FASCIST WRECKER
Election 'weapon'
At the root of the standoff is a weeks-long dispute in which landlocked Hungary and Slovakia accuse Ukraine of stalling on pipeline repairs – while Zelensky has called it "blackmail" to link the issue to support for Kyiv's war effort.
The European Commission moved this week to unblock the situation by sending a team to help restore oil transit, but Orban dismissed the scheme as a "fairy tale".
"We are waiting for the oil," Orban told reporters – calling the matter "existential" for Hungary.
Many of his counterparts see the block as squarely motivated by national politics.
"He's using Ukraine as a weapon in his election campaign, and it's not good. We had a deal," Finland's Prime Minister Petteri Orpo told reporters in Brussels.
Belgium's Bart de Wever likewise said Orban's veto seemed to be "part of his election campaign," calling his U-turn "unacceptable".
Shortfall
It's a well worn routine in Brussels, where Orban has held up countless decisions on Ukraine, and solutions have ultimately been found – in one famous case having him leave the room while the bloc approved the start of membership talks with Kyiv.
But this time around, it remains unclear when he might blink.
"He doesn't sound like he's ready to be convinced," said a second EU diplomat after the talks.
Complicating matters, leaders have been wary of offering Orban – who is trailing main rival Peter Magyar in election polls – a chance to bolster his image as a maverick on the EU stage by publicly ganging up on him.
Facing a budget shortfall four years into the war, Kyiv is estimated to need an influx of funds in early May – implying a decision to unlock the EU loan by mid-April.
The failure to break the deadlock may push the issue back until after the Hungarian vote, whatever its outcome.
Can Ukraine hold out until then? Unclear, say EU diplomats.
(FRANCE 24 with AFP)
EU leaders fail to sway Hungary's Orban on €90 billion Ukraine loan
EU leaders on Thursday failed to convince Prime Minister Viktor Orban to lift his blockade on a vital €90 billion loan for Ukraine. The Hungarian leader is blocking the measure over damage to a pipeline running through Ukraine that supplies Hungary and Slovakia with Russian oil, part of an effort to bolster his anti-EU image ahead of national elections next month.
Issued on: 19/03/2026
By: FRANCE 24
EU leaders on Thursday failed to convince Prime Minister Viktor Orban to lift his blockade on a vital €90 billion loan for Ukraine. The Hungarian leader is blocking the measure over damage to a pipeline running through Ukraine that supplies Hungary and Slovakia with Russian oil, part of an effort to bolster his anti-EU image ahead of national elections next month.
Issued on: 19/03/2026
By: FRANCE 24
Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni speaks with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban on the day of a European Union leaders' summit in Brussels, Belgium March 19, 2026. © Yves Herman, Reuters
EU leaders failed to persuade Hungary's Viktor Orban to lift his block on a massive loan to support Ukraine's war effort at summit talks on Thursday, leaving the much-needed funding in limbo.
Moscow's closest partner in the bloc, the nationalist prime minister has long resisted helping Kyiv to repel Russia's invasion, stalling EU aid and repeated rounds of sanctions.
This time around, Orban is holding up a 90-billion-euro ($104 billion) loan as leverage in a feud over damage to a pipeline running through Ukraine – which has choked the flow of Russian oil to Hungary and Slovakia.
"The Hungarian position is very simple. We are ready to support Ukraine when we get our oil, which is blocked by them," Orban said on arrival at the summit, which Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky addressed by videolink.
Orban had made it clear he planned to play hardball, as he leans into anti-EU and anti-Ukrainian narratives ahead of close-fought national elections on April 12 – to the exasperation of fellow EU leaders.
And despite concerted pressure from his counterparts in Brussels, he refused to budge.
"No movement from Orban," summed up an EU diplomat after the Ukraine talks concluded. "We all know it's linked to the elections – we are going to have to be creative."
The EU's top diplomat Kaja Kallas warned earlier it was "really, really time" to show support by unlocking funding for Ukraine for this year and the next – which Hungary's leader signed up to in December along with the rest of the bloc.
But only 25 of the bloc's 27 leaders endorsed Thursday summit conclusions reaffirming their intent to begin disbursing the funds next month, with diplomats confirming the holdouts were Budapest and Bratislava.
Leaders agreed to revisit the matter, which requires unanimity, at their next meeting planned in late April.
EU leaders failed to persuade Hungary's Viktor Orban to lift his block on a massive loan to support Ukraine's war effort at summit talks on Thursday, leaving the much-needed funding in limbo.
Moscow's closest partner in the bloc, the nationalist prime minister has long resisted helping Kyiv to repel Russia's invasion, stalling EU aid and repeated rounds of sanctions.
This time around, Orban is holding up a 90-billion-euro ($104 billion) loan as leverage in a feud over damage to a pipeline running through Ukraine – which has choked the flow of Russian oil to Hungary and Slovakia.
"The Hungarian position is very simple. We are ready to support Ukraine when we get our oil, which is blocked by them," Orban said on arrival at the summit, which Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky addressed by videolink.
Orban had made it clear he planned to play hardball, as he leans into anti-EU and anti-Ukrainian narratives ahead of close-fought national elections on April 12 – to the exasperation of fellow EU leaders.
And despite concerted pressure from his counterparts in Brussels, he refused to budge.
"No movement from Orban," summed up an EU diplomat after the Ukraine talks concluded. "We all know it's linked to the elections – we are going to have to be creative."
The EU's top diplomat Kaja Kallas warned earlier it was "really, really time" to show support by unlocking funding for Ukraine for this year and the next – which Hungary's leader signed up to in December along with the rest of the bloc.
But only 25 of the bloc's 27 leaders endorsed Thursday summit conclusions reaffirming their intent to begin disbursing the funds next month, with diplomats confirming the holdouts were Budapest and Bratislava.
Leaders agreed to revisit the matter, which requires unanimity, at their next meeting planned in late April.
Election 'weapon'
At the root of the standoff is a weeks-long dispute in which landlocked Hungary and Slovakia accuse Ukraine of stalling on pipeline repairs – while Zelensky has called it "blackmail" to link the issue to support for Kyiv's war effort.
The European Commission moved this week to unblock the situation by sending a team to help restore oil transit, but Orban dismissed the scheme as a "fairy tale".
"We are waiting for the oil," Orban told reporters – calling the matter "existential" for Hungary.
Many of his counterparts see the block as squarely motivated by national politics.
"He's using Ukraine as a weapon in his election campaign, and it's not good. We had a deal," Finland's Prime Minister Petteri Orpo told reporters in Brussels.
Belgium's Bart de Wever likewise said Orban's veto seemed to be "part of his election campaign," calling his U-turn "unacceptable".
Shortfall
It's a well worn routine in Brussels, where Orban has held up countless decisions on Ukraine, and solutions have ultimately been found – in one famous case having him leave the room while the bloc approved the start of membership talks with Kyiv.
But this time around, it remains unclear when he might blink.
"He doesn't sound like he's ready to be convinced," said a second EU diplomat after the talks.
Complicating matters, leaders have been wary of offering Orban – who is trailing main rival Peter Magyar in election polls – a chance to bolster his image as a maverick on the EU stage by publicly ganging up on him.
Facing a budget shortfall four years into the war, Kyiv is estimated to need an influx of funds in early May – implying a decision to unlock the EU loan by mid-April.
The failure to break the deadlock may push the issue back until after the Hungarian vote, whatever its outcome.
Can Ukraine hold out until then? Unclear, say EU diplomats.
(FRANCE 24 with AFP)
Why Hungary's Viktor Orban is vilifying Ukraine before crucial elections
Weeks before crucial parliamentary elections, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s campaign has characterised his main rival as a stooge of Kyiv and Brussels. With his party trailing in the polls, the nationalist leader has sought to escalate tensions between Hungary and Ukraine, alleging that Kyiv and its European allies are conspiring to drag Hungary into war with Russia.
Issued on: 19/03/2026 -
FRANCE24
By: Sonya CIESNIK
An attendee holds an image of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban at a pro-government rally named a 'Peace March' during Hungary's National Day celebrations in Budapest, Hungary, March 15, 2026. © Marton Monus, Reuters
In 1241, the Mongol army marched into Hungary, creating indescribable chaos. Most of the country’s religious dignitaries were slaughtered. The pillaging, massacres and famine the foreign invaders left in their wake imprinted an undeniable trace on the Hungarian psyche.
Centuries later, as Hungary braces for crucial parliamentary elections in April, Prime Minister Viktor Orban is tapping into the demons of Hungary’s past, claiming the country is once again under threat.
Fidesz, Orban’s far-right party, is focusing on a new foreign menace – the danger it claims is posed by Ukraine. As part of its re-election strategy, the Hungarian government has sought to escalate tensions with Kyiv.
“Orban has repeatedly opposed European funding and military support for Ukraine’s fight,” said Michael Ignatieff, a former Canadian opposition leader and historian, who was rector of the Central European University in Budapest when Orban's government forced it to relocate abroad in 2017.
“What’s new in the campaign is the personal vilification of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and the claim that Zelensky will drag Hungary into the war and Hungarian soldiers will die," Ignatieff added.
The threat of imminent war
Richard Demény, a foreign policy analyst at Political Capital, a research institute in Budapest, says Fidesz initially campaigned on "domestic policy narratives focused on the Orban regime’s achievements over the past 16 years."
Yet the messaging has done little to win over digruntled voters who want more from the government in areas like public education and healthcare. "To distract from these shortcomings and to shape the public agenda, Fidesz has employed fear-based narratives to exacerbate anxiety in segments of society susceptible to the threat of an imminent war,” said Demény.
Orban's party has been trailing in the polls since last year, while the centre-right Tisza party, led by Peter Magyar, is picking up speed. Magyar's supporters hope to end Orban's 16-year rule.
In 1241, the Mongol army marched into Hungary, creating indescribable chaos. Most of the country’s religious dignitaries were slaughtered. The pillaging, massacres and famine the foreign invaders left in their wake imprinted an undeniable trace on the Hungarian psyche.
Centuries later, as Hungary braces for crucial parliamentary elections in April, Prime Minister Viktor Orban is tapping into the demons of Hungary’s past, claiming the country is once again under threat.
Fidesz, Orban’s far-right party, is focusing on a new foreign menace – the danger it claims is posed by Ukraine. As part of its re-election strategy, the Hungarian government has sought to escalate tensions with Kyiv.
“Orban has repeatedly opposed European funding and military support for Ukraine’s fight,” said Michael Ignatieff, a former Canadian opposition leader and historian, who was rector of the Central European University in Budapest when Orban's government forced it to relocate abroad in 2017.
“What’s new in the campaign is the personal vilification of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and the claim that Zelensky will drag Hungary into the war and Hungarian soldiers will die," Ignatieff added.
The threat of imminent war
Richard Demény, a foreign policy analyst at Political Capital, a research institute in Budapest, says Fidesz initially campaigned on "domestic policy narratives focused on the Orban regime’s achievements over the past 16 years."
Yet the messaging has done little to win over digruntled voters who want more from the government in areas like public education and healthcare. "To distract from these shortcomings and to shape the public agenda, Fidesz has employed fear-based narratives to exacerbate anxiety in segments of society susceptible to the threat of an imminent war,” said Demény.
Orban's party has been trailing in the polls since last year, while the centre-right Tisza party, led by Peter Magyar, is picking up speed. Magyar's supporters hope to end Orban's 16-year rule.
Peter Magyar, leader of the opposition Tisza party, attends the Hungary's National Day celebrations, in Budapest, Hungary, March 15, 2026. © Bernadett Szabo, Reuters
In reponse to his rival's lead in the polls, Orban has stepped up his attacks on Ukraine. In one campaign video released by the ruling party in February, a young Hungarian girl asks about her father. The video then cuts to footage of a blindfolded soldier in a Hungarian uniform being shot in the head and falling into the muddy ground. A caption reads: “This is only a nightmare now, but Brussels is preparing to make it a reality. Fidesz is the safe choice!”
Fidesz has framed the 2026 elections as a choice between war and peace, and the video implies that a Tisza victory would force Hungarians to go to war.
“For the first time, Orban is straightforwardly alleging the existence of political coordination and collusion between the Ukrainian administration, EU institutions, and the Hungarian opposition to remove him from power and establish a pro-Ukraine government in Hungary,” said Daniel Hegedüs, deputy director at The Institute for European Politics.
From the cosmopolitan streets of Budapest to small villages in the countryside, large campaign billboards are being used to try to sway “segments of society susceptible to the threat of an imminent war”, said Demény.
“They themselves are the risk,” read a caption of a pro-government billboard featuring a combined photo of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Zelensky and Magyar.
In reponse to his rival's lead in the polls, Orban has stepped up his attacks on Ukraine. In one campaign video released by the ruling party in February, a young Hungarian girl asks about her father. The video then cuts to footage of a blindfolded soldier in a Hungarian uniform being shot in the head and falling into the muddy ground. A caption reads: “This is only a nightmare now, but Brussels is preparing to make it a reality. Fidesz is the safe choice!”
Fidesz has framed the 2026 elections as a choice between war and peace, and the video implies that a Tisza victory would force Hungarians to go to war.
“For the first time, Orban is straightforwardly alleging the existence of political coordination and collusion between the Ukrainian administration, EU institutions, and the Hungarian opposition to remove him from power and establish a pro-Ukraine government in Hungary,” said Daniel Hegedüs, deputy director at The Institute for European Politics.
From the cosmopolitan streets of Budapest to small villages in the countryside, large campaign billboards are being used to try to sway “segments of society susceptible to the threat of an imminent war”, said Demény.
“They themselves are the risk,” read a caption of a pro-government billboard featuring a combined photo of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Zelensky and Magyar.
A pedestrian walks past a pro-government billboards featuring a portrait of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky (L), with the text reading, 'Let's not let Zelensky have the last laugh, and another billboard featuring European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen (R), Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky (C), and Hungarian opposition leader Peter Magyar (L) with a text, 'They themselves are the risk.' in Budapest's 3rd district on March 3, 2026, in prepatation for the upcomping general election set to take place on April 12, 2026. © Attila Kisbenedek, AFP
‘No oil, no money’
At the core of Hungary’s escalating tensions with Ukraine is what Orban called “the Ukrainian oil blockade” in a March 17 video posted on X.
Ukraine and Hungary have been locked in an escalating feud since Russian oil deliveries to Hungary and Slovakia were halted in January due to damage to the pipeline, which crosses Ukrainian territory. Ukrainian officials have blamed the damage on Russian drone attacks.
Orban has accused Zelensky of deliberately holding up oil supplies – claims that Zelensky denies. In retaliation, Orban has vetoed a major €90 billion EU loan to cover Ukraine’s military and economic needs for two years.
“If President Zelensky wants to receive his money from Brussels, then he must reopen the friendship oil pipeline,” said Orban in the video.
Orban has even accused Ukraine of plotting to attack him and his family, releasing a video in March purporting to show him speaking to his daughters over the phone and warning them of the threat.
READ MORE’Ready to govern’ Hungary: Former ally Magyar challenges Orban with Europe gun
“Orban’s basic political method is to create enemies. First Brussels, then George Soros, and now Peter Magyar, all portrayed as malign alien forces conspiring to harm Hungary. Orban then portrays himself as the plucky, heroic defender of the Hungarian nation,” said Ignatieff.
Yet Orban may have met his match in a man like Magyar, added Ignatieff, who is "ex-Fidesz himself, and far too clever a politician to cede the nationalist ground to Orban."
“Magyar tours the countryside, sings patriotic folk songs with his supporters, waves the national flag, quotes Hungary’s great poets and is competing effectively with Orban in the battle for the nationalist vote.”
Orban's strategy could still work. In his book "Hungarians", the historian Paul Ledvai wrote that the most important psychological consequence of the Mongol invasion was the inference that "We Hungarians are alone”.
The mistrust of foreigners, even when they were urgently needed as allies in times of acute danger, “could be effective at keeping Fidesz and undecided voters focused on an existential threat,” said Demény.
(With AP)
‘No oil, no money’
At the core of Hungary’s escalating tensions with Ukraine is what Orban called “the Ukrainian oil blockade” in a March 17 video posted on X.
Ukraine and Hungary have been locked in an escalating feud since Russian oil deliveries to Hungary and Slovakia were halted in January due to damage to the pipeline, which crosses Ukrainian territory. Ukrainian officials have blamed the damage on Russian drone attacks.
Orban has accused Zelensky of deliberately holding up oil supplies – claims that Zelensky denies. In retaliation, Orban has vetoed a major €90 billion EU loan to cover Ukraine’s military and economic needs for two years.
“If President Zelensky wants to receive his money from Brussels, then he must reopen the friendship oil pipeline,” said Orban in the video.
Orban has even accused Ukraine of plotting to attack him and his family, releasing a video in March purporting to show him speaking to his daughters over the phone and warning them of the threat.
READ MORE’Ready to govern’ Hungary: Former ally Magyar challenges Orban with Europe gun
“Orban’s basic political method is to create enemies. First Brussels, then George Soros, and now Peter Magyar, all portrayed as malign alien forces conspiring to harm Hungary. Orban then portrays himself as the plucky, heroic defender of the Hungarian nation,” said Ignatieff.
Yet Orban may have met his match in a man like Magyar, added Ignatieff, who is "ex-Fidesz himself, and far too clever a politician to cede the nationalist ground to Orban."
“Magyar tours the countryside, sings patriotic folk songs with his supporters, waves the national flag, quotes Hungary’s great poets and is competing effectively with Orban in the battle for the nationalist vote.”
Orban's strategy could still work. In his book "Hungarians", the historian Paul Ledvai wrote that the most important psychological consequence of the Mongol invasion was the inference that "We Hungarians are alone”.
The mistrust of foreigners, even when they were urgently needed as allies in times of acute danger, “could be effective at keeping Fidesz and undecided voters focused on an existential threat,” said Demény.
(With AP)
