Wednesday, August 12, 2026

 

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

Economic Exploitation  

In March, my essay provided evidence of the inherent exploitation and undemocratic constructs in our economic model burdening working people.

This essay compliments that work and will show a fundamental reason why our economic model is structurally limited by attempts to reform it. 

History

Our economic model is plagued with a history of periodic recessions and depressions. 

That history is recorded by the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER). Recessions and depressions are clinically presented as normal components of the “business cycle.”  The NBER does not report the chronic instability and destruction of communities and working people’s lives by the “business cycle.”.

A list of economists, psychologists and journalists attempted to rationalize the chronic crisis in our economic model.  These fanciful assertions are thoroughly inadequate. As Leo Huberman chronicled in Man’s Worldly Goods, some experts actually attributed the chronic crises to radiation from the sun or the path of the planet Venus.

Despite rapid advances in technology and financial instruments, chronic crises remain inherent in our economic model. These crises are inevitably harmful to working people.

Competition is a significant component that contributes to the crises. Competition is still relevant despite the stifling dominance by a few giant corporations in most industries. That structure contains one essential component which plagues all businesses.

It is the tendency of the profit rate to fall.

Profit Rate Basis

The tendency of the profit rate to fall is the basis of why our economic model cannot be meaningfully reformed. 

The owner of a business must convert the expenditures that initiate and maintain the business into a profit. Profits are what remains after a business pays all of its costs. 

Simply, the profit rate shows how many cents of profits are retained from every dollar earned. It is more important than aggregate profits because it measures efficiency of a company in comparison to other businesses.

    A decline in the profit rate forces businesses to close doors and decimate the lives of its employees across states and communities. 

    The following is a simplified explanation of why profit rates tend to fall.

Tendency Basics

The process begins by establishing a business.

The owner must allocate resources for primary expenditures (CapEx) to acquire space, plant, machinery, tools, hardware, software, technological advances, and raw materials. This includes legal registrations, licenses, permits, and financial services. 

The business owner must then add another cost which are secondary expenditures. 

Secondary expenditures (OpEx) consist of wages or salaries paid to the employees who do the mental or physical work with their labor power. This creates profits for the owner including extra profits.  Extra profits are what remains for the owner once wages or salaries are paid to the employees.

It is imperative that the owner continually spend more resources in primary expenditures for the business. This is due to the element of competition with other business owners.

Primary Expenditures Increase

Lamentably for the owner, the cost of primary expenditures usually increases as costs for goods and services increase.  These increases can be the result of monetary policy, growth of the economy (GDP), corporate price gouging, misplaced tariffs or a scarcity of certain goods. 

Some products may even see a temporary drop in prices due to technological advances.

However, the vast supply of goods and services that comprise primary expenditures rises to the dismay of business owners.

Cost of living calculations also present data that strongly supports the assertion that primary expenditures for owners will never decrease in our economic model.

Primary expenditures are required to increase the amount of the product or service created by the employees. 

The owner might consider borrowing funds from a financial institution to pay for primary expenditures. This can be problematic because financial institutions may decline to lend the money or advance at a glacial pace to finalize a loan.

The reason why the owner must continually increase spending on primary expenditures is directly related to the profit rate.

Profit Rate

This is the formula that explains how the owner obtains a profit rate:

                                                        Extra Profits

Profit Rate =    ______________________________________    X 100              

                        Primary Expenditures + Secondary Expenditures

     . 

If the total of primary and secondary expenditures is divided into the extra profit and multiplied by 100 it will provide a profit rate. (Multiplying by 100 converts a decimal into a percentage).

As previously shown, the extra profits are a result of what is left after the owner pays wages or salaries to the employees.

Example: Suppose the employees created $100 worth of total profit and are paid $40 in wages.  That means the extra profit is $60.

Add the primary expenditures to the secondary expenditures and divide by the extra profit. In this example, the profit rate is 

                                                                         $60

                                      Profit Rate = 60%    ______________________                    

                                                                         $50 + $50 = $100 x100  

Now to show the tendency of the profit rate to fall, increase the primary expenditure to $60. Suppose there was a sale on tools at Home Depot and the owner purchased $10 worth of tools by transferring funds from the secondary expenditures to the primary expenditures. 

                                                                                   $60

                                     Profit Rate = 55%    _________________

                                                                          $60 + $50 x 100

The profit rate is now 55%.  This is a significant drop despite the profit amount remaining the same. The owner did what owners must do which is to increase primary expenditures by transferring funds from the secondary expenditures.

The owner’s increased spending on primary expenditures in the form of new tools or machines may maintain the extra profits. The new tools and machines may even increase the production of each employee. The product or service may then be sold as less expensive. This is wonderful for the owner, but the crisis remains driven by competition.

Temporary Remedy

It is essential to realize that other business owners are all trapped in this business model. It is clear that unless the business owner increases primary expenditures, the tendency is for the profit rate to fall.  

Competition from other businesses drives the accumulation of primary expenditures and a decreasing of secondary expenditures. This decrease results in cuts to employees’ wages or salaries or losing their jobs. A falling rate of profit means outside investment is less likely to occur signaling a crisis in production.

The owner must either increase primary expenditures to increase profit rates to compete with other businesses or increase secondary expenditures to allow employees to maintain themselves and their families.

The owner cannot do both. It is an inherent contradiction.

            The predicable remedy for the owner is to freeze or offer insufficient wages or salaries in order to maintain extra profits for the business. Unless there is a militant union to fight with the employees, owners will predictably deny the employees requests for fair compensation.

The tendency of a profit rate to fall leads to the eventual closing of the business or the business moving to a location without employee rights, union rights, or environmental regulations.

Real Remedy

 Thus, our business model results in chronic exploitation, deprivation and immiseration that cannot be eliminated by reform. Working people’s lives and their families are severely damaged, often forever. 

The organization, production, and distribution of goods and services must be transformed into a democratic model. Our present model cannot change without a transformation to democracy in the basic relations of the economy. 

One version of this model can be seen in the Mondragon Corporation in Spain. It is a highly successful, conglomerate created in 1956 by a Roman Catholic priest. It is based on democratic principles that are agreed on by the employees. 

  Economist Richard Wolff wrote that the important questions of what and how we produce are fundamental to the economy of any country. “Where” to produce as also a question within the organization of an economy. The employees who create the profits must have a voice in the production process. A democratic construct can vary according to the model selected but must begin at the ground level.

 Transition to Democratic Economic Model 

There are several methods that might serve as a guide to how such a transition may be realized in our economic model.

 1.  New companies may be based on the principles of worker cooperatives

 2. When a company fails, it must first offer the employees an option to purchase it.

 3. Owners who are retiring must offer the employees an opportunity to purchase the business.

 A transition to a democratic economic model must begin by political parties actually representing working peoples’ interests. Some progressives assert that democratic socialists must win elections as the way to dominate governments at local, state and federal levels. 

 They assert that democratic socialism may be realized by means of evolution, not necessarily revolution.  

 If constructive critics are able to dominate the government that power could then be utilized for a transition to a democratic socialist model with American characteristics. Since U.S. history is replete with democratic goals and objectives, a transition would be less problematic.

 Implementing such a democratic model will be met with an avalanche of ruthless, corporate propaganda designed to frighten and deceive working people. 

 Progressives have historical lessons to learn from the failures of countries that attempted a form of socialism to replace the miserable economic conditions inherent and inevitable in our economic model. 

There are many forms of socialism that can be realized.

The former USSR. is a Petrie dish of such failures.  Government must work to organize economic production democratically from the ground up, not from the top down that doomed the Soviet model to largely failure. 

 The government under democratic socialist control will transition to a new economic model that will facilitate the positive development of various components of our culture. The voice of working people will make the economic decisions rather than a handful of spiritually vapid wealthy oligarchs. These oligarchs ignore Christian, Jewish, Islam and Buddhism literature that advocate for various forms of democratic socialism.

  Polls from the Wall Street Journal, CNN, Gallup and Fox News demonstrate that Americans are increasingly discontented with our economic model.

 Working people can and must do better for themselves and their families.Email

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Bruce T. Boccardy serves as an Economics & Labor Advisor for Small Planet Institute, was president of the Massachusetts Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 888, represented labor on the Massachusetts Joint Labor-Management Committee (JLMC), serving firefighters and police and consulted to the National Association of Government Employees (NAGE).

 

Source: Ojalá

Militarism’s long trajectory is bound up with the earliest iterations of some of the foundational elements of the world we live in today, from conquest, settlement, state formation, and citizenship to the establishment, growth and expansion of capitalism. 

Throughout the 21st Century, and with renewed vigor since the beginning of the second Trump administration, militarism is on the march. Today, much of the world is at war.

Since February, the US Department of War has carried out repeated strikes in Iran, including one that killed at least 165 schoolgirls in March. Israel continues to terrorize the people of Palestine and Lebanon with the full support of Washington and its allies, and in full view of the entire world. Military and paramilitary campaigns in Congo and Sudan, backed by resource-hungry corporations and nations, have caused unbearable suffering. And Vladimir Putin’s campaign of armed conquest in Ukraine continues.  

In Abya Yala, the escalation is taking the form of an amped up “war on drugs,” now branded a war on “narcoterrorism,” which promises to be exponentially worse than the already horrific violence of the past decades. 

The US bombings of small boats in the Caribbean and Pacific have already killed over 200 people at sea, taking a tragic toll on coastal families in Ecuador, Colombia and Venezuela. Officials in Washington claim the strikes are making people in the US safer. 

The high seas have become another space through which the Trump administration seeks to make extrajudicial killings of civilians by the US military into something routine. We must consider the meaning and impacts of these bombings in the context of a maritime space that has, at different periods in history, been used by migrants fleeing Caribbean nations by boat.

At Ojalá, we consider militarism—and the paramilitarism it can produce—to be among the most pressing threats to social reproduction and popular, communitarian and Indigenous movements. There are many ways to define militarism, but we’ll keep it simple: the deployment of centralized state forces with military training, be it in order to secure armed control over territory, in public works and administration, or in a policing role.

That’s why Ojalá is calling on writers and activists from diverse geographies to participate in helping us register the ways militarism is impacting their communities and how people are fighting back. 

Exporting state terror

Washington and the Pentagon organize and export state terror around the world. Today, the US is a key site for the production of extreme wealth for very few, at the expense of the world’s majorities. It has the world’s largest military and the world’s largest weapons and war machines manufacturing sector, which now includes much of the tech sector

Trump has brought new militarist pressures to bear, using differing tactics in different parts of the world. We would be remiss not to note that domestic militarization is ramping up, especially along the US southern border and through the Department of Homeland Security’s hyperviolent migration policing regime. The deployment of active duty military forces within the US is being justified by invoking a national security frame that casts migrants as potential terrorists. 

Erstwhile US allies in NATO countries are being pushed to increase military spending to five percent of their gross domestic product under threat of tariffs. In December, German politicians voted to require all 18-year-old males to opt in or opt out of military service in a bid to increase troop numbers. And Canada announced a “defense industrial strategy” and billions of dollars in public funding for companies that profit from war.

The view from the south

In Latin America, a coalition of states sometimes called the “Shield of the Americas” was formed in March. The 17 signatory countries signaled their willingness to accept further US involvement in militarizing domestic policing under the pretext of controlling northward flows of narcotics and migrants. 

Colombia, a country wracked by violence that has long been the hemisphere’s largest recipient of US military backing, didn’t sign on to the Shield of the Americas under President Gustavo Petro. But it is likely to do so once the far-right President-Elect Abelardo de la Espriella takes office on August 8th in a ceremony he insists take place on a military base. 

Ecuador has become the testing ground for what are euphemistically called “joint operations” between US forces and local troops. The gaping asymmetry between US and domestic forces makes clear these are not, in fact, joint operations. In the case of Ecuador, they are better understood as an abnegation of sovereignty by an unpopular ruler who doesn’t even pretend to seek the support of voters. Instead, plantation heir Daniel Noboa guarantees his power through military force and proximity to Washington.

Militarism has surged in Mexico over the past eight years as successive left-wing governments have presented the increased size, reach and power of the Mexican armed forces—as well as their entry into economic affairs including transportation infrastructure, megaprojects and the management of ports and customs—as a bulwark against privatization and US expansionism. Sovereignty is invoked in discourse against US invasion threats, while US training of Mexican forces and military equipment transfers continue apace. 

The expansion of military action under left governments is not unique to Mexico. Under Gabriel Boric, Chile sent troops to Wallmapu, in the country’s south, in an effort to police Mapuche communities, and to the north to police migration. This laid the groundwork for the intensification of the same under conservative rightwinger José Antonio Kast.

In Peru, the $3.5 billion purchase of 12 US F-16 fighter jets can only be understood as an attempt to cozy up to Washington. “Cooperation between U.S. and allied defense industrial bases has always been a shared source of security and economic benefit,” said Mike Shoemaker, a Lockheed Martin VP, after the announcement was made. What Shoemaker calls cooperation is better be understood as coercion: the US ambassador to Peru played a in pushing the agreement forward. 

Elsewhere, militarization is taking place primarily vis-à-vis police forces, which are granted new equipment and training, often to combat the so-called war on drugs. This is the case in Costa Rica, as well as in Uruguay. 

The tragic twin earthquakes that shook Venezuela in June are an open wound that is being exploited to encourage militarization. The quakes came less than six months after US special forces brazenly bombed Caracas and kidnapped President Nicolás Maduro and his partner Cilia Flores. The January 3 attack was a serious escalation of direct US intervention in the region.

In July, US Southern Command head Francis J. Donovan met with US troops on the USS Fort Lauderdale, an amphibious transport dock ship, off the coast of La Guaira, the region most impacted by the quakes. That meeting came after the arrival of US combat forces to the country. Reports of interference by the Venezuelan military in rescue efforts are also deeply concerning.

Anti-militarist strategies for a future worth living

In this troubling regional and global scenario, we have much to learn from anti-militarist movements of the past and present. Among them are the successful mobilizations to close the US naval training range at Vieques in Puerto Rico, the ongoing, multi-sectoral struggle to prevent the renewal of military leases in Hawai’i, and the work by Ecuadorian organizers to put the question of US bases to the public via plebiscite.

What can we learn from these and other anti-war and anti-militarism strategies? What is important to understand about the present moment, and what in particular is the role of feminist organizing in anti-militarist work?

Ojalá is seeking reported stories or opinion pieces by writers and activists that explore these and other topics. Each article will be edited by our incredible team in conjunction with authors, translated into either English or Spanish as required, and accompanied by original art. 

If you’re interested in pitching an article for this series, please review our pitch guidelines here, and include “Militarism pitch” in your email subject line.


This article was originally published by Ojalá; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.
Source: Left Voice

The new Joint Task Force-Western Hemisphere is a collaboration between U.S. imperialism and its right-wing allies to build up repressive forces throughout Latin America. It’s vital to deepen regional solidarity from the left and from the region’s working class.

The United States is once again escalating its presence in Latin America. On August 4, U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) published a video announcing that it is transitioning from Joint Task Force-Southern Spear to Joint Task Force-Western Hemisphere (JTF-WHEM).

Beyond the jargon and aggrandizement typical of U.S. military announcements, what this essentially means is that the United States is going from violating Latin American sovereignty in the waters of the Caribbean to violating sovereignty by carrying out operations inland. A SOUTHCOM press release clarifies that 18 nations throughout the hemisphere will collaborate with the United States in this expansion of military operations.

Even as Trump continues to trap the United States in the Middle East, his administration has continued to advance its renewed Monroe Doctrine which aims to economically, politically, and militarily dominate Latin America. 

As usual, the justification for the growing military presence is “drug trafficking” and “narco-terrorism.” But just like the war on drugs in the 1980s, this renewed war on drugs is really a pretext to build up regional repressive forces to suppress left-wing movements throughout the region. The shift to JTF-WHEM comes shortly after the release of the State Department’s McCarthyist report which paints a conspiracy theory that Cuba is orchestrating a grand campaign against the United States. This renewed red baiting was kicked off at a recent State Department Summit on Political Terrorism which brought representatives from 60 governments together, explicitly against “far-left extremism.”

Even before this latest escalation SOUTHCOM operations have killed over 200 people in its ongoing attack on boats in the Caribbean. To date, the White House has provided no evidence that any of the vessels it has attacked are engaged in drug trafficking, though even if such links could be proven, that would not justify the gross violation of sovereignty that the bombing campaign entails.

In fact, while JTF-WHEM will formalize a framework for ramping up land operations throughout Latin America, the U.S. military partnership with Daniel Noboa’s regime in Ecuador provides a preview of the wanton violence that can be expected. In March, military forces operating in Ecuador carried out attacks on an alleged cartel base. The attack crossed the border into Colombia and destroyed what turned out to be a civilian dairy farm.

History has also shown the worst of what partnerships between U.S. imperialism and subordinate right-wing governments look like. Throughout the 1970s the United States oversaw Operation Condor in which far-right dictatorships waged war on left-wing movements, labor organizations, and anyone generally seen as a threat to the regional interests of U.S. imperialism. These operations killed an estimated 60,000 people, though this is likely an undercount.

The growing U.S. bootprint in Latin America should be taken very seriously. But that also means seeing the possibilities to fight back. Unlike the 1970s, U.S. imperialism is in historic decline. Due to Trump’s humiliating war with Iran, the whole world has seen how the United States is unable to impose its interests through force alone.

Meanwhile, a closer look at political dynamics in Latin America shows that, while right-wing governments have been coming to power through elections, this does not mean that they’re able to consolidate power. The rebellion in Bolivia earlier this year demonstrated this point, showing how class struggle can erupt and challenge the agenda that the United States and its regional allies are attempting to push forward.

As the United States and its allies advance, threatening to scrap all pretexts of sovereignty and reign terror on left-wing movements in Latin America, the Left in the Western Hemisphere must deepen our own regional collaboration, linking every struggle against imperialism, austerity, and militarization. It is through this solidarity of workers throughout the region that we can defeat even the most powerful military and all its plans.


This article was originally published by Left Voice; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.Email

Samuel Karlin is a socialist with a background in journalism. He mainly writes for Left Voice about U.S. imperialism and international class struggle.