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Thursday, June 18, 2026

 

EU-backed green bonds risk financing Chinese clean tech in third countries

Chinese companies are global leaders in clean technologies like solar panels.
Copyright AP Photo

By Luca Bertuzzi
Published on

The EU has launched a €15-20bn green investment fund to boost sustainable projects, but a good share of the money is set to go towards buying Chinese clean technologies – including the same high-risk power inverters Brussels is trying to phase out.

The Global Green Bond Initiative is one of the EU's largest financial instruments to fund sustainable infrastructure and climate-related projects with the bloc's partner countries. Its declared aim is to mobilise between €15 and €20 billion in investments.

But European Commission and EU officials are now warning that some of these investments could end up benefiting Chinese companies, undermining Brussels' policy of diversifying away from Beijing in key supply chains.

In practice, the European Investment Bank (EIB) and other European development institutions will act as anchor investors and provide technical assistance for environment-related projects in third countries.

The green bonds may be used to finance solar farms in Algeria, wastewater treatment in India and a light rail line in the Dominican Republic.

Conceived during the previous legislative term as part of the European Green Deal, the governance framework was only finalised in April this year. In the intervening period, the geopolitical landscape has shifted dramatically.

"The main problem is that, given the market of renewable energy technologies, most of the money will likely go to Chinese companies," a Commission official with direct knowledge of the matter told Euronews. Like others who contributed to this story, they asked to be kept anonymous in order to speak freely.

There is particular concern over high-risk solar inverters, which the EU is trying to phase out. These introduce vulnerabilities in third countries connected with the European energy grid.

No China clause

The issue of "global macroeconomic imbalances" – a reference to China in all but name – will be the main topic of discussion at the European Council on Thursday.

But while Brussels has gradually shifted its trade policy toward Beijing into a defensive position, not all EU instruments have kept pace.

The Commission official pointed out that the Green Bond Initiative was conceived before the EU had fully developed its economic security doctrine – an effort to counter China's growing dominance in key sectors, which is exerted via heavily subsidised firms that push competitors out of the market.

The upshot is that the EU-backed green bonds do not require partner countries to avoid Chinese suppliers and offer no incentive for them to do so.

The question of to handle Chinese suppliers in EU-funded projects abroad has long been a sticking point for European development finance. Brussels struggles to persuade third countries to buy from more expensive non-Chinese vendors unless it can cover the extra cost, and so far, it has been reluctant to do so.

But the imperative of excluding Chinese suppliers is not limited to supply chain dependencies that might be weaponised; it is also increasingly a matter of cybersecurity.

Cybersecurity risk

Last month, the European Commission circulated guidance requesting that all EU-funded projects generating renewable energy phase out high-risk power inverters – meaning Chinese-made ones – citing cybersecurity risks to the EU energy grid.

The concern is that firms that dominate in the solar inverter market, among them Huawei, might be able to remotely manipulate the energy grid, destabilise it, and in a worst-case scenario trigger full blackouts.

The Green Bond Initiative was given the green light before the Commission issued the guidance, which in any case only applies to projects outside the EU from 15 April 2027.

There are now concerns that the investment programme could both increase third countries' exposure to risky Chinese technology and create security risks for Europe's own energy infrastructure.

Energy grids do not operate in isolation, which is why phasing out Chinese inverters at home might make little sense if the same rules are not applied to Europe's immediate neighbours. North African countries, many of which are part of the Green Bond Initiative, are the most exposed.

"Having EU-financed projects built by Chinese companies is precisely what we want to avoid," a second Commission official told Euronews, noting that the Mediterranean region is where China's influence poses the highest risks.

Underlying tensions

The Commission has been pushing the EIB and other European investment institutions to apply the phase-out requirements for risky solar inverters across the board, but both institutions have pushed back and sought exemptions.

In the context of the Green Bond Initiative, since no exclusion mechanism exists, the problem may be as much about governance as procurement.

The Commission is expected to exert pressure on the initiative's fund manager, Amundi, Europe's largest asset manager. But it will have to do so against a project pipeline that appears to have been drawn up without those requirements in mind.

For investment banks, the priority is financial viability and return on investment, whereas supply chain considerations cannot translate into commercially unreasonable costs.

But in a context where critical dependencies are increasingly weaponised by China, and where the EU is increasingly serious about reducing its reliance on Beijing, geopolitical risk is becoming a decisive factor.

"The EIB wants exemptions on everything, the Commission is pushing back on the whole front," a third EU official said. "The situation is still unclear; this back and forth will go on for a while."

The European Commission did not reply to Euronews' request for comment by the time of publication. The EIB declined to comment.

QUAD To Safeguard Undersea Cables Against Chinese Disruptions – Analysis

June 18, 2026 
By P. K. Balachandran

The Foreign Ministers of the QUAD countries — the US, Japan, Australia, and India — met in New Delhi on May 26 and vowed to collectively safeguard undersea cable networks from threats and sabotage by both non-State and State actors.

Spanning around 1.4 million kilometres across every ocean, these undersea cables carry nearly 100% of global internet traffic. They form the backbone of the modern economy, enabling instantaneous financial transactions, real-time diplomatic exchanges, and military communications.

In warfare, severing them could isolate a nation’s command structures from intelligence feeds, sensor data, and deployed forces. For a nuclear-armed state, the loss of reliable communications could prove catastrophic, undermining control over strategic weapons.

West Sees Threat from China and Russia


While undersea cable disruptions can stem from various causes, the QUAD’s primary concern centres on China’s activities in the Indo-Pacific. In “The Conversation”, John Calabrese highlighted how Chinese researchers unveiled a new deep-sea tool capable of cutting even the world’s most secure subsea cables.


First revealed in February 2025 and promoted as a civilian salvage and seabed mining device, the tool can operate at depths of 4,000 metres — far beyond most existing infrastructure. This capability raises serious implications for global communications and security.

Taiwan has repeatedly accused Chinese vessels of sabotage. In 2023, two Chinese ships were blamed for cutting the only two cables serving the Matsu Islands, isolating 14,000 residents for six weeks. Taiwan documented 27 such disruptions since 2018. In January 2025, its coast guard linked another incident off the northeastern coast to a vessel operated by a Hong Kong company with Chinese crew. These actions coincide with intensified Chinese military drills around Taiwan.

Russia has also demonstrated interest in such tactics. In 2023, a cable between Sweden and Estonia was damaged alongside a gas pipeline. In January 2025, a Latvia-Sweden cable was breached, prompting NATO patrols and the seizure of a suspect vessel. Dmitry Medvedev hinted at targeting undersea cables in retaliation for incidents like the 2023 Nord Stream explosions.

Need to Internationalise Protection

The roughly 650 operational undersea fibre-optic cable systems, which facilitate daily transactions worth US$10 trillion, lack robust international protection. This stems from competing national security interests and heavy private-sector involvement.

Brendon J. Cannon and Ash Rossiter note in an article in “Science Direct” that in January 2023, US Assistant Secretary of Defence Ely Ratner announced enhanced satellite monitoring via Hawkeye-360 Cluster 6 to track illicit activities, including threats to cables. The US pledged to share this data with QUAD partners. This was followed by the May 2023 QUAD Partnership for Cable Connectivity and Resilience, which leverages member expertise in manufacturing, deploying, and maintaining cable infrastructure.

A core goal is to avoid routing traffic through Chinese-owned or operated cables, given Beijing’s laws requiring firms to hand over data to the government. China’s “Digital Silk Road” initiative further aims to align global cable networks with its strategic interests.

Pattern of Cable Ownership


Traditionally, cables were owned by consortia of telecom firms. Leading players include Japan’s NEC Corporation, France’s Alcatel Submarine Networks, and the US’s SubCom, now joined by tech giants like Google and Meta. Chinese entities such as HMN Tech (linked to Huawei) and China Unicom have rapidly expanded through state support, heightening espionage and sabotage risks amid broader geopolitical rivalries.
Australia’s Leadership Role

The QUAD assigned Australia a leading role in cable security following the 2023 partnership launch. Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) coordinates technical and policy research while providing regional support. Members rotate contributions based on strengths, with Australia convening workshops. Collaboration can extend bilaterally, trilaterally, or plurilaterally.


The US supports efforts through its CABLES program. Australia, the US, and Japan are jointly investing US$95 million in a cable project linking Micronesia, Nauru, and Kiribati to counter Chinese dominance in the Pacific.


Washington urges partners to exclude “unreliable suppliers” from networks and has withheld licences for cables involving Hong Kong or mainland China. It has promoted alternatives like the Apricot, Bifrost, and Echo consortia, rerouting through trusted locations such as Singapore, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Guam. Since 2019, the US has offered training grants to discourage engagement with Chinese firms.


QUAD’s Informal Structure


The QUAD has evolved with annual summits and joint statements but remains informal, lacking binding commitments, budgets, or enforcement mechanisms. This flexibility offers advantages: it enables coordination on shared maritime interests while preserving member sovereignty. However, it can slow decisive action on threats.

Informality suits States wary of ceding autonomy. It fosters trust-based alignment without rigid hierarchies, though history shows collective action often faces impediments even among allies.

Impediments to Action


Private companies prioritise operations over security, while public entities face regulatory hurdles. Unilateral measures are simpler, but multilateral efforts require aligned legal and governmental frameworks. Jurisdictional limits — states control territorial waters but not the high seas — add reluctance, particularly among some Asian nations.
Towards Collective Action

QUAD countries should first map inter-agency coordination (navies, coast guards, marine police, telecom regulators) within their governments. This embeds cable protection into broader maritime strategies and clarifies tensions between public and private interests.

Each QUAD country should designate a lead agency to coordinate domestically, aligning with International Cable Protection Committee (ICPC) best practices. Cross-sector dialogue between officials, cable owners, suppliers, and operators is essential for policy alignment.

India’s Vital Role


Enhanced Indian participation is crucial given its growing global influence and inclusive multilateral approach. The QUAD should also engage the Global South, emphasising that secure cable connectivity underpins communications and economic development for vulnerable states.

Cable Repair Vessels

Repair remains largely a private endeavour. Cannon and Rossiter recommend that the QUAD consider a dedicated fleet of strategically deployed cable repair ships across the Indo-Pacific to enhance resilience.

By strengthening cooperation, the QUAD can better protect these critical information superhighways against state-sponsored threats, particularly from China, while promoting a more secure and resilient digital infrastructure in the region.

About P. K. Balachandran
P. K. Balachandran is a senior Indian journalist working in Sri Lanka for local and international media and has been writing on South Asian issues for the past 21 years.
View all posts by P. K. Balachandran →

Friday, June 12, 2026

Britain’s Electric Vehicle Market Is Booming as Fuel Prices Climb

  • Motorpoint says EV sales have more than doubled in recent months as higher fuel costs push drivers away from petrol and diesel vehicles.

  • Chinese manufacturers such as BYD, MG, and Jaecoo are helping drive the UK's rapid adoption of electric vehicles.

  • Motorpoint reported revenue of £1.3 billion and nearly doubled pre-tax profit to £7.5 million while expanding its use of AI and data analytics.

Brits are racing to get their hands on electric vehicles after a surge in oil prices triggered by the war in Iran has driven away demand for petrol and diesel cars, one of the UK’s biggest used car supermarkets has said.

London-listed Motorpoint, which has seen its shares jump on the back of bumper profits, said it had seen a more than doubling of sales for EVs in recent months in a “watershed moment” for the future of the car industry.

Motorpoint chief executive Mark Carpenter told City AM: “EVs are probably one of the stories of the moment, especially given what has gone on in Iran. When that oil price shock started, we saw a big lift in EV volumes.

“We’ve seen a lot of people switching from petrol and diesel – frankly, we can’t keep up with demand on EVs, so we’re having to buy very heavily to meet demand.

“[Oil price volatility] has broken the back of the EV reluctance in the UK market. Sometimes it takes something to push people over the tipping point, and I think the oil price crisis that we see now is definitely one of those moments: a watershed moment for people moving into EVs.”

Chinese carmakers drive EV demand surge

A City AM analysis found soaring demand for new Chinese vehicles had been a central driver in the UK’s embrace of EVs, with sales of BYDs overtaking Land Rovers and MG sales overtaking Mercedes. The Jaecoo 7 was the UK’s best-selling car in the month of March.

“We do do a lot of MGs… they’ve been around for many years, and they are much more mature in their fleet offering,” Carpenter said.

City AM - EV chart

Motorpoint on Wednesday posted an 8.1 per cent jump in turnover in the year to end March to £1.3bn, while pre-tax profit almost doubled to £7.5m during the year.

The Derby-based business upped its final dividend by 20 per cent to 1.2p, as it doubled down on its expansion plans. The firm intends to open nine new locations in the medium term, with the first of these in Leeds due to open its doors later in the summer.

“We again significantly outperformed the wider used car market, demonstrating that our superior proposition, which is to make car buying easy, continues to resonate strongly with customers,” Carpenter said

Carpenter added that the increased use of AI and data analytics to better understand the used car market had been key to boosting the firm’s profitability.

Motorpoint shares rose as much as 7 per cent to 135p in early trade on Wednesday. The stock price is now largely unchanged since the start of the year.

By City AM


Chinese EVs In Brazil: Connectivity, Data, And Strategic Risks – Analysis


June 12, 2026
Diálogo Américas
By Nelza Oliveira

The expansion of Chinese electric vehicles (EVs) in Brazil continues to accelerate, fueling growing concerns related to cybersecurity and the possible dual-use — civilian and strategic — nature of the technologies integrated into these vehicles. Unlike traditional automobiles, modern EVs increasingly function as mobile digital platforms capable of collecting, processing, and transmitting vast amounts of sensitive data in real time.

“In many cases, consumers know the vehicle is connected, but they do not clearly understand what data is generated, why it is transmitted, how long it is stored, or with whom it is shared,” Thiago Guedes, CEO of DeServ, a Brazilian company specializing in information security and data privacy, told Diálogo.

Chinese hybrid and electric vehicles already occupy a dominant position in the Brazilian market. According to the Brazilian Electric Vehicle Association (ABVE), Brazil registered 223,912 electrified light vehicles in 2025. During the same year, BYD registered 112,915 units in the country, equivalent to nearly 50 percent of that market. The company has also provided vehicles to Brazilian institutions ranging from the Presidency of the Republic to the Chamber of Deputies and the Superior Court of Justice, increasing concerns among security specialists about potential access to sensitive data related to the movements, routines, and activities of Brazilian authorities and politicians.


According to experts, the growing dependence on Chinese technology is already creating vulnerabilities in strategic sectors, including critical infrastructure, logistics systems, and sensitive areas linked to national security. Concerns are further intensified by China’s 2017 National Intelligence Law, which requires companies and citizens to cooperate with state intelligence services when requested. Added to this is the heavy reliance of Chinese EVs on remotely updated software, increasing exposure to cyberattacks, digital intrusions, and potential acts of digital sabotage.

Cybersecurity specialists also warn that Brazil still lacks a sufficiently robust regulatory framework to address the risks associated with highly connected vehicles. Although the country has data protection legislation, significant gaps remain regarding independent software audits, local storage of sensitive data, cybersecurity standards for smart vehicles, and restrictions on the use of connected automobiles within government institutions or strategic sectors.


Access to geospatial data

Among the latest Chinese companies to enter the Brazilian market was Jetour, which in March stated that it is evaluating the possibility of establishing local vehicle production in the country. Its electric models are equipped with advanced connectivity systems based on sensors, cameras, radars, and over-the-air (OTA) software updates.

Among these models, the Jetour 2 uses an intelligent all-wheel-drive system called “Fully Automatic Intelligent XWD,” designed to automatically adapt the vehicle to different terrain conditions. The system analyzes surfaces such as mud, sand, snow, or dirt roads and autonomously selects the most appropriate configuration while continuously collecting environmental data.

Privileged access to detailed geospatial data also carries broader strategic implications for Brazil. Information related to logistics routes, rural infrastructure, export corridors, mobility patterns, and territorial transformations can contribute to building a highly detailed map of sectors critical to the Brazilian economy and national security.

In a country where agribusiness, ports, and export supply chains hold strategic importance, the large-scale collection of territorial data through foreign technological platforms is generating growing concerns regarding technological dependence, data sovereignty, and exposure of sensitive infrastructure.
Digital surveillance

The evolution of cameras and sensors installed on the exterior of EVs — which, compared to internal systems, possess a much greater capacity for data storage and transmission — has also increased risks associated with potential surveillance operations. It is no coincidence that China itself restricts the use of foreign EVs in sensitive areas, implicitly recognizing the potential use of these technologies for espionage activities.

“Extended access […] to camera-captured data almost in real time could allow detailed mapping of critical infrastructure,” warned Chris Miller, nonresident senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, during his April testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.

A recent investigation conducted by Norwegian cybersecurity expert Tor Indstøy also revealed that some EV models from the Chinese company NIO, available in Brazil as well, are equipped with external cameras capable of facial recognition and license plate reading. The study also concluded that nearly 90 percent of the data collected by these vehicles is transmitted to China, even when the car appears to be turned off. In addition, around 70 percent of communications are encrypted, making it extremely difficult to verify what information is actually being transmitted.


Cyberthreats

In addition to the risks of espionage and the collection of sensitive data, security experts warn that the growing spread of Chinese EVs could also expose Brazil to cyberattacks and large-scale sabotage operations due to the increasing dependence on software that controls essential functions ranging from navigation systems to battery management.

According to Guedes, “the risks increase with OTA software updates, meaning remote updates via wireless connection, which expand the attack surface and the ability to collect data.”

These software systems allow manufacturers to remotely modify vehicle behavior. A compromised or malicious update could alter vehicle performance, limit functionalities, or even completely disable the vehicle. Experts’ concerns are also growing due to the integration into vehicles of dual-use technologies — usable for both civilian and strategic purposes — originating from Chinese companies such as Huawei and Hikvision, both of which have already been involved in international controversies related to security and surveillance.

Particularly sensitive are Battery Management Systems (BMS), software platforms that control the safety and operation of electric batteries. When modifiable through remote updates, these systems could be used to block vehicle operations or trigger dangerous malfunctions, including battery fires. Norwegian researchers recently discovered that the Chinese manufacturer of batteries used in some electric buses operating in Norway maintained extensive remote-access capabilities over the system, including functions that, according to researchers, would allow limiting or even disabling certain vehicle operations remotely.

According to Guedes, the possibility of disabling vehicle fleets, compromising security systems, or accessing cameras, microphones, and personal data makes it necessary for Brazil to strengthen its data protection and cybersecurity standards. “A formal plan is needed to respond rapidly to possible cyberattacks or data breaches,” he warned.

With the growing integration of electric mobility, mass data collection, and remote connectivity, specialists warn that the rapid expansion of Chinese electric vehicles is no longer merely a commercial or technological issue. Without stricter controls, independent audits, and stronger digital-security guarantees, Brazil risks incorporating strategic vulnerabilities directly into its transportation networks, public institutions, and critical infrastructure.


This article was published by Diálogo Américas

About Diálogo Américas
Diálogo Américas is a professional magazine published by U.S. Southern Command as an international forum for security issues in Latin America.
View all posts by Diálogo Américas →

Thursday, June 11, 2026

The European Parliament And U.S. Interests – Analysis


The European Parliament (EP) is the only directly elected institution of the 27-country European Union (EU). The EP’s current 720 members represent the EU’s roughly 450 million citizens. The EP has accumulated more power over time (most recently with the 2009 Lisbon Treaty) as part of EU efforts to improve democratic accountability in EU policymaking. Congress-EP ties are long-standing, and the EP’s potential to shape or otherwise influence aspects of U.S.-EU relations—such as trade, digital rules, and policies on Russia and China—may be of interest to Congress. The most recent EP elections were in June 2024.

Role and Responsibilities

The EP plays a role in the EU’s legislative and budget processes and has a degree of oversight responsibility. The EP works closely with the two other main EU institutions: the European Commission, which represents the interests of the EU as a whole and functions as the EU’s executive, and the Council of the European Union(informally the Council, or Council of Ministers), which represents the interests of the EU’s national governments. Although the European Commission has the right of legislative initiative, the EP shares legislative power with the Council of the EU in most policy areas, giving the EP the right to accept, amend, or reject the vast majority of EU laws (with some exceptions, such as taxation and most aspects of foreign policy). Both the EP and the Council of the EU must approve a European Commission proposal for it to become EU law in a process known as the ordinary legislative procedure or co-decision. The EP must approve the accession of new EU members and international agreements (including on trade) and may issue nonlegislative resolutions (used, for example, to provide opinions on foreign policy issues).

With the Council of the EU, the EP decides how to allocate the EU’s annual budget (fixed as a percentage of the EU’s combined gross national income). The EP has a supervisory role over the European Commission, limited oversight over the Council of the EU, and monitors EU policies, including through investigations and public hearings. EU member states are required to take EP election results into account in choosing the European Commission president, and the EP must approve each new slate of European Commissioners, including the president, every five years.

Structure and Organization

Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) serve five-year terms. Voting for the EP takes place on a national basis, with the number of MEPs elected in each EU country based roughly on population size.
Political Groups

Once elected, MEPs caucus according to political ideology (rather than nationality) into groups, which span the political spectrum and typically represent over 200 national political parties. In the 2019-2024 EP, there were seven political groups; in the current EP, there are eight, as well as a number of “nonattached” or independent MEPs (see Figure 1). Although the majority of MEPs hail from political parties that support the EU project, some are considered to be antiestablishment and euroskeptic—that is, critical of the EU or anti-EU to varying degrees. Most euroskeptic parties in the EP are on the right or far right and hold predominantly nationalist and anti-immigration views.

No single group in the EP has an absolute majority, making compromise and coalition-building key features of the EP. Historically, the two largest groups—the center-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the center-left Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament (S&D)—have tended to dominate the EP by cooperating in unofficial “grand coalitions.” At the same time, voting blocs may vary on specific pieces of legislation. The relative size of the political groups also helps determine EP leadership and committee posts.

EP Leadership, Committees, and Delegations

MEPs elect a president of the EP every two-and-a-half years (twice per parliamentary term). The president oversees the work of the EP and represents it externally. Roberta Metsola, a Maltese MEP from the EPP, was reelected to a second term as EP president in July 2024. The EP has 22 standing committees that are key actors in the adoption of EU legislation. Each committee considers legislative proposals that fall within its jurisdiction and recommends to the full EP whether to adopt, amend, or reject proposed legislation. The EP also may establish temporary committees on specific issues or committees of inquiry on breaches of EU law. Forty-eight EP delegations maintain parliament-to-parliament relations throughout the world (including with the U.S. Congress).
Location and Administration

The EP’s official seat is in Strasbourg, France (a location near Germany symbolic of postwar peace), where plenaries typically are held once per month. Committee meetings and some part-plenary sessions occur in Brussels, Belgium. A Secretariat of over 7,000 nonpartisan civil servants and contract staff, based in both Brussels and Luxembourg, provides administrative and technical support. MEPs and political groups also have their own staff assistants (around 3,000 personnel total). The EP has faced criticism that its multiple locations entail a wasteful duplication of resources and sizeable commuting costs, as well as calls for greater transparency about MEPs’ office and travel expenses. The EP tightened ethics rules in 2023 following the so-called Qatargate corruption scandal involving alleged bribes paid to several MEPs and staffers. In 2025, allegations of corruption and bribery within the EP involving China’s Huawei technology company renewed questions about EP lobbying and transparency rules.




Source: Created by CRS, drawn from European Parliament data. For current EP seats, see https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/search/table, updated regularly. For 2019-2024EP seats, see https://results.elections.europa.eu/en/european-results/2019-2024/outgoing-parliament/.


The 2024 EP Elections


In the June 2024 elections, the overall size of the EP increased to 720 MEPs due to EU demographic changes. Pro-EU center-right EPP and center-left S&D retained their positions as the two largest groups. Voter concerns about migration, the economy, and EU climate policies helped drive increased support for euroskeptic parties and a loss of seats for the centrist, economically liberal, pro-EU Renew Europe (RE) group and the Greens/European Free Alliance (Greens/EFA), composed of pro-environment parties and leftist regional parties (e.g., Catalonian, Corsican). Despite the gains by euroskeptics, the EPP, S&D, RE, and Greens/EFA hold a combined 450 seats (63%). Average turnout across the EU was 51% (same as the 2019 election).

Euroskeptic parties in the EP hold a range of views, including on EU reforms and attitudes toward Russia. The largest euroskeptic group in the new EP is Patriots for Europe (PfE), an alliance of far-right parties. The Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN) is farther right and more stridently euroskeptic. The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) is considered a more moderately euroskeptic group. The Left group includes former communist parties and some far-left EU critics.

In the new EP’s first year, one analysis indicated that the EPP, S&D, and RE voted alike in 88% of decisive EP plenary votes. The EPP also has cooperated with ECR (regarded by the EPP as pro-Europe, pro-Ukraine, and pro-rule of law) and with PfE and ESN on selected issues (including a resolution on Venezuela, changes to an EU deforestation rule and corporate sustainability reporting rules, and measures to facilitate migrant returns). The EPP’s willingness to partner at times with ECR, PfE, and ESN reportedly has generated tensions with S&D, RE, and the Greens/EFA.

The United States, Congress, and the EP

With the Lisbon Treaty, the EP gained a more prominent role in some aspects of U.S.-EU relations, particularly with the right to approve or reject international agreements. In 2010, the EP initially rejected a U.S.-EU accord on countering terrorist financing due to concerns about U.S. data privacy safeguards; the EP subsequently approved this accord and other U.S.-EU information-sharing and data protection agreements. EP approval of some regulations is necessary to fully implement EU commitments on tariffs under the 2025 U.S.-EU framework agreement on trade, tariffs, and other issues; the EP considered and negotiated some changes to the regulations amid broader U.S.-EU tensions and U.S. legal and policy developments.


More generally, the EP’s role in EU lawmaking may affect certain U.S. interests. The EP was central to shaping and approving the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation, which applies to many U.S. companies doing business in Europe. In the 118th Congress, some House and Senate Members voiced concern that EU digital rules approved by the EP could target U.S. technology firms; such concerns persist in the 119th Congress, and Trump Administration officials and some Members also have criticized EU digital rules as censoring free speech. Meanwhile, some EP positions on China have aligned with U.S. concerns, for example, about China’s military provocations against Taiwan. Many MEPs support Ukraine and EU sanctions on Russia (although decisions on sanctions rest with the member states). Some MEPs also have welcomed EU efforts to help boost member states’ defense spending and Europe’s defense industry.

Interparliamentary exchanges between Congress and the EP date back to the 1970s. The Transatlantic Legislators’ Dialogue (TLD) has been the formal mechanism for engagement between the U.S. House of Representatives and the EP since 1999. TLD meetings are intended to take place twice a year to discuss various political and economic issues. Some MEPs and analysts have long argued for further enhancing cooperation with Congress, suggesting that closer ties could help strengthen U.S.-EU relations and reduce frictions. At the same time, structural and procedural differences between Congress and the EP could pose challenges to greater legislative cooperation.


About the author: Kristin Archick, Section Research Manager

Source: This article was published by Congressional Research Service (CRS).

About CRS
The Congressional Research Service (CRS) works exclusively for the United States Congress, providing policy and legal analysis to committees and Members of both the House and Senate, regardless of party affiliation. As a legislative branch agency within the Library of Congress, CRS has been a valued and respected resource on Capitol Hill for nearly a century.


View all posts by CRS →

Tuesday, June 09, 2026

China’s Subsidy Machine Is Reshaping Global Capitalism

ALL CAPITALI$M IS STATE CAPITALI$M

  • Governments are pouring record amounts into strategic industries, with global subsidies reaching $108 billion as countries try to secure supply chains.

  • China is outspending the West by a wide margin, providing firms with 3–8 times more state support than OECD peers and helping Chinese companies dominate sectors such as semiconductors and solar panels.

  • The result is a growing global subsidy race, as Western countries respond with tariffs and incentives while debating whether free-market capitalism can compete against China's state-backed industrial strategy.

The COVID-19 pandemic and the geopolitical conflicts to follow exposed severe weaknesses in global supply networks, prompting governments, caught off guard and complacent, to pour money into critical sectors like semiconductors, critical minerals, and pharmaceuticals to prevent future shortages and reduce dependence on geopolitical rivals. Consequently, governments across the globe have increasingly been doling out state subsidies to local firms in a bid to secure supply chains, accelerate the transition to green energy, and protect domestic manufacturing against aggressive foreign competitors. A landmark report by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has revealed that global state subsidies have surged to a total of $108 billion, good for an average of 1.3% of company revenues across 15 key industrial sectors and the highest level since the 2008-2009 financial crisis. But China takes this game far more seriously, giving the state natural resource power the West only dreams of, and making this the onset of what could be a subsidy race that changes the rules of capitalism in order to compete with Beijing.

According to the OECD, Chinese firms in strategic sectors received between three and eight times more state support than competitors in OECD countries over the past 20 years, giving Chinese firms a huge leg up in highly competitive markets. Indeed, OECD estimates that this massive government aid--spanning direct grants and below-market loans-- drove roughly 60% of Chinese companies' global market share gains over the past two decades. Chinese companies receive subsidies equivalent to roughly 2.5% of their revenue, compared to just 0.3% seen by firms in peer nations like Japan and South Korea.

The disparity is most extreme in the semiconductor and solar panel industries, with China's booming semiconductor sector receiving government subsidies equivalent to ~10% of revenues in recent years, compared to 2% of revenues for the global semiconductor sector. China's state-backed investment vehicles, including "Big Fund III" established in 2024, are channeling roughly $47.5 billion into advanced logic and memory capacity. And, Beijing’s largesse is driving massive growth here: China's integrated circuit (IC) exports surged by 83.7% year-over-year to $103.5 billion in the first four months of 2026, reflecting a massive expansion in domestic chip manufacturing capabilities driven by billions in state-backed investments and soaring domestic demand.

Chinese memory firms are now challenging global industry leaders: Domestic players like Yangtze Memory Technologies Corp (YMTC) and ChangXin Memory Technologies (CXMT) are rapidly taking market share and preparing for major public listings to fund further expansion, with YMTC poised to become the world's third-largest NAND flash producer after South Korea’s Samsung (OTCPK:SSNLF) and SK Hynix. Despite global trade restrictions, Chinese firms are achieving important breakthroughs: Chinese engineers have reportedly developed working prototypes of advanced EUV lithography machines, a critical step toward complete manufacturing self-sufficiency by 2028-2030. Additionally, companies like Huawei are pioneering new "logic folding" architectures to boost performance without relying on traditional miniaturization methods.

China’s solar panel manufacturing continues to receive heavy state funding, helping it to dominate the global market regardless of short-term market conditions.

State-backed Chinese subsidies averaged nearly 3.2% of annual firm revenues, enabling manufacturers to heavily outinvest competitors and secure over 80% control of the entire photovoltaic supply chain.

This generosity has incentivized Chinese producers to expand manufacturing under any market conditions. China's annual solar manufacturing capacity has reached approximately 1,200 GW, nearly double the total global installation demand. According to the OECD, this aggressive support has resulted in subsidy-fueled overcapacity and driven the average selling price of solar panels down by 90% over the last decade and a half, often forcing panels to be sold below the break-even point.

But while it may give states more power to wield, the OECD warns that these ongoing, large-scale subsidies are fueling global industrial overcapacity, artificially depressing international prices and undercutting firms that are actually better and more innovative.

And overly generous government subsidies have backfired on Chinese companies before. Whereas the overcapacity and subsequent price cuts have made solar energy highly affordable globally and driven historic deployment records in emerging markets (such as a 176% jump in Chinese module exports to Africa), it has also resulted in severe financial distress, declining profitability and heavy domestic consolidation for Chinese solar companies. To address those problems and maintain some balance, Beijing has begun to phase out support. For instance, the Chinese government reduced and fully abolished the 9% Value Added Tax (VAT) export rebate on photovoltaic products, while battery energy storage systems saw their export tax rebates reduced from 9% to 6%, with a full phase-out expected by 2027.

Meanwhile, Western nations and trading blocs are increasingly trying to come up with ways to keep China’s clean energy hegemony in check with its own incentives. But more often, with retaliation. Most recently, the U.S. unveiled significant levies across China’s renewable sector products, including 50% tariffs on solar cells (whether or not assembled into modules) and strict actions against Chinese steel, aluminum, and advanced batteries. The Trump administration has also announced a 100% punitive tariff on Chinese EVs, making entry into the American market prohibitive. Additionally, the European Commission has adopted definitive countervailing duties of up to 35.3% on BEVs from China, valid for five years. These are applied on top of the standard 10% vehicle import duty.

The uncomfortable reality is that Western economies assumed for decades that private capital, comparative advantage, and open markets would determine the industrial winner. However, China has spent that time building national champions with patient state capital, cheap financing, protected domestic markets, and long-term strategic planning. Tariffs can slow the flow of Chinese products across borders, but little else. The West’s biggest economies now face the choice of whether to try to compete with China on similar terms or whether there is still faith in a private market free-for-all to operate in the national interest.

By Alex Kimani for Oilprice.com


New Geometry Of Innovation: China’s Path From Peripheral Outpost To The Technological Core Of Global Change – Analysis

 IFIMES
By Paweł Gałecki

The global economic architecture is undergoing one of the most significant transformations since the Industrial Revolution, and its epicenter is shifting from Western decision-making centers toward dynamic Asian ecosystems. China, which for the past four decades has been perceived in the economic consciousness primarily as the “world’s factory” – a place of cheap production, mass export, and global supply of components – is steadily evolving toward a model based on knowledge, research and development, and co-creation of technology. This fundamental metamorphosis is not merely a consequence of a natural economic cycle, but the result of a deliberate, long-term state strategy, supported by growing confidence from international corporations, academic institutions, and geopolitical partners from different continents. Statements by leaders of global technology corporations, strategists, and research experts clearly indicate that the narrative of China as merely an assembly site has been consigned to history. It has been replaced by a reality in which Beijing, Shanghai, Suzhou, and Shenzhen are becoming laboratories of the future, where solutions are born and then exported to the markets of Europe, North America, Africa, and the Middle East. This shift carries consequences for business models, supply chain architecture, regulatory standards, and long-term competitiveness strategies.

China as a Global Innovation Hub: Philips and Bosch Redefine the Future of Technology and Industry

Royal Philips, a Dutch conglomerate with more than a century of presence on the Chinese market, is an excellent example of strategic evolution. The company’s CEO, Roy Jakobs, recently stated unequivocally that China has transformed from a key market into one of the global centers of innovation. This assertion is not a marketing claim but a reflection of a deeply rooted operational strategy, whose pillar is the slogan “In China, for China, for the world.” Philips has built a comprehensive value chain in the Middle Kingdom: from advanced research and development, through production, commercial operations, sales and services, to strategic partnerships within the local healthcare ecosystem. Last year the group announced the establishment of the China Research and Innovation Headquarters in Beijing, which acts as a coordinator for regional R&D centers and an accelerator for localizing medical solutions. At the same time, the Suzhou facility integrates R&D functions, manufacturing, and global export, while Shenyang specializes in the development of computed tomography, serving as a global innovation center in this field. Such geographic and functional distribution of competencies demonstrates that China has ceased to be a peripheral outpost and has become a technological core generating value for more than a hundred countries where Philips provides its services.

Jakobs emphasized that the vast Chinese market and rapidly developing digital infrastructure create unique conditions for scaling innovations, which is crucial for the medical technology sector, where deployment time and accessibility of solutions can determine patients’ lives. The Chinese healthcare sector is currently undergoing a qualitative transformation: from models based on scale and reactive disease treatment toward proactive health management, therapy personalization, and continuous diagnostics. Artificial intelligence acts as a catalyst in this metamorphosis, enabling the processing of large medical datasets, optimization of hospital processes, and the development of telemedicine. By combining the global capabilities of corporations with China’s speed of adaptation and solution scalability, Philips intends to deepen cooperation in digital health, AI-based solutions, medical imaging, and green healthcare. Deep rooting in the local ecosystem, strengthened by investments in building capacity for medical personnel and alignment with China’s policy frameworks for sustainable development, becomes a strategic choice that allows the company to remain resilient and to influence both locally and globally.


A parallel but equally significant transformation is observed in the automotive sector, where Robert Bosch GmbH sees in China not only the largest and most dynamic market in the world, but above all a key source of technological innovation. Markus Heyn, member of the management board and chairman of Bosch Mobility, at the International Motor Show in Beijing in 2026 stressed that the group has full confidence in local domestic demand and research potential, which is reflected in the concentration of resources and prioritization of the Chinese market. A symbolic proof of deepening cooperation and the shift from supplier-recipient relationships to a value co-creation model is the joint development with a Chinese manufacturer of a low-voltage power solution. This system was designed specifically to meet the growing demand for computing power in vehicles, which are becoming increasingly software-integrated and dependent on advanced electronic systems. This solution will be developed and put into mass production in cooperation with Chinese customers, illustrating a new paradigm of collaboration where technologies are co-designed from the ground up rather than merely adapted to local specifications.

In 2025 Bosch Mobility achieved sales in China at the level of 122.3 billion yuan, which translates to about 17.83 billion US dollars and represents an annual growth of 4.9%. Importantly, about 70% of these revenues were generated by Chinese brands, which proves that local manufacturers have become the main driving force of innovation and consumers of advanced solutions. Bosch supported about 300 models of Chinese brands entering foreign markets. This path of knowledge transfer – from China to the rest of the world – is groundbreaking because it reverses the traditional direction of technology flow. For the German giant, China is currently the place where, outside Europe, the largest workforce engaged in the development of new technologies is located, and local R&D competencies, a global innovation network, and close cooperation with partners allow parallel development in electrification and intelligent transformation. Concentration on the local market and continued investment in expanding technological reach prove that the future of the automotive industry will be shaped in Chinese laboratories and production halls, and business success will depend on the ability to integrate with the local innovation ecosystem.

China–Saudi Arabia Strategic Partnership and the Rise of a Multipolar Innovation Economy

Economic and technological cooperation between China and Saudi Arabia constitutes another pillar of the new architecture of global value chains, based on mutual transfer of competencies, long-term partnerships, and a strategic development vision. Rayan Al Amoudi, executive director for strategy and business development at Nesma Infrastructure & Technology and chair of the China-Saudi Arabia Technological Innovation Center, points out that bilateral relations long ago exceeded the boundaries of trade and engineering contracts and have evolved toward cooperation encompassing technology transfer, production localization, joint investments, digital transformation, and AI development. The Saudi firm focuses with Chinese partners on areas such as smart cities, critical infrastructure, energy, and digitization of operational processes, which perfectly align with the national modernization agenda. The contemporary Saudi market no longer seeks only ready-made imported products for Saudi Arabia but expects technology to come with the partner, enabling the building of local competencies, knowledge transfer, and independence from a pure consumption model. The pace of corporate cooperation has significantly accelerated, and Chinese technology companies, such as Huawei, have made a deep impression with their expansion, solution quality, and ability to deliver complete systems. Local perception of Chinese technology has markedly improved: more and more government institutions and companies realize that they offer an optimal price-to-quality ratio, fully capable of meeting the requirements of advanced infrastructure and digital projects.


Looking to the future, Saudi Arabia and China see strong cooperation opportunities in green infrastructure, water treatment, digital transformation, and AI data centers. Saudi Arabia’s geographic, energy, and political advantages make it highly competitive in building regional artificial intelligence hubs, and local firms expect to play a larger role in these projects by leveraging Chinese experience and technologies. Saudi Vision 2030 proves highly compatible with China’s Belt and Road Initiative, and deepening exchanges in technology, industry, education, and people-to-people contacts opens broad prospects for economic cooperation based on mutual gain and long-term stability.

The global economic order is ceasing to be dominated by a one-way flow of technology and capital and is moving toward a networked, multipolar innovation ecosystem in which China evolves from the role of end producer to a strategic partner co-creating standards, funding research, and scaling solutions.

The dynamics of European investment and technological cooperation with China are taking on particular strategic significance in the context of growing trade tensions, export restrictions, and customs measures along the European Union – United States – People’s Republic of China axis. While Washington consistently tightens trade restrictions, imposes protective tariffs on Chinese goods, introduces anti-subsidy mechanisms, and promotes a “de-risking” strategy aimed at reducing dependence on Chinese supply chains in strategic sectors, the European Union is in a difficult position of balancing between protecting its own industry, implementing the Green Deal objectives, and maintaining access to key technologies and markets. European giants such as Philips and Bosch are not withdrawing from China; on the contrary – they are deepening localization of research, co-creating products, scaling innovations, and treating the Chinese ecosystem as a source of solutions exported globally. Customs actions and trade barriers may, in the short term, lengthen supply chains, raise operating costs, and force restructuring of business models. However, at the same time these same mechanisms compel companies to greater flexibility, production localization in multiple regions, diversification of partnerships, and investments in compliance with new climate and digital standards.


European investment in China, as well as partnerships with Middle Eastern countries, show that the future of global trade will not be based on isolation and protectionism but on managed interdependence, where tariffs, regulations, and technological standards will become negotiating tools and quality filters rather than absolute barriers. For companies this means the necessity of building resilient, multipolar value chains with operational redundancy and localization of key competencies. For the European Union – balancing between strategic autonomy and openness to cooperation that accelerates economic and climate transformation. For China – continuing the transformation toward a knowledge-based, innovation – and sustainability-driven economy that will constitute a stable pillar of the new economic architecture of the twenty-first century.



The article presents the stance of the author and does not necessarily reflect the stance of IFIMES.


About IFIMES

IFIMES – International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan studies, based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, has special consultative status with the Economic and Social Council ECOSOC/UN since 2018. IFIMES is also the publisher of the biannual international scientific journal European Perspectives. IFIMES gathers and selects various information and sources on key conflict areas in the world. The Institute analyses mutual relations among parties with an aim to promote the importance of reconciliation, early prevention/preventive diplomacy and disarmament/ confidence building measures in the regional or global conflict resolution of the existing conflicts and the role of preventive actions against new global disputes.

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