Sunday, August 16, 2026

The Crocodilian Logic of Zionism


 August 14, 2026

Image by Tahir osman.

Since 7 October, 2023, the Israeli government has experienced a sense of relief. It believed it no longer needed to pretend to care about Palestinians as human beings and could pursue their annihilation and dispossession openly. These have depended on two factors: international impunity, guaranteed by US imperial backing and subservient Western governments, and internal Israeli genocidal enthusiasm cultivated over decades and extending across society.

Support for dispossession depends on the ruling class’s cultivation of segregation between in-and-out groups, fearmongering and propaganda, alongside rewards for aggression, including material gains such as land and other resources, elevated social status and impunity for aggression against the constructed out-group. This manipulation of fear and reward conditions societies to accept genocide as normal, even righteous, because they have been neurologically wired to steal.

The latest example of this dynamic came when Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir proposed surrounding Ketziot prison with a moat of Nile crocodiles (Crocodylus niloticus) to guard Palestinian prisoners.

Who knows, maybe the crocs will be enticed by a benefits package similar to that of newly arrived settlers. After all, both are being recruited to help secure the Zionist frontier.

An appeal to the reptilian brain

Nile crocodiles possess extremely powerful jaws, are opportunistic carnivores, can grow up to 6.1 meters (20 feet) in length, and weigh over 450 kilograms (1,000 pounds). They typically ambush prey near waterholes before executing a “death roll” to subdue large animals (including people). Due to the crocodiles’ inability to chew their food, the roll serves as the primary mechanical tool to break bones, tear flesh and rip the hapless victim into manageable, bite-sized pieces for swallowing.

Ben Gvir’s proposal, which mimics Donald Trump’s failed Alligator Alcatraz, is tragically far from satire. In fact, the National Security Ministry has budgeted around $7 million for the construction of the moats, which are underway. This includes long-term plans for the reptiles’ maintenance and care.

For now, however, the plan has been placed on hold; not out of concern for Palestinians who may be subjected to these barbarically punitive measures, including a death roll, but because of concerns for the animals’ welfare.

The crocodile proposal offers a revealing window into how systems of domination and dehumanisation condition societies, particularly those lower on the in-group hierarchy, to derive rewards from cruelty in service of ruling-class theft.

Similar to many Israeli policies since 7 October, it functions as political theatre designed to reward the most primitive impulses associated with the brain’s emotional/ limbic system and related pathways (what is colloquially called “the reptilian brain”) of domination, fear, humiliation, revenge and schadenfreude (pleasure derived from another’s misery).

While Zionist ruling classes indulge in land and resource theft in Gaza, Lebanon and Syria, Ben Gvir appeals to those for whom humiliating and abusing people perceived as inferior provides a psychological boost, reinforcing a sense of superiority.

Conscription of crocodiles also provides a political spectacle aimed at harvesting votes, a dopamine delivery system for an Israeli public conditioned to celebrate cruelty as virtue. Within this genocidal milieu, Ben Gvir reigns supreme, ascending the Israeli political hierarchy with the prime minister’s office firmly in his sights.

As Richard H. Smith details in The Joy of Pain: Schadenfreude and the Dark Side of Human Nature, a recurring theme among perpetrators is that many were themselves mistreated in the past and sought opportunities for payback. In Israeli society, however, this extends across society, with people encouraged to embody a victim mentality reinforced by the conflation of Zionism and Judaism, drawing on the historical experiences of world Jewry, from the Holocaust to the decontextualisation of Palestinian resistance to Zionist oppression and colonisation.

Indeed, schadenfreude serves as a cheap reward for aggression in service of ruling-class theft of land and other resources, as reflected by the shameless and gleeful sadism demonstrated by Israeli soldiers, particularly since 7 October, for which imperial and domestic impunity promise a lack of accountability and therefore permission and even encouragement to engage in it.

Photos of bound and blinded Palestinian civilians alongside grinning Israeli soldiers have even been used as social currency, including on dating apps.

Dehumanisation and recovery

Frantz Fanon, the Martinican psychiatrist, author and revolutionary thinker, analysed how colonialism dehumanises both the oppressed and the oppressor, with the dehumanisation of the latter expressed through the humiliation and abuse inflicted upon the former.

Engagement in the destruction of Indigenous society epitomises the dehumanisation of the oppressor, which destroys the physical humanity of the oppressed while eroding its own humanity through the forsaking of what makes it human: the capacity for empathy across racial, gender and other constructed divides.

The crocodile episode reflects the extent to which Israeli Zionist society has forsaken its humanity in service of theft, and how its ruling class suppresses empathy while appealing to primitive “reptilian” neural processes of fear and reward to service its greed.

For nearly three years, the Zionist rampage has relentlessly destroyed any semblance of empathy toward the Palestinian people, replacing it with escalated dehumanisation, disgust at their culture, history and existence, and glee at their suffering. What remains is an endless descent into moral depravity and cruelty, where racism, colonial theft and capitalist individualism are celebrated as the very foundation of an identity, and escape from this construct is actively discouraged through threats of severe social and physical punishment.

This is precisely what systems of domination depend upon: convincing people that what has been conditioned is “natural” and therefore cannot be undone, or else. Yet what has been conditioned can be unlearned, and what has been wired for domination can be rewired toward empathy, solidarity and co-resistance by restructuring the social hierarchies that sustain domination.

This is the central argument of my forthcoming book with historian Ilan Pappé, Wired to Steal: Zionism and the Shaping of the Western Mind: an examination of the behavioural and neurological mechanisms through which systems of domination, including Zionism, condition people to participate in, and even derive reward from, the dispossession of others, while showing how that conditioning can be undone.

This piece first appeared in The New Arab.

Yoav Litvin is a Doctor of Psychology/ Behavioral Neuroscience and author of Wired to Steal: Zionism and the Shaping of the Western Mind with Ilan Pappé (Interlink Books, Fall 2026). For more info, please visit yoavlitvin.com

The Gaza Peace Trump Announced, and the Rejection Netanyahu Delivered

 August 14, 2026

Image by Ash Hayes.

Donald Trump took to social media Thursday, July 30, to announce what he called a breakthrough: a phased agreement under the Board of Peace requiring the Palestinian Resistance to disarm and Israel to withdraw. The optics were of a president closing out a genocide he, and his predecessor, enabled for two years.

The Palestinian Resistance agreed to the plan. Israel rejected it.

Imagine if the Resistance had rejected the fifteen points by reasonably conditioning disarmament on an end to Israeli occupation. We don’t have to imagine Trump’s reaction. He’d have condemned them by nightfall and held them responsible for killing the peace plan.

Israel gets a different standard. On Sunday, August 9, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told his cabinet: “I want to clarify this: Israel rejects the 15-point document.”

Rather than call out Israel for sabotaging his own plan, Trump waved away Netanyahu’s rejection as mere election posturing, as if that was acceptable. Trump’s dismissal didn’t go unnoticed. Three days later, Israel’s defense minister, Israel Katz, doubled down declaring that Israel will not withdraw, not from Gaza, not from Lebanon and not from Syria

Last May, I wrote an article: “Stop blaming Netanyahu, stupid,” where I argued, it was never one man. It’s the Zionist Project itself, and the Israeli public that keeps ratifying it. A poll released last summer found 76% of Israelis believe the 2005 withdrawal from Gaza was a mistake. Half of all Israelis now say they’d support renewing Jewish settlement inside Gaza itself — a figure that climbs to 83% among the ultra-Orthodox and 67% among religious Jews. And in a finding that goes to the heart of how Israelis have rewritten their own history, 56% now believe that if the 2005 disengagement had never happened, October 7 would have been far less likely.

Withdrawal, in other words, has been recast in the Israeli imagination as the original sin, not occupation, and not Israel’s pre-October 7 starvation siege.

In rejecting Trump’s plan, Netanyahu is pandering to his voting base. He is giving the Israeli Jewish majority exactly what they’ve told pollsters they want. He’s competing against political challengers who reject any withdrawal from Gaza. Trump excuses this as political “posturing,” as if it’s temporary, when in fact, it is creating a status quo to be normalized after the election.

As usual, Israel responded to Trump’s plan in two days of intensive strikes across Gaza, murdering 26 Palestinians and wounding 76. The single ugliest strike hit medicine warehouses attached to Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir el-Balah, one of the last facilities in central Gaza still able to treat large numbers of patients. Two of four storage buildings were destroyed and two more badly damaged. The target was a “dangerous storage” of intravenous fluid, dialysis supplies, intensive-care medication, in a place where half the dialysis machines didn’t work and kidney patients were dying because treatment sessions keep getting cut.

These weren’t abstractions. In Gaza City’s al-Sousi Tower, a strike killed Abdullah Abu Taif, 33, his pregnant wife, Abeer Anan, 29, their five-year-old son, Azzam, and where medics recovered the remains of an unborn child from the rubble. Near Khan Younis, a strike murdered Mahmoud al-Hams, 38, his wife, Fatima, 37, and their young daughter. An elderly couple, Kamal and Huda Abu Muailiq, were killed in their home near Deir el-Balah the same night.

This’s how Israel translates Trump’s “breakthrough” on the ground.

It is how Netanyahu sends a message to American presidents, as he did nearly a year ago when he openly defied Trump’s calls to stop bombing Gaza. Palestinian children’s blood becomes the currency of political pressure. With every refusal to heed Washington, Netanyahu demonstrates that he can ignore an American president’s demands without consequence, while the credibility and authority of the U.S. president are diminished in the process. Netanyahu’s arrogant message is unmistakable: Israel can defy Washington, and Washington will absorb the political cost.

In October 2025, Israel secured the release of Israeli captives under a deal conditioned on ending the war. It got what it wanted immediately and did not deliver on its side. Since the ceasefire of October 10, 2025, Israel has violated it more than 4,000 times, murdering 1,300 Palestinians — more than all the Israelis, soldiers and civilians, killed on October 7. This is while food aid deliveries was two third less than what the agreement promised. The territory Israel was supposed to withdraw from has instead expanded from 53% to 70%. Any withdrawal Israel may now negotiate, if any at all, will start from that expanded line of occupation, not the yellow line agreed at the ceasefire.

A president who announces a peace deal to the world has no agency of his own. He is too weak to bring himself to hold Netanyahu to account for rejecting his own plan; a political eunuch, unable to rein in a potentate whose country survives on U.S. political and financial largesse.

Trump’s Gaza legacy does not differ from Biden’s. Both stood impotent before Netanyahu’s rejection. Two subservient leaders who had shown over again that Israel does not answer to Washington, Washington answers to Israel. They leave behind a legacy of enabling an Israeli genocide and two consecutive Israel-first administrations.

Jamal Kanj (jamalkanj.com) is the author of Children of Catastrophe: Journey from a Palestinian Refugee Camp to America, and other books. He writes frequently on Palestine/Arab world issues for various national and international publications.

Anas Al-Sharif One Year Later: The Systematic Killing of Palestine’s Journalists


 August 14, 2026

One year ago this week, the Israeli military killed Anas Al-Sharif. He was a young Palestinian journalist working in Gaza, one of the many who continued to report under bombardment, displacement, and the constant knowledge that the camera itself had become a target. His death was not an accident of war. It was one act in the ongoing genocide against the Palestinian people in Gaza — a genocide that has included, as a deliberate and central component, the systematic elimination of those who document it.

Al-Sharif’s killing joins a list that has grown so long it has become a statistic rather than a series of individual lives. Since October 2023, close to three hundred Palestinian and now Lebanese journalists and media workers have been killed by Israeli forces. The Committee to Protect Journalists documents at least 209 killed by Israel in Gaza and in Israeli detention centres. Palestinian press associations and the International Federation of Journalists put the figure higher, in the mid-to-high 260s. These were not combatants. They were reporters, camera operators, producers, and fixers — many of them wearing clearly marked press vests, working for local outlets or international networks, trying to show the world what was happening to their cities, their schools, their mosques, their hospitals, and their families as the genocide unfolded.

This is not merely the deadliest conflict for journalists in the modern era. According to analyses from Brown University’s Costs of War project, more journalists have been killed in Gaza than in the U.S. Civil War, World War I, World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam War (including Cambodia and Laos), the wars in the former Yugoslavia, and the post-9/11 war in Afghanistan — combined. The comparison is not rhetorical flourish. It is a measure of the scale of a genocidal campaign that has treated the press as an enemy to be erased. What took place across the major industrial wars of the twentieth century, across continents and decades, has been surpassed in a single strip of land in less than three years. That fact alone should end any pretence that these deaths are the ordinary hazards of covering combat.

Among the dead is Shireen Abu Akleh, the American-Palestinian journalist for Al Jazeera, shot in the head by an Israeli soldier in Jenin in May 2022 — more than a year before the onset of the current genocide in Gaza. She was wearing a helmet and a press vest while covering a military raid. Her killing was captured on video. Investigations by independent outlets and human rights organizations concluded that she was deliberately targeted. The Israeli government first claimed she was killed by Palestinian fire, then shifted stories, and ultimately faced no meaningful accountability. Her targeted killing was an early and clear signal of the policy that would later be applied on a mass scale as part of the genocide: the press is the enemy.

Photograph Source: Davide Mauro – CC BY-SA 4.0

The pattern is consistent with the logic of genocide. Journalists are killed in their homes with their families, in marked press cars, while live-streaming from hospital courtyards, while sheltering in media offices that Israeli officials had been informed were civilian. Al Jazeera’s Gaza bureau was repeatedly struck. Local reporters who remained after international staff were evacuated became the primary chroniclers of the mass killing, the destruction of civilian infrastructure, and the forced starvation of the population — and therefore the primary targets. Israel’s repeated claim that it does not target journalists is contradicted by the body count, by the documented strikes on known media locations, and by the statements of Israeli officials who have treated the Palestinian press as a legitimate military objective within a broader campaign of destruction.

Yet some have survived the same violence and refused to stop. Wael Al-Dahdouh, Al Jazeera’s long-time Gaza bureau chief, lost his wife, two of his children, his infant grandson, and later his eldest son Hamza — himself a journalist — in successive Israeli strikes. He was injured more than once. Within days of burying family members he returned to the camera. “If we don’t continue reporting,” he has said, “there will be no one left to tell the story.” Even after leaving Gaza for medical treatment, he has continued to speak for the colleagues still inside. Others who narrowly escaped the August 2025 strike that killed Anas Al-Sharif and four of his colleagues — among them Ayman al-Hassi, Mohammed Qita, and Anas’s cousin Mohammed al-Sharif — returned to the same work. Younger reporters such as Nour Khaled stepped into the gap left by the dead, choosing to remain in Gaza City rather than evacuate, insisting that the coverage must continue.

These survivors operate under conditions that would be unimaginable in any other context: no safe shelter, no reliable electricity, chronic hunger, and the knowledge that the next airstrike may be aimed at them specifically. Freelancers without institutional protection, local stringers, and the remaining staff of networks that still broadcast from Gaza keep documenting the genocide because no one else can. Their persistence is itself a form of resistance against the attempt to erase the record.

This is a genocidal attack on freedom of the press, inseparable from the genocide itself. When a state kills the people who record its actions at a rate that exceeds the combined toll of the great wars of the twentieth century, it is not simply committing war crimes against individuals. It is attempting to erase the possibility of an independent historical record of the genocide. The images that did get out — of children pulled from rubble, of mass graves, of hospitals turned into morgues — were produced at extraordinary personal cost. Many of the journalists who filmed them are now dead. Those who remain keep working.

The names of those killed are not abstract. They are maintained and updated by Palestinian institutions themselves. The Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate (نقابة الصحفيين الفلسطينيين), working in close coordination with the International Federation of Journalists, has published sequential lists of the martyred journalists and media workers. A public, regularly updated record of the killings can be found on the IFJ’s dedicated page for the war in Gaza, which draws directly from the Syndicate’s documentation. Additional named lists and ongoing monitoring are available through the Shireen Observatory (مرصد شيرين) at https://www.shireen.ps, a Palestinian project dedicated to documenting attacks on journalists. These are the primary Palestinian sources for the identities of those silenced.

Last week in New York City, like in many places across the world, demonstrators marked the one-year anniversary of Anas Al-Sharif’s killing. Organized in part by the Palestinian Youth Movement, the march moved from the New York Times building to Times Square, demanding accountability for the journalists killed in Gaza and spotlighting Western media’s role in manufacturing consent for the ongoing genocide. Among those present was Palestinian American activist Roland Bennett, president of the Tree Water Initiative, a non profit dedicated to supporting sustainable life in Gaza. “Remembering Anas means refusing to let the record be buried,” Bennet said. “Every journalist still reporting from Gaza is carrying the weight of those who can no longer speak. Our task is to make sure the world cannot look away.”

The international response has been a mixture of muted statements and continued arms transfers. Western governments that speak of press freedom at home have remained largely silent about the industrial-scale killing of Palestinian journalists as part of the genocide. The same governments that demanded accountability when journalists were killed in Ukraine have found reasons for caution when the perpetrators are their close ally. The double standard is not subtle. It is structural.

Anas Al-Sharif was one name among hundreds. His colleagues continue to report from the ruins. Their work is an act of resistance against both the genocide itself and the attempt to erase its documentation. One year after his death, the least that can be demanded is that the record remain unbroken: these killings were not tragic accidents of a complex war. They were the systematic targeting of the people who refused to look away — a campaign so extensive that it has outstripped the journalist death tolls of World War I, World War II, and the major conflicts of the modern era combined, and one that forms an integral part of the ongoing genocide in Gaza.

The silence of the powerful is part of the crime. The work of the remaining journalists who seek to expose the truth is its contradiction and a part of the resistance to these unfathomable and ongoing atrocities continuing to happen before our eyes.

Michael Leonardi lives in Italy and can be reached at michaeleleonardi@gmail.com