How To Prepare Today’s Youth To Thrive In The AI Era – Analysis

July 3, 2026 
By Dr. Majid Rafizadeh

Key Takeaways

Technical + Human Skills Are Essential — Thriving in the AI era requires a mix of technical expertise (machine learning, data science, cybersecurity, robotics) and irreplaceable human attributes (critical thinking, creativity, emotional intelligence, ethics, and adaptability).

Global Examples Show the Way — Countries like Singapore, Estonia, Finland, Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Qatar are leading with national AI curricula, free training, early education integration, and public-private partnerships to build AI-literate workforces and reduce youth unemployment.

Proactive Investment Pays Off — Governments and institutions that embed AI literacy, ethical frameworks, and lifelong learning into education will gain competitive advantages in innovation and economic resilience, preparing youth to augment — rather than be replaced by — AI.

Analysis

As we transition into the early stages of the artificial intelligence-driven era, it is important to discern and cultivate skills that will underpin productivity, innovation and creativity.

The rapid proliferation of AI technologies is not merely automating routine tasks but also fundamentally reshaping labor markets, reconfiguring industrial architectures and redefining professional success.

According to projections from leading global analyses, including the World Economic Forum’s “Future of Jobs Report,” technological skills — particularly those intersecting with AI and big data — are poised to surge in demand, outpacing traditional competencies in the coming years.


This transformation can be viewed as presenting both opportunities and challenges for the younger generation. It also necessitates being proactive when it comes to educational trajectories, career aspirations and personal development.

Central to thriving in this landscape is a dual emphasis on technical proficiency and some key human attributes.

On the technical front, core skills can include machine learning and deep learning fundamentals, advanced programming, data literacy, engineering and analytics. In addition, roles such as cybersecurity specialists and cloud architects are experiencing robust growth. The mastery of tools that equip individuals to build, refine and govern intelligent systems is vital. One key domain is robotics.

It is projected that majors in computer science, with specializations in AI or machine learning, data science, statistics, cybersecurity and software engineering are likely to command sustained high demand. These fields are key because they also provide societal benefit, such as AI-driven healthcare diagnostics.

Gaining expertise in areas less susceptible to wholesale automation, including medicine, nursing, law, engineering and clinical psychology, is another option. This is because these areas require nuanced judgment, ethical deliberation and trust.

Another important area is the skills that amplify AI’s utility. For example, employers are increasingly prioritizing attributes such as adaptability, critical thinking, creativity, emotional intelligence, empathy, communication and ethical decision-making.

Reports have underscored that such skills are not ancillary but foundational. The greatest career opportunities will likely coalesce around increasing the productivity of AI rather than replacing it. As a result, specialists in machine learning, AI ethics officers, product managers, data strategists and healthcare informatics will be in strong demand.

The good news is that many nations are embedding AI literacy into their national curricula and workforce development programs, recognizing that human capital is the linchpin of competitive advantage in the AI era.

For example, Singapore’s Smart Nation initiative integrates AI across education, emphasizing personalized learning, teacher augmentation and ethical literacy in an effort to position the city-state as a global leader by 2030. Finland has pioneered free online AI coursework and multidisciplinary research into equitable AI deployment in learning environments, bolstering its renowned education system.

In addition, Estonia’s ambitious AI Leap program, launched in partnership with entities like OpenAI, provides nationwide access to advanced AI tools for secondary students and teachers, training cohorts in effective utilization while prioritizing pedagogical integrity.

Gulf Cooperation Council countries are aggressively pursuing AI-driven diversification to reduce their dependence on oil and empower their young people. Through the Saudi Data and Artificial Intelligence Authority, Saudi Arabia has rolled out a comprehensive national AI curriculum across public schools and higher education, alongside partnerships for youth training in digital skills.

The UAE appointed the world’s first minister for AI in 2017 and continues with its National AI Strategy 2031, including mandatory AI education from kindergarten through grade 12. Initiatives like the Mohammed bin Zayed University of Artificial Intelligence and widespread skilling programs underscore the country’s commitment to fostering a tech-savvy populace.


Qatar’s National Skilling Program aims to train tens of thousands of school pupils in AI and data science, while broader efforts in the Middle East and North Africa region, including Google’s investments in literacy, aim to bridge gaps.

Such investments not only cultivate technical talent but also address youth unemployment by aligning education with emerging economic realities.

They also illustrate another broader truth that proactive governmental and institutional investment in AI education will yield benefits in innovation capacity and social landscapes. In other words, one can say that, by prioritizing science, technology, engineering and math integration, ethical frameworks and lifelong learning, these nations are equipping their youth to efficiently navigate the new era rather than succumb to it.

In a nutshell, as we advance deeper into the AI era, countries like Singapore, Estonia, Finland, Saudi Arabia and the UAE exemplify the forward-looking investments that will empower the next generation through targeted skilling and systemic educational reform. For younger individuals and nations alike, preparation means having foresight, curriculum reform, accessible training platforms, public-private partnerships and a cultural embrace of AI.

This article was published by Arab News

About Dr. Majid Rafizadeh
Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is a Harvard-educated Iranian-American political scientist. X: @Dr_Rafizadeh
View all posts by Dr. Majid Rafizadeh →

‘Job forever’: trade schools are all the rage in the AI era

AFP
July 1, 2026

Students are opting for hands-on trade classes, like the electrician training program, at Apex Technical School in Manhattan, New York – Copyright AFP ANGELA WEISS

Long looked down upon, skilled trades are booming in the United States, especially among young adults drawn by strong demand — even as artificial intelligence (AI) eats into service-sector jobs.

“I think it’s definitely shifting,” said Nizier Lawrence, in his early twenties.

Prior to the pandemic, “people weren’t really talking about going to trade school, vocational schools, stuff like that. It was like: ‘Go to college, get your four years.’”

The New Yorker spent three years at Keuka College, a private school upstate, before changing plans. “I wanted a break,” he remembers, partly because he was “homesick” for the city.

He subsequently enrolled at Apex Technical School in Manhattan to train as an electrician and hasn’t looked back.

“I’m learning more in three weeks than I did in college in three years,” he says.



– AI and job security –



Students here don’t have much to say about AI, but they quickly turn to job security, reflecting a concern that stands in contrast with the US’s low unemployment rate of roughly four percent.

Among 27- to 39-year-olds who use AI multiple times a week, only 22 percent believe their jobs are “safe from being eliminated,” according to payroll group ADP’s People at Work 2026 report.

“I think a lot of people should probably pivot towards trade,” said Lawrence. “You’ll have a job forever, you’re gonna make a lot of money.”

“They’ll always need electricians,” said Anthony Byrd, one of Lawrence’s classmates. “Everything is powered by electricity right now. Without us, the whole world would probably fall apart.”

The rise of AI has sparked a boom in data center construction, creating a need for numerous skilled tradespeople — especially electricians.

Employment of electricians is projected to grow 9 percent from 2024 to 2034, much faster than the average for all occupations, according to a report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics released two years ago.



– ‘Craving connectedness’ –



The student body has been getting younger, with “a lot more students from the high schools” enrolling at Apex Technical School, said Zelda Cuesta, agency coordinator.

In the past, administrators “frowned upon trade schools, they wanted to steer everybody to go to college.”

Now, “when I go to a high school, I’m a rock star,” Cuesta said.

Many students point out that while the cost of training is significant — totaling around $18,000 — it is far less than the cost of university, which is estimated at over $38,000 per year in the United States, according to data website Education Data Initiative.

Not to mention that a university degree takes at least four years to complete, whereas Apex trains an electrician in seven months on average.

According to the Department of Labor, the average salary for an electrician surged by 55 percent between 2015 and 2025.

“When I do the tour and they come in to visit the school, I do reinforce AI is not going to be able to take over our jobs,” Cuesta said.

“Buildings will still have pipes running through them, they’ll still have wires running through them,” she said.

Apex also trains plumbers, HVAC technicians, welders and cooks.

An advisor with the culinary program, Amy Quazza, thinks “we kind of drift back to tradition when things are untethered or feeling untethered,” which explains the renewed appeal of old-economy trades.

Beyond the threat of AI, Cuesta connects this newfound popularity of manual trades to the pandemic and long periods of confinement.

Jaydon Negron, another one of Lawrence’s classmates, remembers “being in Covid, and it was so depressing. And when it came to deciding (on higher education), I was like, hands-on work is definitely more my field, because I just can’t stay still.”

Lawrence praises the opportunity to “meet a lot of people” and foster connections.

Quazza sees a generation “really craving that connectedness…and that’s what draws many people to the kitchen.”

Autonomous AI creates a new enterprise risk: When systems fail, no one knows why

Dr. Tim Sandle

DIGITAL JOURNAL
July 1, 2026

Which apps cause the most problems when it comes to AI? Image by Tim Sandle

As enterprises accelerate the deployment of autonomous artificial intelligence, a new and potentially serious governance gap is emerging. While organisations are investing heavily in AI agents to automate workflows and decision-making, many are losing visibility over accountability, particularly in complex, multi-agent environments.

New research from Kore.ai highlights the scale of the issue. In a survey of more than 400 IT and business leaders from large enterprises, 70 percent of respondents said they could detect when something had gone wrong but could not identify which AI agent was responsible. This finding underscores a key challenge in the evolution of enterprise AI. This where detection is improving, but attribution is not.
The rise of multi-agent complexity

The move towards multi-agent AI systems represents a natural progression of enterprise automation. Rather than relying on single models or bots, organisations are deploying networks of specialised agents, each responsible for discrete tasks such as customer interaction, data processing, or decision orchestration.

However, as these systems scale, their interactions become increasingly opaque. When one agent triggers an action that cascades across others, tracing the origin of an issue becomes difficult.

This is reflected in the survey findings. While most organisations have detection capabilities, the inability to isolate the source of a failure suggests that enterprises are operating AI ecosystems they cannot fully explain.

The research also highlights an important trust deficit. More than half (53 percent) of organisations admit they are running AI agents they do not fully understand. This creates a paradox. Enterprises are relying on AI to deliver efficiency and innovation, yet at the same time, they lack confidence in how these systems behave under real-world conditions.

In highly regulated sectors this raises immediate concerns. If organisations cannot explain how decisions are made, or why failures occur, regulatory compliance and risk management become significantly more complex.
Manual intervention remains the safety net

Despite the promise of autonomy, human oversight remains critical. The survey shows that 79 percent of enterprises have had to reverse autonomous AI actions manually, indicating that full automation remains some distance away. More significantly, these reversals are not trivial. Some 93 percent of respondents reported that corrective actions were costly and disruptive.

This suggests that organisations are effectively absorbing a form of operational drag, where the benefits of automation are offset by the cost of intervention when things go wrong.

From a systems perspective, this is not unusual. Complex systems tend to fail in unpredictable ways. What is changing, however, is the speed and scale at which those failures can propagate when driven by autonomous AI.
Detection delays and customer-led discovery

The findings also reveal variability in how quickly organisations can identify issues. Around half of respondents said failures are detected within one to four hours, while a third require four to eight hours. Detection methods are similarly uneven. For example, 39 percent say they rely on real-time dashboards, whereas 29 percent use automated alerts, and 17 percent depend on log analysis.

Perhaps most concerning, 15 percent of enterprises rely on end users to report problems, effectively outsourcing detection to customers. This introduces reputational risk. When customers identify failures before the organisation does, trust can erode rapidly, particularly in customer-facing services such as banking, retail, or digital platforms.

Raj Koneru, CEO and founder of Kore.ai, describes this phenomenon as a form of “governance debt.” The concept reflects how delays in identifying and resolving issues allow risks and costs to accumulate over time. In traditional IT systems, governance structures evolved alongside the technology. For AI, particularly autonomous AI, deployment is often outpacing governance frameworks.
Visibility is not accountability

A key insight from the research is that observability alone is insufficient. Many organisations have invested in monitoring tools that provide visibility into system activity. However, these tools do not necessarily answer the critical question: who made the decision?

As Kore.ai’s Chief Marketing Officer, Peter Mullen, notes, there is a distinction between visibility and accountability. An AI agent that can be observed but not governed remains a risk. This distinction is particularly relevant as enterprises move towards AI-driven decision-making and introduce automated workflows with minimal human oversight. Without clear accountability mechanisms, these systems can become black boxes, visible, but not controllable.

The findings point to a broader shift in how organisations must approach AI. Governance can no longer be treated as an afterthought. Instead, it must be embedded into the design and deployment of systems from the outset.

As organisations scale their use of AI, they must also confront the challenges of control, trust, and accountability. Perhaps deploying AI agents is no longer the hard part; it may be that governing them is.

Fear and anger brew inside Meta amid AI frenzy

AFP
June 30, 2026

The word “Hack” is seen in this aerial view of Meta’s corporate headquarter offices in Menlo Park, California – Copyright AFP JOSH EDELSON

A frenzied push for artificial intelligence dominance comes with a different kind of cost for Meta, where massive layoffs, employee surveillance and departures have fueled reports of a heated internal climate.

As Meta spends billions annually to build out its AI capabilities, employees at Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp are increasingly unhappy with their Mark Zuckerberg-led parent company.

Meta employees have weathered frequent layoffs since early 2025, including this spring when the company cut 10 percent of its workforce — some 8,000 jobs — and reshuffled another 7,000 employees.

For those who remain, an internal AI training initiative has drawn accusations of surveillance.

The company also underwent a major reorganization of its AI research division, into which Zuckerberg, Meta’s founder and chief executive, has poured billions of dollars.

The malaise stands in stark contrast to Meta’s robust finances — driven by advertising, which makes up nearly 98 percent of its revenue. In the first three months of 2026, Meta’s net income rose to more than $26 billion.

However, the bill for its AI investments is also exploding, prompting Zuckerberg, who has near-absolute power over the company, to impose sweeping cuts and increased monitoring of employees in the name of efficiency and savings.

The cuts are funding a massive race for infrastructure: Meta plans to spend up to $145 billion on AI investments this year, nearly twice last year’s figure.

– Harvesting data –



After thousands of employees were reassigned to Meta’s AI division, some, speaking anonymously to US media, have complained of “mind-numbing” tasks designed to train machines, or even automate away their own jobs.

That controversial program, called the Model Capability Initiative, was rolled out in April and suspended on June 22. It captured clicks, keystrokes and browsing activity of US employees to train AI agents — software capable of independently performing tasks.

Zuckerberg, who has made AI the company’s North Star, defended the program during an internal meeting: “AI models learn by watching really smart people do things,” he said, according to Wired.

But the tool sparked a revolt. More than 1,600 employees signed a petition calling for it to end, with some likening the company to a “data extraction factory,” according to media reports.

The pause came after private conversations and performance data inadvertently became accessible to all staff. The system risked drawing the attention of European regulators, since it captured exchanges between employees on both continents.

In a statement to AFP Tuesday, a Meta spokesperson said the program was designed with privacy safeguards.

“While we have no indication at this time that any data was improperly accessed by Meta employees, we’re pausing it while we investigate,” the statement said.

One employee summed up the mood with a meme from “The Office,” posted on an internal company forum, reading: “0 days since our last nonsense.”

– ‘Dead end quest’ –



All of these efforts aim to make up for a persistent lag behind Google, OpenAI and Anthropic, which dominate the race for cutting-edge AI models. Meta’s own models, repeatedly delayed, have proved disappointing even internally.

To regain ground, Zuckerberg invested over $14 billion last year into Scale AI, a San Francisco-based startup, and poached its CEO Alexandr Wang — who was 28 years old at the time — to run a “superintelligence” lab inside Meta.

The expensive bet has yet to win people over. Several key figures have since walked out, among them Yann LeCun, considered one of the “godfathers” of modern AI, who had led Meta’s AI research since 2013.

LeCun suddenly found himself reporting to Wang, more than 35 years his junior. He left Meta at the end of 2025 to launch his own startup.

In an interview with the Financial Times, the Turing Award winner lamented that, although “he learns fast,” Wang has “no experience with research” and was on “a dead end” quest.

The stakes for Meta go beyond its social networks now. The company is also doubling down on consumer electronics with smart glasses and is considering a new prediction-market app called Arena, potentially in partnership with Polymarket and Kalshi, according to The New York Times.

Lawsuits also threaten to consume time and resources.

For the first time, a Los Angeles jury in March found Meta liable for the effects of social media addiction, just one day after a separate ruling in New Mexico said Meta had failed to protect minors.

Meta has appealed, but more lawsuits are expected this year.

Chinese firm sells hyper-real, ‘always loyal’ humanoid robots

AFP
July 1, 2026

Touted as an antidote to loneliness, the U1 robot is programmed to offer soothing words and get to know its user over time – Copyright AFP ADEK BERRY

Their metallic frames covered in supple, lifelike skin, a posse of new Chinese robots meant for companionship can offer users AI-generated conversation or a hand to hold, complete with manicured nails.

The company UBTech says its “U1” robot — equipped with eye cameras, chest sensors, and listening microphones — is the world’s first full-sized, ultra-realistic humanoid designed for mass production.

Touted as an antidote to loneliness, the robots are priced at 119,800 yuan ($17,600) for the most basic type and 990,000 yuan ($145,700) for an “Ultra” version with more advanced features.

“Our bionic robots can accompany you for a lifetime,” Michael Tam, head of UBTech’s brand UWorld, said Tuesday at a launch event in the southern Chinese tech hub Shenzhen.

“It will never betray you, will always be loyal to you, and will love you unconditionally.”

If you pay enough, the androids’ hair, face and outfits can be customised to resemble a loved one, a celebrity, or an imaginary character.

Male and female U1s can speak through an artificial intelligence tool programmed by the company to offer soothing words if it detects fatigue or stress, and get to know its user over time.

The product is mainly aimed at single people and those aged over 60 — a “colossal market” in China of around 120 and 320 million respectively, according to Tam.

“These people have a great need for companionship,” he said.

UBTech says it has already had more than 13,300 pre-orders, with deliveries due to start in September.



– ‘Niche market’ –



Robotics is a booming sector worldwide, and Chinese startups have raced ahead in recent years, helped in part by their access to the country’s existing supply chains.

The basic U1 can move its head, eyes and mouth, and has a battery life of up to four hours — but it doesn’t do housework or cooking, and its skills do not extend to the bedroom either.

It is not designed to offer intimate relations, at least “for now”, UBTech says.

But it can discuss users’ daily concerns, remind them to take medication and help spot potential health problems, or even propose watching a World Cup match together.

Generative AI is also being deployed elsewhere in an effort to ease loneliness, especially among elderly populations.

In South Korea, cuddly ChatGPT-powered dolls are used in some care homes, while a lamp-like AI device called ElliQ offers similar companionship and safety-monitoring services.

Lian Jye Su, a Singapore-based chief analyst at Omdia, told AFP that he does see “value in a companion robot, albeit in a niche market” such as elderly care or mental wellness.

But “they have to pass the ‘uncanny valley’ test to appear physically and emotionally acceptable”, with current models perhaps too off-putting to sell well, Su said, referring to the phenomenon in which interactions with artificial objects are so human-like it triggers unease.



– Sci-fi vibes –



The race to develop AI tools that humans trust has raised concerns over data privacy and the risk of becoming emotionally attached to a machine, including accusations that chatbots have encouraged suicides.

UBTech says the data processed by its U1 robots is encrypted and will not be used to train its AI models.

In Shenzhen on Tuesday, the company did not shy away from sci-fi associations, showing off its ultra-realistic bots with outfits and visuals inspired by video games, and a spaceship on a giant screen.

Robots of all shapes and sizes can be seen in many places in China, from hotels to shopping centres and in factories.

The country accounted for 85 percent of the world’s humanoid installations last year, according to Barclays bank.

The government has designated robotics a strategic industry, and says that by last year, more than 140 Chinese companies had already launched more than 330 humanoid robot models.

These companies, like their global rivals, are also ploughing resources into the development of physical AI — technology that allows robots to move and interact with the world autonomously.

For now, the scope and performance of real-life use cases for robots that use AI for movement remains limited, however, with most impressive displays pre-programmed or remotely operated.

Canada and genetically modified crops: Innovation, adoption, and the public divide

Dr. Tim Sandle
July 1, 2026

DIGITAL JOURNAL

A farmer drives a harvester through a wheat field in the Cebalet Ben Ammar region, north of the capital Tunis – Copyright AFP FETHI BELAID

Genetically modified (GM) crops and newer gene-edited varieties are reshaping agriculture globally and Canada stands among the most progressive adopters. With decades of experience in agricultural biotechnology and a regulatory framework that has recently evolved to accommodate gene editing, Canada provides a useful lens through which to assess both the promise and controversy of GM technologies.

Canada’s biotechnology sector is increasingly defined by next-generation gene-editing technologies, especially CRISPR-Cas9 (clustered regularly interspaced short palindromic repeats). Unlike traditional GM methods that introduce foreign DNA, gene editing enables precise modification of existing genes, often resulting in plants that are indistinguishable from conventionally bred varieties.

One notable breakthrough occurred in 2025, when researchers at McGill University successfully applied CRISPR to oats, a crop with a complex genome previously resistant to gene editing. The work enables targeted changes to traits such as flowering time, yield, and nutritional content, offering a pathway to crops better adapted to climate variability.

More broadly, gene editing is becoming central to plant breeding in Canada, allowing faster and more precise development of traits such as drought resistance, disease tolerance, and improved nutritional quality.

At the commercial end, innovation is moving beyond commodity crops. There are early-stage developments in gene-edited fruits and vegetables (e.g. salad greens, strawberries), modified oils such as omega‑3 enriched canola, and non-browning apples and other ‘enhanced’ produce. While only a small number of GM whole foods are currently available in Canada, gene editing is expected to significantly expand this pipeline.

The scientific trajectory is therefore shifting from first-generation GM crops (input traits like herbicide tolerance) toward second-generation traits focused on climate resilience, nutritional enhancement, and reduced waste.

How farmers are using GM technology

Canadian farmers have been using GM crops for nearly three decades. The main crops include:

Canola
Corn (maize)
Soybeans
Sugar beet
Alfalfa

Among these, canola is particularly significant: approximately 95% of Canadian canola is genetically engineered, mainly for herbicide tolerance. In practice, farmers use GM crops to improve productivity. In particular, herbicide-tolerant crops allow targeted weed control, improving yields and reducing labour costs.

GM crops have additionally helped farmers adopt no-till or reduced-till farming, reducing soil erosion and fuel use while improving soil health. Newer gene-edited crops are further designed to withstand drought, temperature extremes, and pest pressure. Reduced tillage and more targeted chemical use have lowered greenhouse gas emissions and resource consumption.
Regulatory framework

Canada has developed one of the more innovation-friendly regulatory systems for plant biotechnology. A defining feature is its trait-based approach. Rather than regulating crops based solely on how they are produced, Canadian authorities focus on whether the plant exhibits a “novel trait.”

This distinction became especially important with gene editing. Under updated guidance crops developed using gene editing without foreign DNA may be treated like conventionally bred crops. It also stands that only plants with novel traits posing potential risk require full regulatory assessment. Moreover, many gene-edited crops do not require pre-market approval or labelling.

Government policy statements emphasise that plant breeding innovations support food security, climate adaptation, and sustainability. The state has also adopted the policy that gene editing does not inherently pose greater risk than conventional breeding. In 2024, the Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA) and Health Canada finalised a regulatory pathway confirming that gene-edited crops can be assessed in the same way as traditional varieties, provided they do not introduce novel risks. However, this has also drawn criticism, particularly around transparency and the absence of mandatory labelling.
Special considerations

Despite its advantages, GM technology raises several important considerations. The first is that while GM crops are extensively evaluated for safety, critics note potential unintended genetic effects and impacts on biodiversity. One practical concern is cross-contamination in relation to organic farming. Pollen flow and seed mixing can affect organic certification, particularly for crops like canola where genetic traits have spread widely.

A second area is that GM and gene-edited seeds are typically patented. Consequently, farmers may face restrictions on saving seed and increased dependence on seed companies.

Third comes public opinion, which in Canada, remains mixed and nuanced. There is generally high trust in the food safety system, but this does not necessarily translate into confidence in GM foods themselves. Around 52% of Canadians report uncertainty about consuming genetically engineered foods. The same survey finds that consumers tend to be more comfortable with plant-based GM foods and less comfortable with animal-based genetic modification.

Ottawa backs a Quebec steelmaker’s $52M automation bet

Digital Journal Staff

July 2, 2026 

Canadian Foreign Minister Melanie Joly speaks during the G7 meeting of foreign ministers in Quebec – Copyright AFP Sebastien ST-JEAN

ADF Group has been automating steel fabrication for 15 years. Now Ottawa is writing a cheque to help it go further.

The federal government announced a $12.5 million investment today through the Strategic Response Fund in ADF Group Inc.’s $52.3 million project to upgrade its fabrication plants in Terrebonne and Métabetchouan, Que.

“Canada’s steel industry is a cornerstone of our economic strength and a driver of our industrial future,” says Minister of Industry Mélanie Joly. “This investment in ADF Group Inc. aligns with our government’s plan to support Canadian workers, strengthen domestic manufacturing and build economic resilience.”

The Terrebonne facility is getting new equipment to fulfill a multi-year Hydro-Québec power pylon contract. The Métabetchouan plant, home to recently acquired subsidiary Groupe LAR, is being modernized for heavy steel structures in the hydroelectric sector. The government says the project will create at least 100 jobs and maintain more than 525.

What the press release doesn’t mention is the technology foundation underneath. ADF has invested $30 million in robotization over 15 years and says it became a North American pioneer in automated steel fabrication.

Its Terrebonne plant has 10 production bays, one of them fully automated. The company says its robotic equipment is meant to increase productivity, use raw materials more efficiently, and expand production capacity.

Its most recent quarterly earnings disclosed $9 million in capital expenditure that included an ERP software overhaul alongside the physical expansion.

ADF’s backlog is now 72% Canadian, a useful shift after the company said tariff uncertainty weighed on revenues in the comparable quarter last year.

The Groupe LAR acquisition, which closed in September 2025, brought an order book of $104.5 million and positioned ADF for Hydro-Québec’s Action Plan 2035, which calls for up to $185 billion in total energy infrastructure investment over the next decade.

“In the current context of U.S. tariffs, it’s more important than ever to strengthen our supply chain and support our manufacturers so that they remain among the best performing in North America,” says Quebec Minister of Economy Bernard Drainville.

The federal money is flowing through the Strategic Response Fund, which backs automation, AI, and advanced technologies alongside traditional industrial capacity.

In May, the same fund put $76.2 million into Tenaris for a $305.9 million steel modernization at Sault Ste. Marie, Ont. In each case, the federal money followed private capital that was already committed.

Across the broader economy, only 12% of Canadian businesses used AI in production between mid-2024 and mid-2025, while 27% of manufacturing workers are 55 or older, with 40,000 retirements expected annually through 2031.

The federal co-investment followed 15 years of robotics spending. ADF had the automated floor when the contracts came.

Final shots

ADF Group has invested $30 million in robotics over 15 years. The $52.3 million upgrade extends a technology foundation that was already in place, not a greenfield bet.

The Strategic Response Fund backs automation, AI, and advanced technologies alongside physical industrial capacity. The Tenaris and ADF investments show the money is moving.

Tariff uncertainty hurt ADF’s comparable quarter last year. Its latest backlog, now 72% Canadian, shows why domestic capacity is becoming more than a political talking point

What is the SSPX? Understanding The Traditionalist Catholic Group In Schism With Rome – Analysis

July 3, 2026
EWTN News
By Daniel Payne

Key Takeaways

Schismatic Act & Immediate Vatican Response — The SSPX’s July 1 consecration of four bishops without papal approval led to automatic excommunication for those involved and a formal declaration of schism by the Vatican, repeating the 1988 crisis under Lefebvre.

SSPX Background & Ongoing Tension — Founded in 1970 by Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre as a traditionalist group opposing Vatican II reforms (especially the Novus Ordo Mass, ecumenism, and collegiality), the SSPX operates globally with hundreds of priests but lacks full canonical status.

Path to Reconciliation — The Vatican issued guidance for SSPX priests seeking reintegration (requiring a personal letter to the Pope, profession of faith, and probation), while lay participation in SSPX Masses remains valid but generally discouraged except in limited cases.

Analysis

One day after the Society of St. Pius X (SSPX) consecrated four bishops without the permission of Pope Leo XIV, the Vatican issued a decree declaring that the bishops involved in the consecrations have incurred automatic excommunication and that the group is in schism.

In a defiant move and despite repeated pleadings from Rome not to move forward, the SSPX went ahead on July 1 with the consecration of four new bishops without a pontifical mandate — an act of open disobedience to the authority of the pope that, under canon law, carries automatic excommunication for the six bishops involved.

The SSPX is a controversial fraternity of priests known for their strict traditional celebration of the Latin Mass and opposition to the reforms of the Second Vatican Council.

The animating principle of the group is “the priesthood and all that pertains to it and nothing but what concerns it,” SSPX says on its website. The group was founded in 1970 by Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre, a French prelate who was a sharp critic of many of the changes brought about by Vatican II.

In addition to the modern revisions of the Mass, Lefebvre also opposed “ecumenism — a viewpoint which considered all religions as beneficial and valid — and collegiality — which insisted that the Church be ruled primarily by the democratic process and bishops’ conferences,” according to the group’s website.

The group runs priories, chapels, and missions around the world as well as seminaries. It commands several hundred priests and a few hundred more seminarians.

Perhaps the group’s most controversial moment came in 1988 when Lefebvre consecrated four bishops in Écône, Switzerland, in explicit defiance of Pope John Paul II. Within hours the Vatican declared that Lefebvre and the four bishops had incurred excommunication on themselves.

In his motu proprio Ecclesia Dei, John Paul argued that it was “impossible to remain faithful to the tradition while breaking the ecclesial bond with him to whom, in the person of the apostle Peter, Christ himself entrusted the ministry of unity in his Church.”

Pope Benedict XVI lifted this excommunication in 2009, though he explained in a letter that SSPX does not have canonical status and therefore “its ministers do not exercise legitimate ministries in the Church.”

Pope Francis further expanded the group’s privileges, ordering during the 2015–2016 Extraordinary Jubilee of Mercy that confessions heard by SSPX priests were valid; he subsequently extended this order indefinitely.

In 2017, meanwhile, he ​​approved a way for the group’s priests to witness marriages validly, giving diocesan bishops or other local ordinaries the ability to authorize such decisions.

Ahead of the schismatic consecrations on July 1, Pope Leo XIV issued a final appeal to the society not to proceed with the ceremony.

The Holy Father urged the group to “consider the spiritual good of the faithful carefully,” as the schismatic act “would deprive them of the licit and, in some cases, even valid reception of the sacraments, which they love and seek for their sanctification.”

The Dicastery for Doctrine of the Faith, meanwhile, on July 2 released guidance to bishops around the world for welcoming back former adherents to the SSPX after the schismatic act.

A priest who leaves the fraternity must find a diocesan bishop or a major superior willing to receive him, after which he must “write by hand a letter to the Holy Father” asking for the remission of the excommunication.

The priest must also provide his certificate of ordination and make both a profession of faith and a formula of adherence.

The dicastery will move to remit the censure “as soon as it receives the documents,” after which the priest, under the bishop who received him, will be subject to a probationary period “of at least one year and no more than three.”

Penalties for the lay faithful, meanwhile, “cannot be presumed automatically but must be assessed case by case.”

Though historically the faithful have not been strictly prohibited from attending SSPX Masses, Church leaders have in several instances warned Catholics against doing so except in serious circumstances.

“The Masses they [SSPX] celebrate are also valid, but it is considered morally illicit for the faithful to participate in these Masses unless they are physically or morally impeded from participating in a Mass celebrated by a Catholic priest in good standing,” Monsignor Camille Perl, then-secretary of the Pontifical Commission Ecclesia Dei, said in 1995.

A 1998 letter by Perl noted that the “schismatic mentality” of SSPX led the pontifical commission to “consistently [discourage] the faithful from attending Masses celebrated under the aegis of the Society of St. Pius X.”

About EWTN News
EWTN News is the rebranding of the Catholic News Agency (CNA), following the decision by EWTN — which was launched as a Catholic television network in 1981 by Mother Angelica, PCPA — that brings CNA and its affiliated ACI international outlets under a single, unified identity. Previous CNA articles may be foundby clicking here.
View all posts by EWTN News →

War Crimes Prosecutions Against Israel: What The Lebanon Framework Agreement Allows – Analysis

July 3, 2026

 Arab News

By Najia Houssari

Key Takeaways

Framework Does Not Waive Legal Rights — Lebanese PM Nawaf Salam (former ICJ president) insists the US-brokered agreement only suspends legal action against Israel during good-faith negotiations. He argues war crimes accountability is a jus cogens norm that cannot be surrendered.

Temporary Suspension for Diplomacy — Lebanon has chosen to pause prosecutions (e.g., at the ICC) to facilitate the deal, but reserves the right to resume if Israel breaches terms. Past precedents (Algeria, South Africa) are cited to support this approach.

Extensive Alleged Violations Documented — The article highlights potential war crimes (widespread destruction, forced displacement, targeting of civilians/journalists/hospitals) that Lebanon continues to document via UN channels for future legal action, with no statute of limitations.

Analysis

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam reassured critics that the US-brokered framework agreement with Israel does not prevent Lebanon from pursuing legal action over alleged Israeli war crimes, insisting the accord merely suspends such action while negotiations proceed in good faith.

The clarification came after Clause 13 of the framework agreement sparked criticism from legal experts, activists and opposition figures, who argued that its wording could undermine Lebanon’s ability to hold Israel accountable before international courts.

Speaking in a televised address on Wednesday evening, Salam rejected those concerns, saying Lebanon had “not given up any right.”

The clause, he explained, “stipulates the halting or suspension of the right to resort to international courts for as long as negotiations are proceeding in good faith.”

Salam, a former president of the International Court of Justice, argued that international humanitarian law does not permit states to waive accountability for war crimes. Under the Fourth Geneva Convention, he said, such rights fall within peremptory norms of international law, or jus cogens, and therefore cannot be surrendered through political agreements.

Article 13 of the framework states that Lebanon and Israel, “in line with their shared goals to establish stable and peaceful relations,” will take “good faith measures” including refraining from “all hostile or adverse actions in international political or legal fora.”

Critics, however, argued that the clause is too “broadly worded”, raising concerns that it could hinder Lebanon’s ability to pursue future war crimes cases against Israel before international courts, including the International Criminal Court, or that Israel could cite the agreement to challenge Lebanese complaints before international courts or the United Nations.


Opponents warned that, if interpreted broadly, the provision could effectively delay accountability for alleged Israeli violations committed since the war began in October 2023, which killed thousands of people and devastated entire villages in southern Lebanon.

A constitutional source told Arab News that the decision on whether to prosecute Israel rests with the Lebanese state, which has the authority to determine if and when to initiate legal proceedings.

“The right to prosecute Israel is guaranteed under both the Constitution and international law, and no one can prevent the Lebanese state from exercising it,” the source said.

“However, the state may consider the current circumstances unfavorable and choose to initiate legal proceedings at a more opportune time.”

The source rejected claims that signing the framework agreement would bind Lebanon to Israel, stressing that the right to prosecute is recognized under international law.

“Even if Lebanon signed the framework agreement stipulating that clause, its right to pursue legal action would supersede any such agreement.”

The source noted that war crimes do not have a statute of limitations. Peremptory norms of international law, such as the Geneva Conventions and the Vienna Convention, invalidate any political agreement that waives the state’s right to prosecute perpetrators of these crimes.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights had previously sent a team to Lebanon to assess the impact of the attacks on civilians and infrastructure, in a move to strengthen existing efforts to document violations.

In his address, Salam said Deputy Prime Minister Tarek Mitri’s trip to Geneva was also part of a continuing effort to document every Israeli war crime and violation through Lebanon’s channels there, building a case to be wielded as a “deterrent legal weapon” in the international courts should the talks go astray.

Salam pointed to past peace negotiations in which parties temporarily suspended legal proceedings to facilitate political settlements, citing Algeria’s National Liberation Front during the Évian Accords and the African National Congress in South Africa.

A Lebanese official source following the Lebanese-Israeli negotiations confirmed to Arab News that Lebanon decided during the negotiation phase to temporarily suspend legal action against Israel, based on the good faith outlined in the framework agreement, until the current phase concludes.

However, the source said Lebanon will take “further action” if Israel breaches the implementation of everything agreed upon in the framework.

The withdrawal phase, according to the pilot zones agreement, remains suspended by the Israeli side. The official source told Arab News that Israel continues to link the withdrawal to political and security considerations.

The legal debate carries significant implications given the scale of alleged violations that Lebanon says could eventually form the basis of future prosecutions.

Among the alleged violations that could be prosecuted before the ICC is the widespread destruction of dozens of towns and residential neighborhoods in southern Lebanon. Demolition operations have continued even after the framework agreement was signed in Washington, according to Lebanese officials.

The Rome Statute considers the widespread destruction of property, when not militaryly necessary, a war crime requiring accountability.

Israeli violations include targeting bridges, roads, and civilian infrastructure, which are objects of special protection under international humanitarian law.

The violations also include the displacement of more than 1.2 million people from their homes as a result of direct Israeli evacuation notices.

The Rome Statute criminalizes the deportation or forcible transfer of civilian populations when carried out through coercion or compulsory acts.

Amnesty International has previously accused Israel of forcible displacement and the destruction of infrastructure in southern Lebanon.

Among the violations are the targeting of hospitals, doctors, paramedics, and journalists.

These are civilians whose protection is guaranteed under international law, and the rules of humanitarian law affirm that deliberately attacking these groups, when the elements of the crime are met, constitutes war crimes that are not subject to statutes of limitations.

The total number of journalists and photographers killed by Israeli rockets reached 26, with dozens more wounded, including some who sustained permanent disabilities.

The Lebanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs had previously submitted two complaints against Israel to the Security Council on June 10 and 11 of last year, due to the Israeli army’s spraying of glyphosate over a number of border Lebanese villages.


The ministry highlighted in its complaints that the Chemical Weapons Convention prohibits the use of herbicides as a method of warfare, in addition to the Israeli army’s targeting of a Lebanese military vehicle, which resulted in the martyrdom of two officers and a soldier.

It called upon the UN to condemn this targeting, take the necessary immediate measures, and ensure compliance with the UN Charter and international resolutions.

The latest data from the Lebanese Ministry of Health indicates that 4,230 people have been killed and more than 12,000 wounded during the recent war that broke out since last March 2.

About Arab News
Arab News is Saudi Arabia's first English-language newspaper. It was founded in 1975 by Hisham and Mohammed Ali Hafiz. Today, it is one of 29 publications produced by Saudi Research & Publishing Company (SRPC), a subsidiary of Saudi Research & Marketing Group (SRMG).
View all posts by Arab News →

 Moldova’s Push To Limit Gagauz Autonomy Risks Destabilizing Southeastern Europe – Analysis

Location of Gagauzia in Moldova

July 3, 2026 
By Paul Goble

Key Takeaways

Moldova is seeking to restrict further the autonomy of Gagauzia, its Christian Turkic region, ahead of a July 7 Constitutional Court ruling that would strip the region of its remaining self-governance rights under the 1994 accord, including control over its own elections.

Chisinau frames this crackdown as necessary because Gagauz leaders have grown closer to Moscow. This move risks backfiring on Chisinau by slowing Moldova’s European Union accession process, strengthening arguments for union with Romania, and hardening Gagauz demands for independence under the 1994 framework.

Moldova’s internal affairs appear likely to escalate into a wider crisis, potentially sparking tensions in eastern Europe and even leading to a military clash between Russia and Romania, a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member state.

Analysis

A seemingly internal dispute over election procedures in Moldova has the potential to destabilize southeastern Europe. This development could complicate Western support for Ukraine amid Russia’s war and contribute to a broader escalation of tensions between Moscow and the West. The dispute over the status of Gagauzia, officially the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia, is unfolding as the Moldovan government seeks to further restrict the autonomy of the country’s Christian Turkic region by requiring all electoral candidates to be vetted by the central government. While such vetting is already in place in other regions, this move would eliminate one of the last remaining powers granted to the Gagauz people under the 1994 agreement that ended a civil war and preserved Moldova’s territorial integrity (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, June 29).

Chisinau argues that this step is necessary because Gagauz leaders have increasingly aligned themselves with Moscow rather than local interests, with Russia historically using Gagauzia and Transnistria as instruments to keep Moldova within its sphere of influence (see EDM, March 20, 21, September 7, 2024). The European Union has also reported that these recent developments are coming to a head, with Moldova’s Constitutional Court expected to issue a ruling on July 7, which is likely to support the central government’s position (Council of the European Union, June 15).

Chisinau’s moves are already having consequences. Moldova’s application to open European Union accession talks, already slowed by Hungary, may face further delays due to developments involving Gagauzia (Politico Europe, June 23). The European Union was among the most enthusiastic supporters of the 1994 accord between Chisinau and Gagauzia, later enshrined in Moldovan law and widely celebrated as a model for the peaceful resolution of ethnic conflicts in the former Soviet space. To the extent that Chisinau’s actions effectively void that accord and raise the possibility that violence contained may now reappear, other European countries may be less enthusiastic about admitting Moldova, particularly given the European Union’s emphasis on regional policies. That reaction, in turn, has already prompted some Moldovan officials to declare that they will pursue what they call “Plan B” by seeking EU membership through union with Romania (Euractiv, June 2). In that event, the Gagauz would likely seek independence.


Moldova’s government has sufficient police powers to suppress Gagauz protests in the short term, absent outside intervention. Using these powers could further alienate EU member states and increase the likelihood of union with Romania, effectively integrating present-day Moldova into the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) framework. That prospect would almost certainly prompt Moscow to act quickly to avoid facing another fait accompli to its west, potentially triggering a military conflict between Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Russia and NATO and EU member country Romania. Some Russian commentators have already suggested the possibility of such a reaction (Rhythm of Eurasia, June 30).

The course of events cannot be predicted with certainty, but there is little doubt that such a scenario would deepen divisions within the West and further intensify the crisis in relations between Moscow and the West that has unfolded since Putin invaded Ukraine. If Putin seeks to attack a NATO member state, the deteriorating relationship between Chisinau and the Gagauz could make Moldova a flashpoint, even though Russia does not share a common border with the country.


The possibility that these developments could unfold in the near future is suggested by comments made during a June 29 session of the People’s Assembly of Gagauzia. Although the Assembly’s term in office ended last year amid disputes over the election, its members have continued to meet independently. Participants suggested that Chisinau’s recent actions regarding Gagauzia’s autonomous status constitute the complete cancellation of the terms of the 1994 agreement that the Moldovan government passed into law. The agreement gave the Gagauz many rights, including control over their own elections and the right to declare independence should Moldova ever decide to unite with Romania (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, June 29).

With few exceptions, that arrangement remained in place until 2020, when current Moldovan President Maia Sandu, committed to breaking with Moscow and siding with the West, came to power and began rolling back the provisions of the 1994 accord. In the view of many Gagauz, Sandu has already eliminated most of the rights guaranteed under that agreement, except control over their own elections, and there are now concerns that even this remaining power may be taken away.

The day before the assembly meeting, Moldova’s president infuriated people of the region by declaring that the Gagauz “do not have genuine autonomy” because decisions are not being made independently but rather “by someone in Moscow.” Sandu further stated that the current arrangement was invented in the Kremlin and that it must stop. Until the Gagauz “listen less to Moscow,” she said, “elections [in Gagauzia] will continue to be postponed” (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, June 29).

Participants at the Gagauz meeting responded by asserting that they are a distinct people and that all provisions of the 1994 accord must be upheld, including the right to autonomy in governing its own elections. They also warned that continued pressure from Chisinau would have serious consequences for Moldova’s future. According to Valery Yanioglo, former deputy chairman of the Gagauz Executive Committee and a participant at the meeting, “the central authorities must understand that the greater the pressure they put on the autonomous region, the stronger will be the desire of our people to resolve issues independently” (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, June 29). Such language suggests that an increasing number of Gagauz are considering independence not only as a right, recognized by the Moldovan government, but also as a possible option sooner if the central authorities continue their current drive to assert full control over the autonomy.


There is still time for compromise. The Moldovan Supreme Court could issue a decision granting the Gagauz some of their demands, Chisinau could offer concessions, and European actors could display greater understanding of the security pressures Chisinau faces from Russia. This would help avert a situation in which Russian actions involving Gagauzia derail the opening of EU accession talks. The clock is ticking, and the window for compromise is narrowing compared to the past (see EDM, February 29, 2024). This is particularly the case as the stakes remain high and Putin stands ready to exploit the situation (Rhythm of Eurasia, June 30).

This article was published by The Jamestown Foundation


About Paul Goble
Paul Goble is a longtime specialist on ethnic and religious questions in Eurasia. Most recently, he was director of research and publications at the Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy. Earlier, he served as vice dean for the social sciences and humanities at Audentes University in Tallinn and a senior research associate at the EuroCollege of the University of Tartu in Estonia. He has served in various capacities in the U.S. State Department, the Central Intelligence Agency and the International Broadcasting Bureau as well as at the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Mr. Goble maintains the Window on Eurasia blog and can be contacted directly at paul.goble@gmail.com .
View all posts by Paul Goble →

Moldova’s prime minister resigns after corruption scandal at air traffic control company

Alexandru Munteanu haș been prime minister for just eight months. / gov.mdFacebookTwitterLinkedIn

TelegramFlipboardFeedly

By Iulian Ernst in Bucharest July 3, 2026

Moldovan Prime Minister Alexandru Munteanu announced his resignation on July 3, saying he could no longer carry out his mandate "in accordance with my principles and convictions", less than a year after taking office.

Munteanu steps down as Moldova prepares European Union accession negotiations amid growing political tensions and heightened scrutiny of the government's anti-corruption agenda.

"I accepted the offer to become prime minister with great responsibility and the firm belief that I could bring about positive change. When I realised that I could no longer fulfil my mandate in accordance with my principles and convictions, I decided to step down," Munteanu said, according to Deschide.md.

Under Moldova's constitution, the cabinet will continue to serve in a caretaker capacity with limited powers until a new government is sworn in.

President Maia Sandu said, at a brief press conference after Munteanu's resignation, that she expected to nominate a new prime minister within one to three weeks.

Munteanu did not disclose the reasons behind his decision. However, local media have reported unconfirmed disagreements between the prime minister and President Sandu over proposals for a broader overhaul of the management of state-owned companies and public institutions.

The resignation comes days after a corruption scandal involving state-owned air navigation company MoldATSA, where investigations uncovered irregular appointments and remuneration, including the hiring of Sandu's cousin, Anastasia Taburceanu. The affair has fuelled criticism of the government's governance practices and renewed scrutiny of Sandu's influence over appointments to senior public positions.

Sandu denied that tensions with Munteanu had prompted his resignation. "There were no contradictions. Both I and Mr. Munteanu work with integrity and honesty," she said. "This week I had several discussions with the prime minister about the reforms that have sparked numerous debates in society. There were no tense discussions at all."

She also dismissed reports of a late-night meeting preceding the resignation, saying a planned discussion had not taken place because Parliament Speaker Igor Grosu was unavailable.

Munteanu thanked ministers, civil servants and government staff for their work and said he would continue serving Moldova regardless of whether he remained in public office.

"I believe that duty to the country is not related to the position, but to the commitment we maintain," he said.

Munteanu, a businessman with previous activities in Ukraine, became prime minister on November 1, 2025, after the pro-European Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) won the parliamentary elections. 

POST MODERN PRESS GANG

Russia Struggles To Recruit For Ukraine War And Now Resorts To Forcing Men Into Service

July 3, 2026 
By RFE RL

(RFE/RL) — One Russian woman sobbed hysterically as the group of men sat calmly in the darkness of a white minivan; another yelled at a soldier in camouflage fatigues as he slammed the van’s door. Another wept and made the sign of a cross at one of the men: “Lyosha! I love you!”

“Guys, tell me, did everyone sign the contract? Was it voluntary?” a woman who filmed the June 17 incident in Penza, a regional capital of a half million southeast of Moscow, asked the men. “Were you forced to do it?”

As the minivan moved to drive away, another woman stood in front of it, trying to stop it.

According to witnesses and relatives with whom RFE/RL spoke, the men had been detained a day earlier, taken off the streets, forcibly moved to a military recruitment office, and forced to sign contracts that would result in them being sent to fight in Ukraine.


“Of course, all of this looks like illegal coercion. My father had no intention of going to war; we discussed this with him,” one woman said. “I see no explanation for this, other than threats, violence, or pressure.”

Like all the people RFE/RL spoke to, she asked not to be named, or to use a pseudonym, to avoid prosecution by authorities.

In Russia’s all-out war, now in its fifth year, Ukrainian forces have fought Russian troops to a virtual stalemate, with Moscow struggling to eke out substantive battlefield gains.

The cost to both sides is eye-watering; Russia has suffered nearly 500,000 war dead, according to British intelligence and other Western estimates, and the tally of wounded is at least twice that.

While both sides have struggled to replace casualties, Russia has had more success, using generous financial incentives, as well as coercion and threats.

This year, however, has seen an inflection point, experts say.

There are growing rumors that the Kremlin may seek to call a second mass mobilization possibly as early as this fall, something that was a tectonic shock for Russian society the first time it happened, in September 2022.

In the meantime, recruiters appear to be increasingly relying on forcible methods of getting men to agree — or submit — to fighting in Ukraine. In Penza, residents said police have moved from detaining men on city streets, and started going door-to-door.

Lyudmila, a resident of the town of Kamenka, west of Penza, said she spent several days outside the main Penza recruiting office trying unsuccessfully to locate her son who, she said, had been abducted off the street.

“This is outrageous. People are basically being kidnapped. Something needs to be done, but I don’t know what,” she said.

Two days after the video was published on the social network VK, law enforcement authorities called the reports of men being forced to sign contracts “untrue.” The video was later taken down by VK.

In Ukraine, It’s Called ‘Busification’

In Ukraine, the practice of grabbing potential military-eligible men off the streets, and hauling them to recruiting offices, is hugely controversial. Ukrainian call the practice “busification” — the word “bus” referring to the vans that officials prowl the streets in, searching for draft-dodgers and other military-age men.

With the exception of President Vladimir Putin’s September 2022 mobilization decree — which largely targeted military reservists — authorities have been able to avoid ordering mandatory service — like a full nationwide draft.

Officials have used a mix of federal and regional budget payments, and other incentives, to persuade hundreds of thousands of men to voluntarily sign contracts to fight in Ukraine. The flood of money has had an outsized impact in more rural, poorer regions of Russia.

Officials have also bent the rules on sending conscripts to fight, something largely prohibited under the law. Recruiters have cajoled and coerced conscripts into signing contracts just months into their first year of mandatory service.

In one example, a conscript sent to a military camp on the Pacific island of Sakhalin reported an officer ordering soldiers on punitive marches to get them to sign — or even forging signatures on volunteer contracts.

Authorities have also relied on prison inmates to fight, dangling the offer of a pardon to convicts to agree to be sent to the front. And they’ve targeted foreign migrant workers, offering an expedited route to Russian citizenship if they agree to fight.

This year, Ukrainian drone attacks have been close to keeping pace with Russia’s recruitment pipeline, experts said, and that has forced Russian recruiters to increase wages and bonuses for new volunteers.

And, as in the case in Penza, prompted them to use more physical methods.
Another woman in Penza, Margarita, said her son had been detained and taken to the enlistment center without any documents. They processed paperwork to send him to Ukraine in an hour, she said.

“He managed to call me up and quietly said, ‘They’re taking me to Ukraine,’” she told RFE/RL. “You could tell he’d already resigned himself to going.

“’I shouted: ‘Why did you sign it?’” she said. “He replied: ‘I had to.’ I’m sure he was beaten. He wasn’t planning to go to the war.”

‘People Are Being Snatched Right Off The Streets’

Rights activists claim that the practice of detaining men arbitrarily and forcing them to sign contracts to fight is showing up in other regions aside from Penza.

Authorities detain men under the pretext of checking identification, said Valery, a lawyer who provides legal counsel to soldiers. The goal is to see if they’re wanted for desertion or if they’re migrants who recently received Russian citizenship but haven’t registered with their local recruiting office.

“People are being snatched right off the streets,” he said. “Previously it was mostly drunken passersby who were targeted, now they’re picking up men of any age and in any condition.”

“It’s now widespread throughout the country,” he said.

In the Pacific port city of Vladivostok, 26-year-old Yaroslav Kubov was detained on June 9 as he returned home from a friend’s birthday party. Kubov’s relative Igor said two men wearing civilian clothes invited him for a beer, and after he declined, they grabbed him and drove him out of town.

Kubov was beaten and yelled at, and authorities issued him a new passport and military ID card and sent him to Rostov-on-Don, a southern city that serves as a military transit point to nearby Ukraine, where Igor said he contacted relatives five days later.

He had no reason to want to fight in Ukraine; he was not in need of money, Igor told RFE/RL, adding that he and other relatives have been filing appeals with military police and prosecutors.

“If he doesn’t escape, there’ll be no way to get him out legally,” Igor said.

Artyom Nikolayev, another Penza resident, said his 53-year-old relative was detained while returning home late from work, and was forced to sign a contract. He said he and his family spent three weeks searching for him before he contacted them from Rostov-on-Don.

“He’s in shock, of course, and we’re all in shock here. It’s simply dangerous for men to walk the streets in Penza right now,” he told RFE/RL. “Doesn’t matter if you’re elderly, sober, or have documents; anyone can be grabbed.”

‘Like A Cow To Slaughter’

Arina, a resident of Spassk, a town northwest of Penza, said her neighbor Sergei’s door was broken down on June 19 by authorities looking for him.

“They yelled at him to ‘show his documents, right now.’ He refused, so they kicked the door down” and took him to a waiting minivan, she told RFE/RL. “I don’t know where he is now.”

“This isn’t just happening in Penza. Traffic police and bailiff vans are driving around,” she said. “Now it’s not just the streets that are dangerous; soon we’ll have to hide at home to avoid being broken into.”

Arina said another relative in the village of Kamenka argued with police and court bailiffs who claimed he was in arrears for a loan. When authorities sought to forcibly take him away, the man’s children held onto him, and his wife tried to keep him from being dragged off.

“They wrenched his arm, kicked off the children, and dragged him out of the house.

Once he was in the car, she managed to hand over copies of the loan documents, she said. “But they clearly didn’t care. The goal was to get him to the recruitment office. Like a cow to slaughter.”

There have been similar stories for several years, said Artyom Klyga, a lawyer with the nongovernmental organization Conscientious Objectors, but they have attracted outsize attention in Penza due to scope of the detention raids, and the outcry from relatives.

“Often you don’t need to beat or torture a person. It’s enough to just intimidate them with the potential consequences for themselves or their families,” Klyga told RFE/RL. “People are under intense psychological pressure and make decisions out of fear.”


About RFE RL
RFE/RL journalists report the news in 21 countries where a free press is banned by the government or not fully established.
View all posts by RFE RL →