Syria’s Kurds are facing an uncertain future after this week’s dissolution of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces and the integration of military and civilian institutions in northeastern Syria into the Syrian state, raising questions over what the changes will mean for their rights, safety and daily lives. RFI spoke to a Kurdish civil society activist in the region.
Issued on: 28/08/2026 - RFI
A Syrian Kurd leaves a displacement camp in Hasakeh to return to the northeastern border town of Ras al-Ain on 10 August 2026, following an integration deal between Kurdish authorities and Damascus. AFP - DELIL SOULEIMAN
The changes mark a major shift for a region where Kurds had built up significant political and military autonomy during more than a decade of civil war.
The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) – which served as the de facto army of the Kurdish administration and played a major role in the fight against the Islamic State group – announced its dissolution on Tuesday after its forces were integrated into the Syrian army.
Damascus has also offered assurances over Kurdish rights.
On Thursday, Syria’s education ministry authorised Kurdish-language classes alongside Arabic and English in public and private schools in areas where Kurds make up a significant share of the population.
The decision follows a decree signed by interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa in January recognising the national rights of Syria’s Kurds and Kurdish as a national language – an unprecedented step since Syria gained independence in 1946.
But questions remain over what the political changes will mean in practice, from the future of Kurdish-language education and the return of displaced families to women’s rights and security.
Alva Ali, the founder of the Ahimsa Centre for Non-Violence in northeastern Syria, tells RFI how Kurds are responding to the changes and why many remain fearful about what comes next.
RFI: How have the recent announcements been received by the Kurdish population?
Alva Ali: There are differing points of view. Some people have welcomed the news, seeing it as a new step towards peace and a better future – a move that would prevent further innocent casualties.
Others see it as bad news because they do not know what the concrete consequences will be. They cannot grasp the meaning of a decision about which they have absolutely no information. They are waiting in fear to find out what will happen to the schools and their children's futures. The problem is that nothing is clear.
Syrians are kept completely out of these kinds of decisions, and this is especially true for the Kurds. As a result, people are often taken by surprise by announcements because they have heard nothing about the negotiations.
In the case of the Kurds, certain leaders are holding talks with the Syrian government, but these leaders do not represent all Kurds.
My view is that the people in power have changed, but we still do not have a true democracy. Syrians still do not participate in decision-making. Admittedly, dialogue has replaced war, and that is a good thing. However, Kurdish rights must be protected by the constitution.
We all know that words and promises are not enough. We learned that from the Bashar al-Assad regime.
We must remember the new Syrian government was formed in part with members of former terrorist groups and individuals who committed crimes against the Kurdish population. Naturally, this is very frightening for the Kurds.
RFI: When Syrian government forces took control of northeastern Syria last January, there was a fear among the Kurdish population that they would suffer the same violence experienced by the Druze and Alawite communities the previous year. Does that fear persist?
AA: Yes, because the integration of the Kurds into Syria is being discussed only at a political level. For the moment, nothing is being done about people's day-to-day lives. In fact, the economic situation has worsened following the integration of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) into the country.
Everything has deteriorated, yet the leaders do not seem to care much about it.
Attacks against the Kurdish population have also continued. A few weeks ago, displaced families attempted to return to their homes in the city of Ras al-Ain, but armed groups linked to the new authorities attacked them. These people chose to turn back rather than return home. This is a source of tension in many cities.
RFI: One of the promises of the agreement reached between the Kurdish authorities and Damascus last January was to allow Kurdish families who had fled the violence to return home. So far, very few families have been able to return.
AA: During times of war, political groups systematically use displaced people as a tool. In this specific instance, they are being used to project a positive image, demonstrating that integration has been successful. Displaced families do not care about integration in northeastern Syria. All they want is to return home.
However, achieving this requires genuine political will. They must be able to reclaim their property, which in some cases has been seized by others. Those whose homes were destroyed need to receive compensation to enable reconstruction. The individuals who appropriated their assets must be held accountable. And, of course, they need guarantees regarding their safety.
RFI: Within the AANES, women played a significant political and military role. More generally, women enjoyed greater rights than in other parts of the country. Do you think their lives will be significantly affected by this political shift?
AA: It is certain that they will not retain the same rights and powers. Within the AANES, there was a cultural system in which men and women shared leadership. Women also had their own organisations and played a significant political and military role.
We have received no clear guarantees. We are waiting, in particular, to see whether central Syrian law will apply to our region. This raises important questions about issues such as child marriage or polygamy. The authorities in Damascus draw inspiration from Sharia law, so it is difficult to imagine women retaining their rights under that framework.
RFI: You advocate for non-violence alongside the Sullam network, which brings together activists from across the country striving to help build a new Syria. More than a year and a half after the fall of al-Assad’s regime, how do you view the situation in the country?
AA: The situation remains very unclear and, as I was saying, most decisions stem from political and military agreements. To me, the Assad regime is not entirely destroyed. Bashar al-Assad and his supporters are still living in Moscow, and I do not know what we will actually manage to achieve with this revolution.
I hope the future will be better, but we cannot build true peace without justice.
Justice does not mean revenge. We must respond to violence without resorting to further violence. We must listen to victims, and that means fair trials for all those who have committed crimes. It also means helping victims and preventing such crimes from happening again.
To move from violence to peace, we must heal people, not ignore them. True peace can only begin when people have a voice, when their rights are protected and when justice applies to everyone.
Today, it is difficult for us activists, too, to make our voices heard. The Ahimsa Centre continues to operate in northeastern Syria, and we are trying to register our organisation with the new Syrian government, but it is not easy. For instance, they do not accept the concept of non-violence; it cannot be included in our centre’s name. We can speak of peace, but not of non-violence. Many factors constrain our work, and the situation is the same across the country.
People are afraid to speak openly. A few months ago, we organised a webinar through the Sullam network. Some participants were so afraid of the new authorities that they attended using pseudonyms.
This article was based on an interview in French by RFI's Oriane Verdier
The changes mark a major shift for a region where Kurds had built up significant political and military autonomy during more than a decade of civil war.
The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) – which served as the de facto army of the Kurdish administration and played a major role in the fight against the Islamic State group – announced its dissolution on Tuesday after its forces were integrated into the Syrian army.
Damascus has also offered assurances over Kurdish rights.
On Thursday, Syria’s education ministry authorised Kurdish-language classes alongside Arabic and English in public and private schools in areas where Kurds make up a significant share of the population.
The decision follows a decree signed by interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa in January recognising the national rights of Syria’s Kurds and Kurdish as a national language – an unprecedented step since Syria gained independence in 1946.
But questions remain over what the political changes will mean in practice, from the future of Kurdish-language education and the return of displaced families to women’s rights and security.
Alva Ali, the founder of the Ahimsa Centre for Non-Violence in northeastern Syria, tells RFI how Kurds are responding to the changes and why many remain fearful about what comes next.
RFI: How have the recent announcements been received by the Kurdish population?
Alva Ali: There are differing points of view. Some people have welcomed the news, seeing it as a new step towards peace and a better future – a move that would prevent further innocent casualties.
Others see it as bad news because they do not know what the concrete consequences will be. They cannot grasp the meaning of a decision about which they have absolutely no information. They are waiting in fear to find out what will happen to the schools and their children's futures. The problem is that nothing is clear.
Syrians are kept completely out of these kinds of decisions, and this is especially true for the Kurds. As a result, people are often taken by surprise by announcements because they have heard nothing about the negotiations.
In the case of the Kurds, certain leaders are holding talks with the Syrian government, but these leaders do not represent all Kurds.
My view is that the people in power have changed, but we still do not have a true democracy. Syrians still do not participate in decision-making. Admittedly, dialogue has replaced war, and that is a good thing. However, Kurdish rights must be protected by the constitution.
We all know that words and promises are not enough. We learned that from the Bashar al-Assad regime.
We must remember the new Syrian government was formed in part with members of former terrorist groups and individuals who committed crimes against the Kurdish population. Naturally, this is very frightening for the Kurds.
RFI: When Syrian government forces took control of northeastern Syria last January, there was a fear among the Kurdish population that they would suffer the same violence experienced by the Druze and Alawite communities the previous year. Does that fear persist?
AA: Yes, because the integration of the Kurds into Syria is being discussed only at a political level. For the moment, nothing is being done about people's day-to-day lives. In fact, the economic situation has worsened following the integration of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) into the country.
Everything has deteriorated, yet the leaders do not seem to care much about it.
Attacks against the Kurdish population have also continued. A few weeks ago, displaced families attempted to return to their homes in the city of Ras al-Ain, but armed groups linked to the new authorities attacked them. These people chose to turn back rather than return home. This is a source of tension in many cities.
RFI: One of the promises of the agreement reached between the Kurdish authorities and Damascus last January was to allow Kurdish families who had fled the violence to return home. So far, very few families have been able to return.
AA: During times of war, political groups systematically use displaced people as a tool. In this specific instance, they are being used to project a positive image, demonstrating that integration has been successful. Displaced families do not care about integration in northeastern Syria. All they want is to return home.
However, achieving this requires genuine political will. They must be able to reclaim their property, which in some cases has been seized by others. Those whose homes were destroyed need to receive compensation to enable reconstruction. The individuals who appropriated their assets must be held accountable. And, of course, they need guarantees regarding their safety.
RFI: Within the AANES, women played a significant political and military role. More generally, women enjoyed greater rights than in other parts of the country. Do you think their lives will be significantly affected by this political shift?
AA: It is certain that they will not retain the same rights and powers. Within the AANES, there was a cultural system in which men and women shared leadership. Women also had their own organisations and played a significant political and military role.
We have received no clear guarantees. We are waiting, in particular, to see whether central Syrian law will apply to our region. This raises important questions about issues such as child marriage or polygamy. The authorities in Damascus draw inspiration from Sharia law, so it is difficult to imagine women retaining their rights under that framework.
RFI: You advocate for non-violence alongside the Sullam network, which brings together activists from across the country striving to help build a new Syria. More than a year and a half after the fall of al-Assad’s regime, how do you view the situation in the country?
AA: The situation remains very unclear and, as I was saying, most decisions stem from political and military agreements. To me, the Assad regime is not entirely destroyed. Bashar al-Assad and his supporters are still living in Moscow, and I do not know what we will actually manage to achieve with this revolution.
I hope the future will be better, but we cannot build true peace without justice.
Justice does not mean revenge. We must respond to violence without resorting to further violence. We must listen to victims, and that means fair trials for all those who have committed crimes. It also means helping victims and preventing such crimes from happening again.
To move from violence to peace, we must heal people, not ignore them. True peace can only begin when people have a voice, when their rights are protected and when justice applies to everyone.
Today, it is difficult for us activists, too, to make our voices heard. The Ahimsa Centre continues to operate in northeastern Syria, and we are trying to register our organisation with the new Syrian government, but it is not easy. For instance, they do not accept the concept of non-violence; it cannot be included in our centre’s name. We can speak of peace, but not of non-violence. Many factors constrain our work, and the situation is the same across the country.
People are afraid to speak openly. A few months ago, we organised a webinar through the Sullam network. Some participants were so afraid of the new authorities that they attended using pseudonyms.
This article was based on an interview in French by RFI's Oriane Verdier
