Wednesday, June 03, 2026

Is A New Copernican Revolution Already Underway?

Source: Ecocivilization

In 1543, a Polish astronomer named Nicolaus Copernicus published a book that shattered the foundations of Western civilization’s understanding of reality. For over a thousand years, the received wisdom—backed by the authority of the Church and the apparent testimony of every human sense—was that the Earth stood fixed and motionless at the center of the universe, and that the sun, moon, planets, and stars all revolved around it. Copernicus upended all this. He demonstrated, through careful mathematical reasoning, that the Earth was simply another planet orbiting the sun, which was itself merely another star.

The implications were staggering. If the Earth was not the center of the universe, humanity could no longer claim the cosmic pedestal it had occupied. The revolution Copernicus initiated—carried forward by Galileo, Kepler, and Newton—went on to overturn, not just astronomy, but an entire worldview, reshaping philosophy, theology, and humankind’s understanding of its own place in the cosmos. This is what historians of science mean when they speak of a Copernican revolution: not merely a correction of facts, but a transformation of the framework through which reality itself is perceived.

And yet, there is a deep irony buried within that revolution. The same scientific worldview that displaced Earth from the center of the universe placed “Man” at the center of the living world—as nature’s supreme conqueror and its rightful master. The very methods that revealed our planet’s cosmic insignificance were used to establish something else: the principle that nature exists primarily as a resource for human use, a complicated machine whose mechanisms can be deciphered and controlled by human endeavor. One decentering gave birth to another, far more consequential, centering—and we are still living inside it.

Today, there are signs that a second Copernican revolution may be stirring. And if it succeeds, it may be just as disruptive—and even more necessary—than the first.

The ideology of human supremacy

Here in the throes of the Anthropocene, the relationship between humanity and the rest of life on Earth is characterized by untrammeled domination and desecration. Homo sapiens, comprising only 0.01 percent of Earth’s biomass, has extinguished roughly 85 percent of all wild animals, 80 percent of marine mammals, and about half the world’s plant biomass. Humans, along with domesticated animals, now represent 96 percent of all land mammals by weight. Scientists repeatedly warn that wildlife populations are nearing “points of no return” and that we are on the verge of “shattering Earth’s natural limits”—all to no avail. We are well on the way to the Sixth Great Extinction since life began on Earth—the only one caused by the conscious activities of a single species.

The cattle, pigs, and chickens that have replaced that lost wildlife are, meanwhile, enslaved in factory farms, brutally tortured, and mercilessly slaughtered for human convenience. Every year, 85 billion animals — each one a sentient creature with a nervous system as capable of registering excruciating pain as you or me — undergo the systematic torment of an unnaturally brief life of terror and misery.

How does the vast bulk of humanity accept this ongoing holocaust of life conducted in their name? One reason is the “distancing phenomenon” by which excruciating violence, such as that suffered by domesticated animals, is kept invisible to most people. Another is the hegemony of billionaire-owned mass media ensuring that, while nearly everyone knows the winner of the Super Bowl, very few are aware of nature’s “Great Dying.”

Underlying these, however, is a deeper reason: the all-embracing but unseen ideology of human supremacy, which claims innate superiority of humans over all other life forms, rendering it morally acceptable to cause untold suffering to nonhuman life for any human convenience. As ecological philosopher Eileen Crist explains, human supremacy turns living beings into mere resources to be exploited, reclassifying fish as “fisheries” and farm animals as “livestock.” This anthropocentric doctrine gives moral license for humans to poison rivers, extirpate species, convert vibrant ecosystems into monocrop wastelands, and treat the entire Earth as a mere container of raw materials.

This extreme form of anthropocentrism is a logical outcome of the dominant worldview that the Copernican revolution helped to forge in early modern Europe. It conceives of the natural world as a mere mechanism — something to be taken apart, analyzed, and manipulated for human purposes.

Diametrically opposed to this worldview, Indigenous peoples around the globe have, for millennia, understood the world around them to be more like an extended family—a community of subjects rather than objects, of which humans are merely one lineage among others. The gulf between worldviews was summed up by Smohalla, a Wanapum medicine man in the nineteenth century, with these searing words:

You ask me to plow the ground! Shall I take a knife and tear my mother’s breast? Then when I die she will not take me to her bosom to rest. You ask me to dig for stone! Shall I dig under her skin for her bones? Then when I die I cannot enter her body to be born again. You ask me to cut grass and make hay and sell it, and be rich like white men! But how dare I cut off my mother’s hair?

Since Smohalla’s time, modern scientific insights have demonstrated a remarkable confluence with the understanding of both Indigenous knowledge and other non-European wisdom traditions. We are indeed related to all life forms, sharing more than 60 percent of our genes with fruit flies and bananas. Advances in systems sciences, complexity theory, and cognitive science have likewise contradicted the dominant worldview of separation, pointing instead to a worldview of deep interconnectedness—seeing humanity as intricately embedded in a web of connectivity.

Once we recognize there is no ethical basis for the assumption of human supremacy, an entirely different perspective opens on the norms by which our society works—and the laws that enforce them.

Rights for mother earth

The law, as it stands, is completely anthropocentric. It reserves rights and privileges only to humans and their legal constructions (such as corporations) and reduces the rest of life on Earth to the status of property. There is, of course, environmental legislation that regulates how much ecological harm can be caused by industry—but that is precisely the point. Current laws do not protect the Earth from harm caused by humans because that’s not their purpose. They exist to regulate the pace and terms of its exploitation.

Earth jurisprudence begins from a different paradigm. It recognizes nature itself as a rights-bearing subject, rather than a mere object for human ownership and regulation. As visionary priest Thomas Berry—widely regarded as the philosophical progenitor of this movement—wrote in The Great Work: Our Way into the Future:

In reality there is a single integral community of the Earth that includes all its component members whether human or other than human. In this community every being has its own role to fulfill, its own dignity, its inner spontaneity. Every being has its own voice. Every being declares itself to the entire universe. Every being enters into communion with other beings. This capacity for relatedness, for presence to other beings, for spontaneity in action, is a capacity possessed by every mode of being throughout the entire universe.

In an interconnected world, Berry elaborated, “all rights are limited and relative.” Humans have rights to nourishment, shelter, and well-being, but “no rights to deprive other species of their proper habitat” nor “to disturb the basic functioning of the biosystems of the planet.”

Acknowledging nature’s rights upends the paradigm of law with a Copernican-style transformation. As Berry explained, law becomes an extension of ecology, rather than ecology being subsumed under law. Instead of law facilitating the human destruction of nature, Earth jurisprudence grants nature the power to participate in the legal system—allowing it to make claims against individuals and corporations and demands for restoration and care.

The fact that trees, species, or ecosystems can’t speak for themselves doesn’t present an insurmountable legal problem. The law is replete with analogous instances such as infants or comatose patients. In these examples, courts appoint guardians to represent them, as can be done for nonhuman entities.

From theory to constitution

This legal paradigm shift began in the West with a seminal 1972 article by Christopher Stone, “Should Trees Have Standing?—Toward Legal Rights for Natural Objects,” which proposed granting rights not only to natural entities but “to the natural environment as a whole.” Although many jurists responded mockingly, Stone’s ideas found their way that same year into a legal dissent by Supreme Court Justice Douglas in a case involving the Sierra Club.

From those early seeds, a substantial body of jurisprudence has grown. The most compelling way to effect this transformation at scale is through changing a nation’s constitution. In 2008, a historic milestone was achieved when Ecuador became the first country to recognize in its constitution the rights of Mother Earth—”Pachamama”—to “maintain and generate its vital cycles, structure, functions, and evolutionary processes,” granting nature legal standing to be protected by law and represented in court. In Ecuador, trees do indeed have standing: in 2015, the protection of mangrove trees compelled the removal of shrimp farmers encroaching on their territory.

In 2010, Bolivia followed Ecuador’s example, passing a law recognizing the Rights of Mother Earth as a collective subject. That year, Bolivia’s first Indigenous president, Evo Morales, hosted a People’s World Conference on Climate Change and Mother Earth’s Rights, attended by 35,000 people from around the world. The result was a Universal Declaration of the Rights of Mother Earth, which recognizes Earth as an indivisible, living community of interrelated and interdependent beings with inherent rights, and defines fundamental human responsibilities to the community of life.

Meanwhile, the Stop Ecocide movement is rapidly gathering momentum toward making the crime of ecocide—reckless and severe long-term damage to ecosystems—prosecutable under national, regional, and international law. Domestic proposals have been submitted in dozens of countries, with some already adopted (in Belgium, Chile, France, and Ukraine), and the EU has formalized a directive addressing “conduct comparable to ecocide.” For senior executives of transnational corporations, who can currently direct the destruction of ecosystems around the world with impunity, these steps could have enormous ramifications.

A place at the table for nonhumans

At the other end of the scale, juridical activists have disrupted the anthropocentric paradigm by claiming legal personhood for specific animals, with attendant rights to pursue fulfilling lives rather than be used as property for human amusement. The conventional scientific approach to ethology long denied any analog between the subjective lives of animals and humans, even in the face of overwhelming evidence—a particular manifestation of human supremacy that primatologist Frans de Waal termed “anthropodenial.”

Recent advances in ethology reveal the cognitive richness of animal lives, replete with elaborate social relationships, complex emotions, and cultural learning, rendering the basis for anthropodenial ever flimsier.

In 2024, forty leading experts assembled to sign the New York Declaration on Animal Consciousness, affirming “strong scientific support for attributions of conscious experience” to mammals and birds and “a realistic possibility of conscious experience in all vertebrates.” They didn’t shy away from the moral implications. “If there is a realistic possibility that an animal is conscious—for instance, that octopuses can suffer—then this possibility merits consideration in policy contexts,” they stated.

Extending the purview to living systems that allow many beings to flourish, juridical campaigners have achieved success in attributing legal personhood to rivers. The Whanganui River in New Zealand was the first to be granted personhood in 2017 after 150 years of advocacy by the Whanganui iwi tribe, which views it as an ancestor central to its identity. Two guardians—one from the iwi, one from the government—were appointed to act on its behalf, with legal representation by two lawyers. Similar attributions have since occurred in Colombia, Canada, India, and Bangladesh.

Another previously unrepresented group has recently begun to find a place at the policymaking table: future generations. Wales, in 2015, created a Future Generations Commissioner charged with promoting sustainable development and long-term thinking across the nation. In Japan, the Future Design movement has pioneered a uniquely dramatic approach in which imaginary future generations, dressed in distinctive ceremonial costume, engage in policymaking debates asserting the viewpoint from 2060. Studies report that input from “future residents” leads to more radical and progressive municipal plans than otherwise.

Future generations have established legal standing in litigation as well—in a landmark ruling in 2019, the Dutch Supreme Court ordered its government to take more aggressive action to secure “the legal right to a safe climate and healthy atmosphere for all present and future generations.”

Welcomed back into the family of living beings

Are these scattered legal advances enough to constitute a Copernican revolution? Certainly not yet. But they may be its early tremors.

The original Copernican revolution took more than a century to fully propagate—from Copernicus’s cautious 1543 publication, through Galileo’s persecution, to Newton’s synthesis in 1687. It faced fierce resistance precisely because it did not merely revise a set of facts; it unsettled an entire cosmology. So too with the paradigm shift now under way. The idea that rivers can hold rights, that future generations deserve legal standing, that the destruction of an ecosystem is a crime—these are not technical adjustments to existing law. They are harbingers of a different relationship between humanity and the living world.

Developments in modern science continue to further corroborate this shift. What began as philosophical challenge has become empirical fact. Ethology continues to reveal the cognitive richness of animal lives — the grief of elephants, the cultural transmission of whales, the name-based social bonds of dolphins. Mycology has uncovered the vast fungal networks through which forests share nutrients and signals across vast distances. The more closely we look, the more clearly we see that there is no moral basis whatsoever for the human dominion upon which this civilization takes its stand.

Once we reorient through this paradigm shift, a fundamentally different world comes into view. A world where our species has shed the fallacy of human supremacy and been welcomed back into the family of living beings, coexisting with our nonhuman relations in a mutually beneficial manner. A world where the mass torture and slaughter of other sentient beings has been banished into the history books, and where the miracle of nature’s abundance, accumulated over billions of years, once again plays a central role in Earth’s flourishing.

The Earth Charter, a foundational statement of this emerging jurisprudence, states in its preamble:

Everyone shares responsibility for the present and future well-being of the human family and the larger living world. The spirit of human solidarity and kinship with all life is strengthened when we live with reverence for the mystery of being, gratitude for the gift of life, and humility regarding the human place in nature.

Copernicus displaced Earth from the center of the universe. The revolution now gathering force would take humanity out of the center of the living world—not to diminish us, but to restore us to our proper place within it.

Whether that revolution unfolds in time is one of the most consequential open questions of our age.


This article was originally published by Ecocivilization; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.

‘Show Trial’ of UK Palestine Action Activists in Germany

Source: Declassified UK

Two British nationals are among five activists who have been forcibly brought into a Stuttgart courtroom by police after statements they wished to read were seized from them. This was the latest escalation in a case that their lawyers have described as a “show trial” and is part of a broader crackdown on those who take direct action for Palestine in Germany as well as in Britain.

Zo Hailu and Crow Tricks, both British citizens based in Berlin, were arrested last September alongside three others from Spain, Ireland, and Germany following an action at an Israeli-owned Elbit Systems facility in Ulm, near Stuttgart, [last September. They are accused of causing €1 million in property damage (e.g., smashing equipment, spray-painting), as part of a protest against arms supplies linked to Gaza.]

They are charged with trespass, destruction of property and membership of a criminal organisation, Palestine Action Germany, under section 129 of the German criminal code. [Palestine Action has been declared a terrorist organisation in Britain.]

Elbit Systems, which has a growing number of factories across Europe, supplies 85 percent of the drones and land-based military equipment used by the Israeli military.

The company’s site in Ulm was recently revealed to have been exporting targeting equipment to Israel by Irish investigative news site The Ditch

[See: Craig Murray: Palestine Action Terror Ban Was Fabricated]

Ulm 5

Known as the Ulm 5, the activists have been held in pre-trial detention across five separate prisons in south-west Germany for eight months, exceeding Germany’s standard six-month limit.

On May 18, the first day of the trial, without prior warning, the court issued a further 28 hearing dates beyond the 16 originally announced, extending the trial to January 2027.

By the time any verdict is reached, they will have spent sixteen months in prison.

The defence lawyers have argued that the full force of the state is being brought to bear on the defendants because of the nature of their action.

Mimi Tatlow-Golden, mother of co-defendant Daniel Tatlow-Devally, said:

“In March, we expressed our fears that the Ulm 5 would face a show trial. During the hearing on May 11, a defence lawyer also described proceedings as such – a Schauprozess [show trial].”

She said it was time the governments of the defendants 

“woke up to these egregious violations against their citizens in an E.U. country. … Once again we call for international trial monitoring to ensure the Ulm 5’s constitutional and human rights are upheld.”

UK Government Silence

So far, the U.K. government has not responded publicly to the case of two of its citizens held in pre-trial detention in a European Union country under harsh conditions.

The mother of Zo Hailu, Nicky Robertson, said treatment had been “extreme,” with Zo “stripped naked on arrest and given an adult nappy to wear for six hours.”

In the U.K., scores of Palestine Action activists associated with a raid on Elbit Systems in Bristol in August 2024 were held in pre-trial detention for over a year, with several of them also engaging in a hunger strike in prison.

The Brize Norton 5, accused of breaking into an Royal Air Force (RAF) base in Oxfordshire and spraying paint into the engines of two Voyager aircraft, are now facing pre-trial detention of around 18 months with their hearing not scheduled until January 2027.

Germany is Israel’s second-largest arms supplier after the United States, and has provided key diplomatic support to Benjamin Netanyahu’s government [throughout its ongoing genocide in Gaza, which the activists are trying to stop.]

Chancellor Friedrich Merz has publicly assured Netanyahu that Germany would find ways for him to visit without facing arrest under a International Criminal Court (ICC) warrant [for alleged crimes against humanity.]

Documents obtained under freedom of information laws also revealed Germany coordinated its International Court of Justice (ICJ) testimony with Israel [in the case brought by Nicaragua to the ICJ accusing Germany of complicity in Israel’s genocide in Gaza.]

Meanwhile, a survey from August 2025 found 65 percent of Germans believed Israel is committing war crimes in Gaza, and 59 percent considered its military action genocide.

Dragged Into Court

On May 21, the Ulm defendants refused to enter the courtroom after statements they wished to read were seized from them.

The statements outlined their reasoning for taking the action, in wanting to disrupt the supply chain of weaponry being sent Israel as it commits genocide in Gaza.

Vi Kovarbasic gripped the chair and refused to stand, and was wheeled in. Daniel Tatlow-Devally, Zo Hailu, Crow Tricks, and Leandra Rollo were carried in by officers holding their arms and legs, still handcuffed.

Nuala Tricks, Crow’s mother, and Nicky Robertson, Zo’s mother, said what had happened was:

“another shocking and disappointing show trial for the Ulm 5. … In peaceful protest at the unfair trial conditions, the five refused to walk into the glass cage – they were wheeled, carried and dragged in, still handcuffed. The morning was dominated by the judge continuing to reject all motions put forward by the defence. … These included the inability to communicate confidentially with their lawyers, defendants not being allowed to sit with their lawyers, and the request for the judge to recuse herself due to her very obvious bias.”

The scenes were witnessed by family members in the public gallery, who have attended all hearings throughout proceedings.

Behind Glass & Handcuffed

The proceedings are being held at Stuttgart-Stammheim, the maximum-security facility associated with West Germany’s terrorism trials of the 1970s.

A freedom of information request revealed that the presiding judge never sought to use a standard courtroom belonging to her own regional court.

Instead, she placed proceedings in a high-security room belonging to the higher regional court without releasing any security assessment.

At every hearing, the five have been brought in while handcuffed and placed in a bulletproof glass cage. The defence has repeatedly argued the set up violates their presumption of innocence and prevents confidential communication with their lawyers.

The defence has also identified what they say are a cascade of constitutional violations: no defence note-taker has been permitted despite German courts producing no verbatim transcript, defendants unable to take their own notes; inadequate simultaneous translation.

On the first day, the presiding judge also refused to grant defence counsel the right to even speak at all. On the second, she granted them the floor – then summarily rejected every single application.

The five have been repeatedly denied bail, despite posing no credible flight risk, and the press has been barred from photographing them until the end of the trial.

The defence has filed motions for recusal of all five judges as a result of the conditions of the trial.

Defence counsel Benjamin Düsberg said the State Security Chamber “continues to reject basic constitutional standards” and that defence lawyers “will not stoop to being party to the sham legitimation of a show trial.”


This article was originally published by Declassified UK; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.

Congress Quietly Moves To Integrate US And Israeli Militaries

Source: Responsible Statecraft

At a time when the American public is expressing unprecedented levels of distrust in the Israeli government, Congress just proposed tying the U.S. to the Israeli military more than ever before.

Buried in the House’s version of the 2027 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) released on Tuesday, is section 224, entitled “United States-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative.” The provision would arguably do more to intertwine the U.S. military with the Israeli military than the more than $200 billion (inflation adjusted) in military assistance Israel has received from the U.S. since its founding in 1948.

Section 224 lays the groundwork for bilateral research and development, co-production of weapons, joint ventures, licensing agreements, and seemingly every manner of U.S.-Israeli military-industrial complex cooperation. The U.S. and Israel already work together heavily on missile defense, but this provision would greatly expand coordination to seemingly every area of defense tech, including AI, quantum, autonomous systems, directed energy, cyber, biotech, and many more. It also proposes “network integration” and “data fusion.” In other words, the U.S. military’s data could soon be the Israeli military’s data.

If fully enacted, this proposal would provide a higher level of military-industrial integration than the U.S. has with any other country in the world. To be sure, the U.S. has worked closely with its NATO partners on co-production and shared supply chains, most notably via the Defence Production Action Plan. And, as the number one arms dealer in the world, the U.S. provides weapons to militaries across the globe. But that is mostly a one-way street, with the U.S. providing weapons to foreign buyers who only occasionally make parts for those weapons themselves, as in the case of the F-35’s global supply chain.

Section 224 would be a different beast entirely. It would fuse the U.S. and Israeli defense sectors in multiple areas vital to the battlefields of the future, like autonomous systems and cyber. It would also bring extraordinary Israeli influence to the U.S. beyond what it already has through the Israel lobby and its robust network of social media influencers. It would give the Israeli government the opportunity to greatly expand one of the most powerful levers of influence in U.S. politics: jobs in the U.S. By expanding or starting new co-production facilities like it already has in Mississippi and Arkansas, the Israeli government could boast of providing jobs on U.S. soil, thereby securing allies among members of Congress who represent the districts where those jobs lie.

The result could well be a U.S. political system even more susceptible to the whims of an Israeli government that seemingly has no qualms about drawing the U.S. into military conflicts in the Middle East.

This unprecedented level of U.S.-Israeli military integration stands in stark contrast to the traditional aid model of defense cooperation, in which Israel already stood out as the top recipient of U.S. military assistance. As laid out in a recent Quincy Institute brief, authored by Steven Simon, this shift from an aid model to a military integration model has troubling implications, namely:

The shift will strip away the political and diplomatic oversight mechanisms that make the relationship publicly accountable, moving it from a visible annual aid vote into the opaque machinery of defense acquisition, where oversight is limited and political accountability is minimal. The result would be a defense relationship that is simultaneously deeper and less transparent.

This all comes at a time when the Israeli military has repeatedly used U.S. weapons in strikes that have violated international humanitarian laws in Gaza, and as Israel has repeatedly violated ceasefires (as has the U.S. itself) in the Trump administration’s unnecessary war with Iran.

The enormous gulf between what most Americans want and what the president is doing when it comes to Israel and what Congress is proposing here should not be ignored. Just 30% of respondents to a New York Times/Sienna poll from mid-May believe Trump made “the right decision” to go to war with Iran, with 64% saying it was wrong. An Institute for Global Affairs poll released earlier this week dove even deeper into the American psyche when it comes to arming Israel, finding that “Just 16 percent say the United States should keep supplying Israel with weapons without new restrictions. Thirty-eight percent want to stop supplying weapons entirely, and another 24 percent want weapons conditioned on how they’re used.”

Yet, mainstream leadership in both parties remains largely pro-Israel and continues to shape the base legislative text before amendments and broader congressional debate open it to the full body, as is the case with this NDAA provision.

Though slowly, tides within both parties are shifting as more and more members speak out against the growing divide between Israel’s actions and America’s interests. For example, Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) wrote in The New York Times on Tuesday that, “The Democratic Party has provided reflexive and unconditional support to Israeli governments, even as their actions have increasingly undermined American interests and values.” On the Republican side of the aisle, Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and former Rep. Marjorie Taylor Green (R-Ga.) have openly decried the Israel lobby’s corrosive influence — a stance that may have, at least partially, cost both of them their seats in Congress.

What can other members of Congress who are concerned about Israel’s destabilizing actions do right now? Stop the Israeli-U.S. military-industrial merger in its tracks. Lawmakers should reject Section 224 from the NDAA to avoid deep integration with Israel’s military at a time when a growing number of Americans oppose Israel’s actions in the region.


This article was originally published by Responsible Statecraft; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.

Launch of ‘the Little Book on Fascism and How to Fight It’

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

UTRECHT – Yesterday the Jose Maria Sison Legacy Foundation successfully launched the  compilation, the Little Book on Fascism and How to Fight It at BAK Basecamp for Tactical  Imaginaries, Pauwstraat 13a, Utrecht, to a lively online and in-person audience. 

The program opened with Ka Julie de Lima, Jose Maria “Ka Joma” Sison’s life-long  comrade, collaborator, editor, and partner, reading from the foreword of the book, which  reminded the audience that while the current period is marked by worsening economic crises  of imperialism, which drive intensifying fascisation in both the imperialist core and the  neocolonies, these conditions are also ripe for revolutionary resurgence.  

The insights and reflections of the speakers and panelists offered sharp and timely analysis of  each participant’s relevant context and highlighted the ways in which Ka Joma’s writings  continue to hold relevance in navigating the global situation today. Key to correctly  analyzing the current global fascist upsurge, as detailed by University of the Philippines (UP) faculty member Professor Sarah Raymundo, is understanding the essential class character of  fascism: “that fascism cannot be understood apart from imperialist crisis, class power, and  organized violence required to preserve an unequal social order…. This is why the little book  on fascism matters now: it compels us to recognize fascism not only in the spectacle of strong  men, but in the normalization of militarization, surveillance, permanent war, dispossession,  techno-imperial control and the criminalization of dissent.” 

Director of the UP Center for International Studies, Professor Ramon Guillermo, further  clarified the fundamentally bourgeois nature of fascism in his analysis of how neoliberalism  in the Philippine education system lays the groundwork for fascism by pointing out “the most  important sworn enemy of fascism, which is communism.” While acknowledging that  education is only one of the factors that Ka Joma mentions in the struggle against fascism,  Guillermo asserts that Filipino educators must “pursue an anti-fascist education” both inside  and outside the classroom. This is why Guillermo considers it important for “every student  and educator in the Philippines to read this little book by Joma, which gives us the tools to  fight against the rise of a new fascism.” 

Building on the foundation laid out by Raymundo and Guillermo, speakers Chris de Ploeg,  journalist, author, and board member of political party De Vonk, based in the Netherlands;  Joe Iosbaker, founding member of Freedom Road Socialist Organisation, based in the United  States and Azra Sayeed, Secretary General of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle  (ILPS), based in Pakistan, each spoke to their relevant regional and national contexts of  struggling against repression and fascisation. Each speaker drew on various articles in the  book, using their own organizational experiences as examples of the concepts Ka Joma wrote  about: the use of anti-terror laws as instruments of fascism, taking advantage of sharpening  contradictions to bring about new and higher levels of struggle, and the importance of  building a broad united front against imperialism and fascism, both nationally and  internationally. 

The event ended with a panel of four representatives of local organizations based in the  Netherlands, to further concretize how theoretical study and political education strengthens  their political work. Their contributions and further discussion brought us to a militant and  powerful close with determination to continue and raise higher the struggle; to collectively  study the Little Book on Fascism and How to Fight It and apply its lessons, and to deepen  cooperation and unity between progressive forces.  

This call to action for the world’s oppressed and exploited masses to dare to rise up and  struggle for socialist victory against fascism was the common theme and overarching  sentiment repeated throughout the program, based on the Filipino chant, makibaka, huwag  matakot: “Fight! Fear not!” 

Copies of Ka Joma’s Little Book on Fascism and How to Fight It are in stock at the JMS  Legacy Museum and available by contacting the JMS Legacy Foundation. (jms.foundation@proton.me)Email

Kyle Baleva is a spokesperson for the JOSE MARIA SISON LEGACY FOUNDATION