Tuesday, July 28, 2026

Ecosocialism That Doesn’t Address Animal Agriculture Isn’t Serious



July 27, 2026

Pigs in a confined feeding factory in the Midwest. Photo: EPA.

I was disappointed to learn the Building for Power campaign, put forward by the Green New Deal Campaign Commission of the Democratic Socialists of America, doesn’t seem to address the enormous environmental damage caused by animal agriculture. Building for Power focuses on four areas: energy, transit, housing, and public spaces. Unfortunately, our food system is a massive contributor to climate change, and it’s hard to take seriously an ecosocialism which doesn’t recognize this and plan accordingly.

I should begin by acknowledging the reasons why I suspect greenhouse-gas emissions associated with animal agriculture aren’t addressed by Building for Power. The first is any critical discussion of meat and other animal products is sure to spark a right-wing backlash. The second is that suggestions for addressing environmental harms caused by animal agriculture are often individualistic in nature. Of course, just because a discussion represents a political third rail doesn’t make it any less necessary, and potential solutions needn’t be so focused on consumer choices, oblivious to the economic forces which help shape them.

“Conservative estimates by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization say animal agriculture is responsible for 14.5 percent of all greenhouse gas emissions globally (the industry has lobbied to reduce that estimate further, and were successful recently to now say about 12 percent),” Will Potter writes in his excellent 2025 book, Little Red Barns. “Some estimates put animal agriculture’s contributions higher, at 28 percent to 37 percent. A report by the WorldWatch Institute placed it at a minimum of 51 percent.” The author noted these numbers don’t factor in the carbon opportunity costs of rewilding land associated with animal agriculture.

There are many ways ecosocialists could plausibly use the levers of government to encourage a transition to a more environmentally-friendly food system. One method would be a massive increase in state and federal funding into alternative-protein research, in the hopes vegan and cultivated options can achieve price and taste parity with animal-based protein. Consumers frequently cite these two factors to explain why they don’t adopt alternative options. For those who aren’t aware, cultivated meat is grown from livestock cells, without killing. Scientists believe the product, which remains in early stages of development, will eventually require a fraction of the greenhouse-gas emissions necessary to produce slaughtered meat.

In professional taste-test panels run by the nonprofit Food Systems Innovations, no existing plant-based options fully satisfied omnivores’ expectations, though the Impossible Burger came close, according to Good Food Institute founder Bruce Friedrich in his fantastic 2026 book, Meat. This makes sense, given Impossible spent years and millions of dollars developing the product. I see no reason, however, why it can’t be improved upon, with the help of artificial intelligence and further human research.

A significant problem for the plant-based sector is there is a wide variation in quality and those products which come closest to meeting omnivores’ desires are often significantly more expensive than traditional meat. Ecosocialists could help address this with publicly-funded, open-access research into vegan meat. The goal, of course, would be to make the taste of Impossible Burgers the plant-based sector’s floor, as opposed to its ceiling, and improve upon taste from there. Such research would aim to lower the costs as well.

In contrast to plant-based meat, cultivated meat is identical to incumbent options at a cellular level. Unfortunately, I’ve yet to try the product, which has only been sold in a handful of restaurants, but I’ve heard — aside from an occasional comment saying the texture needs further work — the taste is indistinguishable from slaughtered meat. The main barriers to cultivated products appearing in your local grocery store are various technological hurdles which, for now, render the protein too expensive to mass produce.

Ecosocialists should back the creation of facilities like the Tufts University Center for Cellular Agriculture at schools across the country. “Our goal is to do really good research, and propel educational opportunities for students as the field grows, and the field will grow,” TUCCA’s director, David Kaplan, said to Tufts Daily. “At the same time we try and build partnerships with industry to understand where their needs are going forward.” I have no doubt that, working together, government-backed scientists can overcome the technological hurdles impeding the mass production of cultivated meat.

TUCCA has been funded with an initial $10-million grant from President Joe Biden’s Department of Agriculture, supplemented by $2 million from Massachusetts Governor Maura Healey’s administration. More recently, Senator Adam Schiff and Representative Julia Brownley introduced a bill that would allocate more than $500 million toward the research and development of alternative proteins, including cultivated meat. Surely self-avowed ecosocialists can offer more robust funding to this effort to usher in an environmentally-friendly food system than centrist Democrats like Biden, Healey, Schiff and Brownley.

Animal agriculture is a leading cause of greenhouse-gas emissions. Ecosocialists refusing to acknowledge this, and making their policy platform reflect that reality, due to political inconvenience, isn’t so different from climate denialism. It’s especially egregious given moderate liberals appear willing to engage with the issue. The Democratic Socialists of America‘s Building for Power campaign should include animal agriculture as an area of focus and agitate for a host of government interventions intended to transition the country toward an agricultural system centered on greater consumption of plant-based and cultivated proteins.

Jon Hochschartner is the author of a number of books about animal-rights history, including The Animals’ Freedom Fighter, Ingrid Newkirk, and Puppy Killer, Leave Town. He blogs at SFAmerica.Substack.Com 



Remembering Richard Heinberg, Who Challenged Us to Live Well and Love the Earth

What Richard would want is for each of us to redouble our efforts toward his vision of people and nature thriving within ecological limits. One full of bird song, music, and laughter.



Richard Heinberg, formerly a senior fellow of the Post Carbon Institute, reads aloud to a chicken from his book Power: Limits and Prospects for Human Survival.
(Photo via Ever Loved)

Asher Miller
Jul 27, 2026
Resilience


This is the hardest article I’ve ever had to write.

On Sunday July 19th we lost our kind, brilliant friend and colleague, Richard Heinberg.

The world has lost a voice of clear, truth-telling wisdom—a man whose work reached millions of people and fundamentally changed the lives of thousands. Perhaps that includes you. It certainly does me.

Richard died after a short, brutal illness. He was diagnosed with pancreatic cancer just two weeks before his passing. As you can imagine, we’re reeling and gutted.

In ways big and small, Richard displayed humility, gentleness, and joy—especially for someone grappling with such complex and difficult subject matter.

If Richard’s contributions impacted you in any way, we’d love to hear your reflections. Please visit his memorial site to share your own stories or learn more about Richard.

Countless people came to know Richard only through his books, articles, lectures, and interviews. Yet many felt as though they knew him personally. That was one of his remarkable gifts. He challenged people to face difficult truths without giving up on beauty, community, or the possibility of living well within Earth’s limits.

There’s so much I can and simply cannot say about Richard as a person and as a writer and teacher. Working alongside Richard for the last 18 years has been one of the biggest gifts in my life. In ways big and small, Richard displayed humility, gentleness, and joy—especially for someone grappling with such complex and difficult subject matter. An inveterate introvert, Richard was often quiet in groups but when he spoke it was additive, given with generosity, kindness, and humor, and always with a focus on the greater good.

When he wrote, on the other hand, it was with such powerful clarity, unflinching truth telling, and a talent for presenting complex issues in a brilliantly accessible way. He could weave together ecology, thermodynamics, history, anthropology, behavioral psychology, politics, and more into expansive explorations, as he did with his 14th and final book, Power: Limits and Prospects for Human Survival, or into succinct storytelling, as he did when narrating the award-winning animation, “300 Years of Fossil Fuels in 300 Seconds.” He could jump from writing about the collapse of industrial civilization to writing about what he learned from chickens. Perhaps the best example of Richard’s breadth is this recording of him playing the violin and giving a talk on “Post-Carbon Music” at the New England Conservatory of Music.

I’ll miss Richard’s smile, his laugh. I’ll miss the few times when I got to see him get mad at the stupidity or cowardice of those in power. I’ll miss hearing him talk about trying to conquer an early jazz tune or the simple joy he got from his afternoon chocolate or shot of espresso. I’ll desperately miss the way he could take my meandering ideas for topics to explore and turn them into brilliantly cogent essays in a matter of hours or days. I simply loved our collaborations.

While grieving and in shock, and frankly a little lost about how Post Carbon Institute will find its voice without him, I think what Richard would want is for each of us to redouble our efforts toward his vision of people and nature thriving within ecological limits. One full of bird song, music, and laughter.

We would love to hear from you. Please share your remembrances of Richard here.

With a heavy heart,

Asher Miller



© 2023 Resilience

Asher Miller
Asher Miller is the executive director of the Post Carbon Institute.
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California’s Wealth Tax: A Chance to Express Your Opinion on Billionaires


 July 27, 2026

Comerica Bank Building, Ventura Boulevard, LA. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

A coalition of progressive groups, led by the huge union SEIU-UHW, managed to get a one-time 5 percent wealth tax on the ballot this fall. The tax would apply to the assets over $1 billion held by the state’s 200 or so billionaires. This is a great opportunity for the people of California to tell billionaires what they think of them.

Over the last half-century, billionaires have become increasingly aggressive in stealing from the rest of us, as well as being more open in expressing their contempt for ordinary people who work for a living. It’s not uncommon to see billionaires like Peter Thiel and Elon Musk opining on issues like the need to deny the vote to inferior people, as in non-billionaires. And Elon Musk is, of course, best known for his boosterism of neo-Nazi political parties around the world.

In addition to pushing their hateful views on politics and society, the billionaire gang has also been using their wealth to increasingly dominate politics. Musk was the most open on this topic, spending almost $300 million to keep Donald Trump out of jail put Donald Trump in the White House. He promises to again be a big spender for Republicans in the midterms, as do many others in the billionaire club.

The billionaire crew has also been aggressively buying up media outlets and turning them into MAGA megaphones. Loyal Trump ally and Oracle founder Larry Ellison bought up Paramount and CBS and is now trying to buy Warner Brothers and CNN. He also was handed control of TikTok after Trump wrestled it away from a Chinese company. Newly registered Trump sycophants Mark Zuckerberg and Jeff Bezos own Facebook and the Washington Post, respectively. And Elon Musk bought Twitter, now “X,” to push his far-right politics.

And they use this power to give themselves big tax breaks and also government handouts. The latter take the form of government contracts as well as regulatory provisions to protect their companies.

The wealth tax is an opportunity to fight back against the billionaires. According to the proponents, the tax will raise over $100 billion over the next five years. (The billionaires have five years to pay the tax, but it is based on their assets as of December 31, 2025.) That calculation even allows for substantial avoidance.

This is real money even in the context of California’s budget. Its annual budget is currently a bit over $350 billion. If the state collects $100 billion over five years, it will be a bit less than 6 percent of projected spending. That will make a noticeable difference to the state budget, especially in a context where the federal government is making major cutbacks in state assistance in health care and other areas.

The referendum provides people with a clean vote on what they think of billionaires. The politicians who represent their interests are experts in providing smoke screens. They constantly warn people that if they vote against the billionaires’ candidates, their boys will be turned into girls in school at recess. Or that the immigrants who are mowing lawns or selling tacos from food trucks are actually rapists and murderers. But the referendum on the billionaire wealth tax allows even people who have these concerns to vote to reduce the wealth and power of the billionaires.

To my mind, this sort of wealth tax is not the perfect remedy for inequality. I was concerned that the tax would lead to an exodus of billionaires from the state. While California might be better off with fewer Elon Musk-types dominating public debate, it does collect substantial income tax revenue from the very rich. If too many billionaires fled the state to avoid the tax, it could end up a net revenue loser over the long run.

But the date for flight has already passed, so the state might as well impose its billionaire tax on the vast majority who have stayed. There is also the issue of the tax’s constitutionality. I have seen what seem like solid arguments from legal scholars that the tax does pass muster, but I don’t know anyone who will take a bet on how the MAGA Supreme Court will rule. In any case, it would be foolish to surrender prematurely.

In most of my writing, I have argued that it is best to structure the market differently so that we don’t end up with a small number of ridiculously rich people. Reducing the importance of government-granted patent and copyright monopolies is the most obvious way. That would prevent the fortunes of billionaires like Larry Ellison and Bill Gates, but there is a much longer list of reforms to finance and other sectors that would lead to a market that creates far less inequality.

Perhaps after the collapse of the AI bubble, we will be able to have a serious discussion of ways to structure the market that are both more efficient and lead to less inequality. But for now, we can focus on taking back some of the money we handed to the rich, and the California billionaire’s wealth tax is a good place to start.

This first appeared on Dean Baker’s Beat the Press blog.

Dean Baker is the senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, DC. 

Fragmented Britain: Seventh Prime Minister in a Decade


 July 27, 2026

Photograph Source: Sergeant Tom Robinson RLC/MOD – OGL v1.0

Just two years after the July 4, 2024, general election, in which Kier Starmer led the Labour Party to a landslide victory, his party has forced him out as prime minister. Andy Burnham has succeeded him, becoming the seventh prime minister of the United Kingdom in a decade – an unprecedented frequency of change of government in modern Britain. Under Starmer, Labour ended 14 years of Conservative Party rule, during which the Conservatives had five different prime ministers and had become associated with instability in domestic politics and foreign relations. The events surrounding Starmer’s short tenure in the Prime Minister’s official residence Downing Street and controversies that forced his resignation indicate that Labour may now be on a similar path.

This is particularly striking given that the party won an overwhelming parliamentary majority in 2024, securing 412 of the 650 seats in the House of Commons. A governing party elected with one of the strongest mandates in modern history now appears to be grappling with the same volatility that weakened the Conservatives. Burnham has already created a distinct “Starmer faction” within the Labour parliamentary Party by dismissing a large number of Starmer’s cabinet members, including Deputy Prime Minister David Lammy and Chancellor of the Exchequer (Finance Minister) Rachael Reeves, in one of the most sweeping cabinet reshuffles in recent British political history.

The political system in the United Kingdom has not been the same since the Brexit referendum in June 2016, when the British electorate voted by a narrow margin to leave the European Union. Prime Minister David Cameron had called the referendum in the expectation that voters would reject Brexit, thereby settling the issue once and for all. Instead, the result exposed deep divisions within both the Conservative Party and British society. Cameron became the first political casualty, resigning as prime minister and later as an MP. The referendum had a lasting destabilizing effect on British politics from which the country has yet to recover. Cameron was succeeded by Theresa May, Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, and Rishi Sunak, none of whom remained in office long enough to complete a normal five-year parliamentary term. Each prime minister struggled with political crises, internal party divisions, or economic challenges that ultimately ended their premiership.

Labour’s decisive victory in the 2024 general election was expected to restore political stability, but events since then suggest otherwise. The forces unleashed by Brexit, combined with the rise of populism and growing anti-government and anti-establishment sentiment across many democracies, continue to affect British politics. Britain remains one of the countries most deeply affected by these trends.

The two main British political parties – the Labour Party and the Conservative Party – which have traditionally alternated in government, are deeply divided over a wide range of domestic and foreign policy issues. The Reform Party, led by the right-wing populist Nigel Farage, has evolved through several incarnations since its origins in the campaign for Brexit and now competes with both Labour and Conservatives in opinion polls. The 2016 Brexit referendum fundamentally changed British politics. Voters, having tasted power themselves, are determined to exercise the way they feel they did in the Brexit referendum. And politicians seeking elected office feel compelled to respond to the preferences of the groups most likely to ensure the outcome in their favor. British politics has undergone a fundamental shift, with established patterns of decision-making giving way to more fragmented and volatile politics.

Kier Starmer came to power with great fanfare. After 14 years in office and five prime ministers, the Conservatives had exhausted themselves, and much of the country was ready for change. A former Director of Public Prosecutions for England and Wales, Starmer brought legal gravitas and an outsider’s reputation to Downing Street, despite his proximity to the corridors of power. Yet he soon appeared unable to hold together the broad coalition of views and priorities that a successful leader of a major political party must manage. A London-based lawyer representing a London constituency, he never developed a coherent governing vision that reached beyond Westminster. In the absence of such a platform, Labour’s popularity collapsed, members drifted to the Greens and Liberal Democrats, and many who remained became increasingly disillusioned.

Prime Minister Starmer’s government compounded its political problems with a series of avoidable mistakes. The most damaging was the appointment of Peter Mandelson as Britain’s ambassador to Washington despite longstanding questions about his association with the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. When further evidence of those links emerged, Starmer was forced into the humiliating position of dismissing his own ambassador, reinforcing the impression of a government short in judgment as well as direction. Open rebellion erupted within the parliamentary Labour Party and spread throughout the wider party. As growing numbers of Labour MPs, including members of his own cabinet, concluded that his leadership had become untenable, pressure mounted on him to step aside. Once it became clear that he no longer commanded the confidence of either his parliamentary colleagues or much of his party membership, Starmer had little choice but to accept the inevitable. He announced his resignation, bringing to an abrupt end a premiership that had begun with high expectations but quickly dissolved into disappointment.

The question now is whether Andy Burnham, Britain’s seventh prime minister in a decade, will do better. Burnham faces a formidable task in his new job. As Mayor of Greater Manchester, a directly elected position in one of the largest strategic authorities outside London, Burnham was a popular figure. However, being Prime Minister of the United Kingdom is a colossal responsibility. In a highly complex international environment, he remains untested in foreign affairs and diplomacy, and whether he succeeds remains to be seen. On the domestic front, he has established himself as a “people pleaser.” He has already backtracked on his initial suggestion to increase the income tax-free personal allowance. His immediate announcement to cut VAT on household electricity bills has been dismissed as unfunded by Darren Jones, a minister in Starmer’s cabinet who was fired by Burnham. And he says he wishes to deliver power to every postcode. So far, his promise to reduce the bus fare cap from three to two pounds sterling appears to be his most feasible policy.

As Prime Minister Burnham settles into Downing Street, he will have to watch out for his detractors.

Deepak Tripathi, PhD, is a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society and a Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. He blogs at Reflections. Among his latest books is Afghanistan and the Vietnam Syndrome: Comparing US and Soviet Wars (Springer Nature, 2023).