from Islamabad and even Lahore for anyone to bother about what was happening in the restive province.

Late last month, after Maulana Fazal-ur Rehman’s speech in the National Assembly where he said that “five to seven districts in Balochistan were in a position to announce independence” and the “United Nations (UN) would recognise them the next day,” Pakistani people and beyond started taking notice of the sharply deteriorating security situation in the province. Although Maulana may have gone a bit overboard over the UN recognising a declaration of independence in Balochistan, he has his ears and eyes on the ground in the province and has a very good understanding of how bad things are. Following the Maulana, the Leader of Opposition (LoP) in the National Assembly, Omar Ayub, said that the Pakistani state had virtually ceased to exist in more than half a dozen districts of Balochistan. According to Ayub, the Pakistani flag was not flying in these districts.

Nonetheless, it was not only political leaders opposed to the hybrid regime who were flagging the alarming situation in Balochistan. One of the closest advisors of PM Sharif, Rana Sanaullah, warned that armed groups could descend from the mountains and seize control of Balochistan. After initially trying to deny that things were spiraling out of control in the province, the Chief Minister, Sarfraz Bugti, finally admitted the situation was alarming.

However, the insurgents could not hold any area for longer than a few hours. That the insurgents could strike at will and seize control of major highways and small towns for even a few hours was hardly something that any responsible administrator could be sanguine about. If anything, the rising frequency of high-profile, high-impact strikes by the Baloch insurgents has completely undermined the authority of the state. Worse, it has fuelled so much uncertainty that it has put paid to ambitious plans to attract foreign investment in infrastructure and mining projects.


It was against this backdrop that the Baloch Raaji Aajoi Sangar (BRAS), an umbrella group of four militant insurgent groups namely Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF), Balochistan Republic Guard (BRG) and Sindhudesh Revolutionary Army (SRA) announced the formation of a Baloch National Army with a unified command structure and a shift of focus from “Scattered operations to an organised, coordinated and decisive force”. BRAS declared its intent to intensify the war against both Pakistan and its main patron, China and bring greater lethality in its guerilla operations. To hit Pakistan and China where it hurts, the BRAS decided to ‘intensify the blockade on all important highways of Balochistan to disrupt the logistical, economic, and military interests of the occupying state.’

Within days of the BRAS announcement of ramping up its operations, the guerillas hit the strategic Coastal Highway and set six gas tankers and police vehicles on fire. There was also a sudden uptick in Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) and suicide attacks on Pakistani security forces and Baloch collaborators. The sheer expanse of geography where these attacks took place was particularly notable–a suicide attack in Kalat city, an IED blast in Quetta, another IED in Khuzdar against a pro-regime tribal leader, targeted killings of two clerics in Zehri, the same town that was stormed and occupied for a few hours by nearly a 100 insurgents in January last. According to data compiled by the South Asia Terrorism Portal, in just the first nine weeks of 2025, there have already been 70 incidents, in which around 135 Pakistani security forces personnel have been killed as against 66 insurgents/extremists–a ratio of 2:1 which reflects the enormity of the problem.

Some of these insurgent attacks caused serious damage in men and material to the Pakistani security forces. In early February last, insurgents ambushed a van carrying troops, killing 17 Pakistani soldiers in the Kalat district. Two weeks later, in attacks on a Pakistan army checkpoint and a convoy in the Mand area, another 17 Pakistani soldiers were killed. The insurgents also attacked a bus carrying mine workers in Harnai, killing 11. Although the  Pakistani media presented this as an extortion racket run by the insurgents, the fact that it was an attack on an economic target–the insurgents call it exploitation of Balochistan’s resources by Punjab–made it a legitimate target in their view. Similarly, the targeting of Punjabi businessmen and settlers the Baloch call them spies and collaborators–is also a part of the strategy of the Baloch fighters against the Pakistani state.

Perhaps the most devastating attack was carried out in August 2024 when the Baloch insurgents launched Operation Herof, in which they carried out coordinated attacks across the length and breadth of the province. In 2024 alone, over 900 attacks were carried out by the insurgent groups, the bulk of them by BLA, BLF and under the label of BRAS. Except for the Pashtun-dominated districts of Northern Balochistan, the Baloch insurgents have been active in every district of Balochistan. This is a qualitative change from past insurgencies when the fighting was restricted to a few districts and tribes. Now, it is pan-Balochistan and cutting across tribal, linguistic, and gender divide.

While the Baloch insurgents have upped their game, not just in terms of the ferocity, intensity, and organisational capability, the Pakistani state—which is a euphemism for the Pakistan Army—has not been able to evolve to respond effectively. Its playbook is the same decades-old one: increase brutality, offer blandishments to tribal chieftains, bribe influential politicians, browbeat the people, stifle all dissent, keep a very tight leash over the media, install puppets and Quislings to run the province under the garb of democracy. But it is proving counterproductive, and the more the Pakistan Army doubles down on its repressive rule, the more it alienates the Baloch people and swells the ranks of the insurgent groups with recruits, including women and young people from educated middle-class.

Finding itself losing the narrative war, the Pakistan Army has responded predictably. It has started raiding universities and abducting Baloch students, keeping them in illegal custody and, in some cases, killing them and dumping their bodies on the roadsides or in the wilds. In just the first few weeks of this calendar year, over 250 students have forcibly disappeared. This enforced disappearances issue has only fuelled disgust and alienation against the Pakistani state, arguably becoming one of the central pillars around which Baloch public opinion has been mobilised. Apart from the brutal repression that has been unleashed, the Pakistan Army is trying to play catch up in the narrative game by using tactics which are now anachronistic.

For instance, authorities often parade a ‘surrendered militant’ who recites a predictable narrative – accusing commanders of greed, claiming India funds them, and asserting they work against Baloch interests. The Pakistani media then plays up these stories to amplify them. But no one except perhaps people in Punjab are buying what the Pakistan Army’s disinformation wing is selling. Similarly, exaggerated and often utterly fictitious claims of the Pakistan Army’s operations either to repel an attack or to raid insurgent hideouts are not impressing anyone. In most cases, the Pakistan Army conjures up an imaginary number of insurgents killed just to show that it is fighting back, and hard.

The BRAS declaration to restructure its organisation and intensify its operations makes it clear– the insurgents believe the struggle in Balochistan has entered a decisive phase. The political narrative is dominated by young leaders of the Baloch Yakjheti Council, such as the indomitable Mahrang Baloch, Sami Deen Baloch and other members spearheading massive protests across the province. Members of the legislative assembly and the ‘elected’ government in the province have become political pigmies who are in power only because they have been foisted on the people of Balochistan by the Pakistan Army. The political and democratic processes in Balochistan have become redundant because they have been completely compromised and rigged by the Pakistan Army, all of which feeds into the narrative of pro-independence voices.

Militarily, the Baloch insurgents have demonstrated their reach, capability and ability to coordinate complex attacks. While there is some skepticism about how much the Baloch can achieve because they constitute less than 5 percent of Pakistan’s 250 million population, the insurgents believe that they have the critical mass required to win against the Pakistani state. What they lack in sheer numbers, they make up because of the raging Taliban insurgency in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province and the Pashtun belt of Balochistan, which is bogging down and bleeding the Pakistan Army. Add to this the sharp deterioration in relations between the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The Taliban appear to be giving space to the Baloch as it gives them a certain leverage over Pakistan, which they suspect of flirting with Islamic State Khorasan (ISK) to undermine the Islamic Emirate. The situation in Sistan-Balochistan province of Iran is also proving conducive for the Baloch insurgents in Pakistan.

Faced with the audacity and ferocity of attacks being carried out by the Baloch freedom fighters, and given that Pakistan’s antediluvian approach to tackling the restiveness in the province is not working, there are limited options available to the Pakistan Army. It can continue doing what it has been over the last 25 years since this fifth insurgency has been raging in Balochistan, perhaps intensify what it has been doing. But the result is unlikely to be any different.

The Pakistan Army could also decide to carry out a scorched earth steamroller operation in Balochistan. Managing the operation’s political, military and diplomatic consequences could prove disastrous. A third option is to try reconciliation. This is, however, a long and difficult path to take and beyond the intellectual ability of Pakistan’s Punjabi military elite because it militates against the colonial control fetish of Pakistan’s ruling class. But regardless of what policy Pakistan adopts, the situation in Balochistan will continue to be fraught for the foreseeable future. And while intimations of Balochistan shaking off the ‘shackles of slavery’ (to use the evocative phrase of Imran Khan) might be highly premature and overly optimistic, Balochistan will remain the bone stuck in Pakistan’s throat—one it cannot expel, yet one it struggles to swallow.





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ORF was established on 5 September 1990 as a private, not for profit, ’think tank’ to influence public policy formulation. The Foundation brought together, for the first time, leading Indian economists and policymakers to present An Agenda for Economic Reforms in India. The idea was to help develop a consensus in favour of economic reforms.


Pakistan’s Hostage-Rescue Failures Exposed As BLA Siege Ends In Heavy Casualties – Analysis



By 

Conflicting narratives and military missteps emerge from the Jaffar Express crisis in Balochistan.

The recent hijacking of Pakistan’s Jaffar Express by militants from the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) has ended in tragedy, exposing serious flaws in Pakistan’s military preparedness and counterterrorism capabilities. While Pakistani authorities quickly declared success in ending the siege, conflicting reports from militants and independent sources have cast serious doubts on the official version, indicating higher casualties and continuing insurgent resistance.


On March 11, 2025, militants belonging to the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), a separatist insurgent group seeking independence for Pakistan’s Balochistan province, seized control of the Jaffar Express near the Mashkaf region in Balochistan. The attackers blew up railway tracks, derailing the train, which was carrying around 440 passengers from Quetta to Peshawar, and held hundreds hostage, including Pakistani security personnel.

Initially, the BLA issued a demand for a prisoner exchange, threatening to execute hostages if Pakistani authorities failed to comply within 48 hours. In response, the Pakistani military launched a large-scale operation, employing both ground forces and airstrikes. By March 12, Pakistan’s Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), the military’s media wing, declared the operation successfully concluded, stating all 33 insurgents had been killed, 21 passengers and four Pakistani Army personnel had died, and all hostages had been rescued.

Yet, the BLA swiftly disputed this victory declaration. The insurgent group categorically rejected ISPR’s claims, labelling them “propaganda.” In an official statement, BLA spokesperson Jeeyand Baloch said, “The claims made by the Pakistani army spokesperson are a failed attempt to cover up lies and defeat. The ground reality is that the battle continues on multiple fronts, and the enemy is suffering heavy casualties and military losses.”

Independent media reports further exposed these contradictions. Reuters, citing security sources, reported only 155 hostages were rescued initially, leaving many passengers unaccounted for. Al Jazeera corroborated that several dozen hostages remained trapped even after the Pakistani military’s claimed completion of operations. Reports emerging from Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, provided an even grimmer picture. Local sources indicated at least 200 coffins being prepared for Pakistani soldiers, sharply contradicting the official military casualty figures. Additionally, the BLA publicly stated that it executed 50 hostages after Pakistani authorities refused to negotiate a prisoner exchange—highlighting the tragic cost of the military’s refusal to engage diplomatically with insurgents.

Security experts have pointed out that Pakistan’s premature declaration of victory has damaged its credibility despite unclear ground realities. Military analysts noted the complexity of this particular hostage situation, mainly due to the insurgents reportedly having suicide bombers among their ranks, posing significant challenges for rescue operations. Islamabad, known for projecting its omnipotent intelligence apparatus and substantial counterterrorism experience, was expected to conduct a swift and precise operation. However, operational delays of approximately 30 hours suggest hesitations and logistical gaps, raising doubts about the military’s preparedness for such high-stakes missions.


Notably, Pakistan’s approach stands in contrast to global best practices in hostage rescue operations. For instance, India’s National Security Guard (NSG), internationally recognised for its counterterrorism capabilities, emphasises rapid deployment, real-time intelligence integration, and precision tactics. During the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks, the NSG successfully rescued over 600 hostages in a heavily contested urban environment. Even India’s Railway Protection Special Force, Commando for Railway Security (CORAS), specialises in handling hostage situations involving trains, highlighting operational deficiencies within Pakistan’s elite Special Services Group (SSG).

Moreover, the Pakistani authorities’ swift declaration of victory, without independent verification, has undermined public trust and credibility domestically and internationally. Reports of ongoing clashes and accusations by insurgents suggest that the military’s narrative was an attempt at controlling the information landscape rather than accurately depicting operational realities.

The broader context of the Baloch insurgency highlights that the hijacking was not an isolated incident. Balochistan remains Pakistan’s poorest yet most resource-rich province, with a long history of grievances over economic marginalisation, political suppression, and human rights abuses by state forces. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a multibillion-dollar infrastructure initiative, further intensified these grievances by excluding local Baloch populations from economic benefits, leading insurgent groups to increasingly target both Pakistani and Chinese personnel and assets.

Since its formation in 2000, the BLA has evolved into a more potent threat. Notable attacks include the 2019 assault on Gwadar’s Pearl Continental Hotel and the 2022 Karachi University suicide bombing targeting Chinese nationals. The group recently formed a unified structure under Baloch Raji Aajoi Sangar (BRAS), aiming to launch even more coordinated offensives against Pakistani forces.

This crisis has prompted renewed attention to the underlying political issues in Balochistan. Former Balochistan chief minister Akhtar Mengal recently stated, “There is not a single inch of Balochistan left where the government can claim authority. They have lost this war—completely and irreversibly.” Mengal’s statement suggests the insurgency is evolving beyond the state’s control.

Human rights groups and analysts have urged Pakistan to adopt a political solution alongside military operations. History shows that purely military strategies in Balochistan have only exacerbated local resentments, fostering further insurgency. The international community, which has remained largely silent, is also urged to reassess its stance and advocate for peaceful political solutions rather than tacitly supporting a purely militaristic approach.

As the immediate crisis surrounding the Jaffar Express siege concludes amid confusion and controversy, deeper questions linger about Pakistan’s broader counterinsurgency strategy and its repeated reliance on military solutions. The government’s unwillingness to negotiate, combined with the military’s mishandling of the operation and conflicting public claims, reveals a troubling lack of transparency and readiness to protect its citizens effectively.

If the Pakistani state continues to prioritise military force over political dialogue, experts warn that the violence will escalate further, perpetuating instability and putting civilians at even greater risk. The recent siege stresses the critical need for Pakistan to rethink its approach to counterinsurgency—balancing security measures with genuine political reconciliation and respect for human rights. Unless such reforms are implemented promptly, Balochistan is likely to remain a flashpoint of conflict where both civilians and soldiers continue to pay the ultimate price.


Aritra Banerjee is a Defence, Foreign Affairs & Aerospace Journalist, Co-Author of the book 'The Indian Navy @75: Reminiscing the Voyage' and was the Co-Founder of Mission Victory India (MVI), a new-age military reforms think-tank. He has worked in TV, Print and Digital media, and has been a columnist writing on strategic affairs for national and international publications. His reporting career has seen him covering major Security and Aviation events in Europe and travelling across Kashmir conflict zones. Twitter: @Aritrabanned

Train hostage crisis questions Pakistan’s internal security

Train hostage crisis questions Pakistan’s internal security
/ Mazahirshah = CC BY-SA 4.0Facebook
By bno Chennai bureau March 14, 2025

The Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), a separatist militant group, attacked and held hostage the Jaffar Express, a passenger train traveling from Quetta to Peshawar in Pakistan between March 11 and 12.

According to a report by AFP, at the start of the attack, the militants detonated explosives on the tracks in the Bolan district of Balochistan province, immobilising the train and taking over 450 passengers hostage, including security personnel. The hijacking and the unprecedented media spectacle which saw the BLA releasing several statements, video clips and audio recordings documenting the crisis underscores the escalating insurgency and separatist movement in Balochistan and poses significant challenges to Pakistan's internal security.

The BLA's operation was likely meticulously planned as indicated from the length of time the militants were able to hold off highly capable ‘tip of the spear’ Pakistani security forces. According to a report in the Times of India citing Pakistani officials, after halting the train militants armed with suicide vests positioned themselves among the hostages, complicating rescue efforts. However, according to testimony of released hostages, the BLA released nearly 190 of the hostages on the first day including women, children and the elderly. The Pakistani military responded with a limited ground assault to rescue the remaining hostages.

However after suffering 27 casualties, aerial military assets including at least one Unmanned Aerial Vehicle(UAV) was used to engage the BLA. Over two days of intense combat, 33 militants were killed and 21 hostages too lost their lives during the operation. The militants demanded the release of imprisoned Baloch political activists and threatened to execute hostages if their demands were not met - however there is no evidence that any hostage executions actually took place before all the militants were eliminated by Pakistani security forces.

The group not only managed to paint a sympathetic picture through its engagement in the information sphere but also tactically humiliated the Pakistani security establishment in more tangible terms. The BLA's insurgency is rooted in longstanding grievances over political autonomy and resource distribution. Balochistan, rich in natural resources, remains Pakistan's poorest province, fueling resentment among the Baloch population. The BLA's demands for greater control over these resources and political self-determination have led to a protracted conflict with the Pakistani state. This attack represents a significant escalation in the BLA's tactics.

Historically, the group has targeted security forces and infrastructure but has also attacked state representatives it saw as collaborationists, including Chinese nationals involved in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The hijacking of a passenger train marks a bold and alarming development in their operational strategy - which represents a blend of modern hybrid warfare tactics and conventional activities associated with organised crime in the Indian subcontinent in the previous centuries.

The BLA's insurgency has persisted for decades, with cycles of violence and relative calm. Previous attempts at political solutions have faltered, often due to mutual distrust and unmet promises. However, if the familiar pattern of insurgencies and security forces's response to it in Pakistan’s other unstable Pakthunwala province bordering Afghanistan is anything to go by, it offers little hope that Balochistan could either separate or stabilise in the near future.