Virus mine closures stir unease in Poland's rust belt

AFP / Wojtek RADWANSKIA spike in reported coronavirus cases at coal mines such as the Ruch Zofiowka plant has put the country on edge but locals worried about jobs are playing down the health crisis

A spike in reported coronavirus cases in Poland's coal mines has put the country on edge but residents worried about jobs are playing down the health crisis.

The issue is particularly sensitive ahead of a hard-fought presidential election on June 28 in Poland, where miners are still a powerful voting bloc.

Dominik Kolorz, head of the Solidarity trade union for the Silesian coal basin, told AFP he was concerned the increase in virus cases could serve as a pretext for the definitive closure of some mines.

"We hope the government will go on to restore the mining sector," Kolorz told AFP, speaking in Katowice in southern Poland, the regional capital of Silesia.

Miners and their families accounted for a high proportion of recent cases of coronavirus diagnosed in Poland, prompting the government to suspend work at 12 mines until the end of June.

AFP / Wojtek RADWANSKIThe virus can spread quickly in mines' cramped conditions, Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki has warned -- but one mining spokesman said cases detected at his company have mostly been mild or asymptomatic

All of them belong to the JSW mining group and the PGG conglomerate -- Europe's two biggest coal companies -- and employ thousands of people.

Poland depends on coal for 80 percent of its power needs but the closures are not expected to affect energy production as it has ample stockpiles.

Its reliance on the dirty fossil fuel is a thorny issue within the European Union, with Warsaw refusing to implement the bloc's target of going carbon neutral by 2050.

It has demanded more time to switch to green energy -- perhaps up to 2070 according to some sources.

- Virus 'attacking the mines' -

At JSW's Knurow-Szczyglowice mine, workers arriving for their shifts just before the suspension could be seen undergoing temperature checks and using hand sanitiser.

A large orange emergency tent stood nearby and signs instructed employees to wear masks at all times in a region that has become the epicentre of the coronavirus crisis in Poland.

The virus is "attacking in the mines" where cramped working conditions mean it can spread quickly, Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki said on Tuesday.

But Slawomir Starzynski, a spokesman for the JSW mining group, emphasised that the cases detected at his company have mostly been mild or asymptomatic.

AFP / Wojtek RADWANSKIIn the Silesia, the prevailing concern among miners is the future of their jobs

"Of the 3,000-some employees from our mines who tested positive for coronavirus, only three or four had to be hospitalised," he said.

Poland introduced anti-virus lockdown measures relatively early in March, which could account for its lower death toll from the disease than those of some western European countries.

It recorded 28,577 confirmed coronavirus cases, including 1,222 deaths as of Friday.

The government began easing restrictions last month, reopening restaurants, upping the public gathering limit to 150 people and scrapping the face mask requirement for those abiding by social distancing rules.

Campaigning ahead of the rescheduled presidential election is also in full swing.

The ballot was originally scheduled for May 10 but was postponed at the last minute because of the pandemic.

AFP / Wojtek RADWANSKIA security worker checks the temperature of a van driver arriving at the Ruch Zofiowka coal mineat Jastrzebie Zdroj, southern Poland

But Health Minister Lukasz Szumowski has warned that the sharp rise in cases could mean restrictions being re-introduced nationwide to stop the spread.

But in Silesia, the prevailing concern among miners was the future of their jobs.

As he arrived for his shift at the Knurow mine, Krzysztof, 40, said: "I don't know what to think.

"The mine is working fine. I don't know why they're closing it.

French protesters clash with police at

 anti-racism protests  

AFP / Anne-Christine POUJOULATThousands turned out for the Paris rally, and others were held in cities across France

Police clashed with demonstrators in Paris and Lyon Saturday, firing tear gas and water cannons as thousands turned out across France for the latest wave of protests against racism and police violence.

Officers prevented protesters trying to launch a march through the streets of the capital, at the end of a three-hour rally. They fired tear gas after some demonstrators pelted them with projectiles.

This was the latest in a series of French demonstrations following the death last month of black American George Floyd at the hands of police officers in the United States.

But the protesters were also highlighting what critics say is the problem of racism and violence in the French police.

Several thousand people congregated at the Place de la Republique in Paris, answering a call from a pressure group seeking justice in the case of Adama Traore, a young black man who died in police custody in 2016.

AFP / Anne-Christine POUJOULATViolence broke out in Paris after officers stopped protesters trying to launch a march through the streets of the capital

Traore's sister Assa Traore called on those attending the rally to "denounce the denial of justice, denounce social, racial, police violence", renewing a call for an investigation into her brother's death.

"The death of George Floyd -- this African-American killed on May 25 in Minneapolis by a white policeman -- is a direct echo of my brother's death. It's the same thing in France, our brothers are dying," she said.

- Clashes in Lyon -

One demonstrator, 19-year-old Djibril Sacko expressed his frustration.

"I came to demonstrate for justice (and) we have been gassed several times then they surrounded us and things got out of hand given we couldn’t leave," he said.

One demonstrator, 27-year-old student Elisa, said she did not routinely favour an "anti-cop discourse" but added it was "clear there is a problem of racism and fear of the police today".

In the southeast city of Lyon, police used water cannons and tear gas at the end of a demonstration attended by about 2,000 people.

In the Mediterranean city of Marseille, police said 2,200 people demonstrated. Organisers of the rally put the figure at between 4,000-5,000.

Other rallies took place in cities from Montpellier in the south to Nantes and Bordeaux in the west.

- Amnesty appeal -

The rallies came at the end of week when France's police watchdog said it had received almost 1,500 complaints against officers last year -- half of them for alleged violence.

French President Emmanuel Macron on Thursday noted the need not to "lose the youth", as feelings run ever higher in the wake of the Floyd killing.

AFP / PHILIPPE DESMAZESAt least 2,000 people turned out to protest in Lyon

On Wednesday he described racism as "an illness which touches all society".

Interior Minister Christophe Castaner has promised "zero tolerance" of racism in law enforcement, saying it is clear some officers "have failed in their Republican duty".

He cited several instances of racist and discriminatory remarks that have recently come to light.

Amnesty International meanwhile appealed for "a systemic reform of police practices" in France. "The seriousness of the situation requires a global response from the authorities," the group said in a statement.

Government spokesman Sibeth Ndiaye suggested in an interview with Saturday's Le Monde that there should be "constructive debate" regarding race, with efforts redoubled against racial discriminations".

Saturday's demonstrations followed two days of protests by police officers themselves, angry at the accusations being laid against them, and what they say is a lack of government support.

Frederic Lagache of the police union Alliance said he hoped Macron would receive a delegation, as many officers felt their "honour had been injured" over the widespread criticism of the force.

"All in solidarity": new worldwide demonstrations against police violence

AFP / DANIEL LEAL-OLIVASIncidents between anti-racist protesters and far-right counter-demonstrators, June 13, 2020 in London

Thousands of people demonstrated Saturday to denounce racism and police violence in Paris and in several French cities, as well as in Switzerland, Australia and London, where the rally took place in a tense atmosphere in front of activists from 'far right.

The murder in the United States of George Floyd, a black 40-year-old asphyxiated on May 25 in Minneapolis by a white policeman, pushed the crowds to take to the streets to demand an end to police violence and racial inequalities.

In Paris, the police fired tear gas after receiving a few projectiles during a rally of several thousand people - 15,000 according to the police - on the Place de la République.

The demonstrators had planned to march to the Place de l'Opéra, but the unauthorized parade was stopped by the police.

At the same time, the Council of State, the highest French administrative jurisdiction, announced the lifting of the ban on the assembly of more than ten people, imposed within the framework of the state of health emergency linked to the Covid pandemic -19, restoring the freedom to demonstrate in compliance with "barrier measures".

During the rally, at the call of the committee Adama Traoré, young black man who died in July 2016 after his arrest by gendarmes in the Paris region, his sister Assa Traoré called to "denounce the denial of justice", "social violence , racial, police ".

In the crowd, many young people were dressed in a black T-shirt flocked with the request carried for four years by the Traoré family: "Justice". "Until we have justice, you will not have peace."

On June 2, the Adama committee had mobilized 20,000 people in Paris. His discourse has broadened, from the denunciation of police violence to that of "systemic racism", finding an echo after the death of George Floyd.

AFP / Gal ROMAAnti-racist demonstrations: debunked and vandalized statues

Other parades have taken place across France, such as in Bordeaux, Nantes or Lyon. A small counter-demonstration by the police subsequently brought together a few dozen people in front of the Arc de Triomphe in Paris, with cars and beacons.

- "Unacceptable violence" -

In central London, thousands of anti-racist protesters gathered in a tense atmosphere, while far-right activists gathered near the parliament around statues they intended to protect.

Retweeting a video of far-right protesters taking on the police, Interior Minister Priti Patel denounced "completely unacceptable violence" and called on protesters to return home to stop the spread of the new coronavirus.

Police said they had made more than 100 arrests after clashes between far-right counter-protesters and police. Six police officers were slightly injured.

AFP / CLEMENT MAHOUDEAUAnti-racist demonstration in Marseille, in the south of France, June 13, 2020

The police had to carry out an "important" operation because there were "pockets of violence directed against our police officers," said the Metropolitan Police Service.

Television footage showed demonstrators hitting or throwing police bottles, as well as clashes between the two camps.

"Racist brutality has no place on our streets," said Prime Minister Boris Johnson, and "anyone who attacks the police will face the full force of the law."

While images of the unrest were widely disseminated on social media, Mr Johnson tweeted: "Racism has no place in the UK and we have to work together to make it a reality".

AFP / DANIEL LEAL-OLIVASClashes in London between anti-racist protesters and far-right activists, June 13, 2020

Although the Black Lives Matter movement canceled the planned demonstration in the center of the capital, several hundred people gathered in Hyde Park before heading to parliament. British police had asked them to follow a specific route and disperse at 4:00 p.m. GMT to avoid the risk of clashes with far-right activists.

The anti-racism association "Hope Not Hate" had warned that several groups of supporters of football clubs, as well as members of far-right movements like Britain First, were planning to come together to defend monuments such as the statue of the former Prime Minister Winston Churchill, near the parliament, degraded on the sidelines of demonstrations against racism last weekend.

The inscription "Was a racist" was tagged under the name of the famous conservative leader, accused of having made racist remarks, in particular against the Indians.

The Minister of the Interior asked that the statue of Churchill, sheltered in a metal box, be visible again. "We must release Churchill, a hero of our nation who fought fascism and racism in this country and in Europe," she told the Daily Mail on Saturday.

AFP / Michal CizekDemonstration against racism in front of the American Embassy in Prague, June 13, 2020

Thousands of demonstrators in Switzerland challenged the ban on the gathering of more than 300 people to prevent the spread of Covid-19. There were more than 10,000 in the center of Zurich, mostly dressed in black, waving banners proclaiming "Black Lives Matter" or "Racism is a pandemic too".

Several thousand people also participated in an unauthorized peaceful demonstration in Bern outside the Swiss government and parliament buildings in the capital.

In Australia, thousands of protesters marched against racism on Saturday in several cities, including Perth, despite the authorities' warning that the new coronavirus pandemic may resume due to the rallies.

BILL BARR LIED

Secret Service Finally Admits Using Pepper Spray On Protesters Ahead Of Trump's Bible Pose

Mary Papenfuss HuffPost  June 13, 2020

The Secret Service reversed an earlier claim and admitted Saturday that it did use pepper spray on protesters to clear the way before President Donald Trump held aloft a Bible outside a church for a photo op nearly two weeks ago.

“After further review, the U.S. Secret Service has determined that an agency employee used pepper spray on June 1st to secure the area near Lafayette Parks,” said the new statement. The oleoresin capsicum spray was “used in response to an assaultive individual,” the statement added. Details about the behavior were not provided.

Secret Service Statement: pic.twitter.com/hsocyFntAl
— U.S. Secret Service (@SecretService) June 13, 2020

Last week the agency insisted that “no agency personnel used tear gas or capsicum spray.”

The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention considers pepper spray a “riot control agent,” which it notes is “sometimes referred to as ‘tear gas’” — along with compounds more widely associated with tear gas, including chloroacetophenone (CN) and chlorobenzylidenemalononitrile (CS).

The U.S. Park Police also initially denied using tear gas. But a spokesman later said it was a “mistake” to say “tear gas” wasn’t used, because the pepper balls officers fired burn and make it difficult for targets to breathe.

Following the Secret Service reversal, the American Civil Liberties Union issued a statement noting that “once again, yet another federal agency is pulling back yet another lie meant to cover up the administration’s unlawful firing of tear gas and other weapons outside the White House on June 1.”

Critics erupted after the brutal law enforcement crackdown on anti-racism protesters that evening to clear the way way so Trump could pose with a Bible at St. John’s Episcopal Church across the street from the White House. The ACLU and Black Lives Matter have sued the Trump administration for what they labeled an “unconstitutional” and “frankly criminal attack” that evening.

Cell phone and media videos of the crackdown showed peaceful protesters struck with batons and shields, manhandled by law enforcement, and apparently gassed.

Attorney General William Barr, who ordered the removal of the protesters before Trump’s photo op, insisted in an interview last week that pepper spray is “not a chemical irritant.” He also claimed protesters were “not peaceful,” though that’s not supported by extensive video coverage of law enforcement action.

We've ID'ed the 4th canister @wusa9 collected Monday H & 17th as a Stinger Ball Grenade carrying OC gas and spreading rubber pellets at high speeds launched by police at crowds. Thanks to @Brian_Castner for help. https://t.co/RVP52fBv1n pic.twitter.com/9ck6POWkDX
— Nathan Baca (@NathanBacaTV) June 5, 2020

Constructing Crisis

Bert Spector
Cambridge University Press, Sep. 5, 2019 - Business & Economics - 316 pages

https://tinyurl.com/y956cah5

There is no such thing as a crisis. Rather than an actual, corporeal thing, a crisis is a claim asserted from a position of power and influence, intended to shape the understanding of others. A constructed crisis by a leader may or may not be legitimate, and, legitimate or not, the content of a claim alone does not determine whether people decide to believe it. Rather than viewing crises as the result of objective events, Spector demonstrates that leaders impose crises on organizations to strategically assert power and exert control. Interpreting crisis through a critical lens, this interdisciplinary book encompasses not just management and organizational literature, but also sociology, history, cognitive science, and psychology. The resulting wide-ranging, critical, and provocative analysis will appeal in particular to students and academics researching leadership and crisis management.

Contents

Undertaking a New Interpretive Effort	1
10	16
Crisis as a Reification of Urgency	18
Advancing the Crisis as Event Model	37
Problems Crises and Contextual Constructionism	58
An Objective Description and a Subjective UhOh	81
Believing Claims of Urgency Or Not	106
The Power of a Good Crisis Narrative	140

To Create Such a Crisis to Foster Such a Tension	165
Beyond ForgedinCrisis Leadership	191
So What?	221
References	253
Index	292
111	294
Copyright

AMERIKA HOME OF THE FREE 

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   Policing in the United States, 1800–1970 ... patrol to whip even free Negroes away from their home or employer's business .

BILL BARR LIED

Aggressive Tactics by National Guard, Ordered to Appease Trump, Wounded the Military, Too

Thomas Gibbons-Neff, Eric Schmitt and Helene Cooper,
 The New York Times•June 11, 2020

A protester LEFT stands across from members of the National Guard near the White House in Washington, June 3, 2020. (Erin Schaff/The New York Times)

WASHINGTON — A white National Guard commander called the standoff in Lafayette Square “the Alamo,” implying that the White House was under siege. Black members of the D.C. Guard objected to turning on their neighbors. Army leaders told pilots to “flood the box with everything we have” as two helicopters buzzed protesters in the streets.

The National Guard is now engaged in an investigation of the havoc a week ago Monday in downtown Washington, similar to after-the-fact examinations more common to battlefields in Iraq and Afghanistan. There will be questions, interviews and competing narratives.

But on one point everyone is agreed: The first days of June, a calamitous period for the Trump presidency, have been a debacle for the National Guard.

There has been a torrent of criticism from Congress, senior retired military officers and Guard members themselves since more than 5,000 Guard troops — from the District of Columbia and a dozen states — were rushed to the streets of the capital to help in the crackdown on mostly peaceful protesters and occasional looters after the killing of George Floyd in police custody. The D.C. Guard has halted recruiting efforts, and at least four National Guard troops have tested positive for the coronavirus.

D.C. Guard members, typically deployed to help after hurricanes, floods and other natural disasters, say they feel demoralized and exhausted. More than 60% are people of color, and one soldier said he and some fellow troops were so ashamed in taking part against the protests that they have kept it from family members.

“Typically, as the D.C. National Guard, we are viewed as the heroes,” said another soldier, 1st Lt. Malik Jenkins-Bey, 42, who was the acting commander of the 273rd Military Police Company during the first days of the protests. But last week was different, he said.

“It’s a very tough conversation to have when a soldier turns to me and they’re saying, ‘Hey sir, you know my cousin was up there yelling at me, that was my neighbor, my best friend from high school,’ ” said Jenkins-Bey, who is African American.

Interviews with two dozen military officials as well as texts, internet chats, audio recordings, emails and documents obtained by The New York Times also show that:

— Senior Army leaders — in an effort to prevent what they feared would be a calamitous outcome if President Donald Trump ordered combat troops from the 82nd Airborne Division, holding just outside city limits, to the streets — leaned heavily on the Guard to carry out aggressive tactics to prove it could do the job without active-duty forces.

— Guard leaders issued a flurry of ad hoc orders that put thousands of Guard soldiers in face-to-face conflict with fellow Americans.

— Some of the Guard soldiers were just out of basic training, and others had no experience in controlling disturbances in the streets. Guard soldiers were allowed to drive heavy vehicles on the streets without the usual licensing.

In the next days, the Army is expected to release the results of a preliminary investigation into why the helicopters — a Black Hawk and, in particular, a Lakota with the Red Cross emblem designating it a medical helicopter — came to be used to terrorize protesters in Washington.

Ryan McCarthy, the Army secretary, acknowledged that he gave the order for the helicopters to respond, but by the time that order reached the pilots, officials said, it was interpreted as high profile and urgent to disrupt the protests. Officials expect the pilots who flew the helicopters will receive some type of punishment.

And when National Guard officials requested written guidance allowing troops without military licenses to drive armored vehicles around Washington, the officer in charge of the task force, Brig Gen. Robert K. Ryan, said it was a verbal order from the Army’s chief of staff, Gen. James C. McConville. Written confirmation never came, and a Defense Department official with direct knowledge of the situation said McConville never gave such an order.

The D.C. National Guard did not respond to a request for comment.

Around 9:15 a.m. Monday, June 1, more than an hour into Defense Secretary Mark T. Esper’s weekly videoconference staff meeting with officials at the Pentagon, an aide slipped a note to the secretary. “I’ve got to go,” Esper said, ending the call and summoning top aides for a smaller meeting on security in the capital and in Minnesota.

The night before, some demonstrators had hurled projectiles at the police and other law enforcement authorities. The night before that, six National Guard troops had been injured — five hit in the legs with bricks and one hit in the head. Thinly sourced intelligence reports, with no direct corroboration and highlighted in a brief early last week, suggested that fringe groups might try to use car bombs to attack government and law enforcement positions.

Trump himself was enraged by news reports that he had been moved on Friday night, May 29, to a White House bunker because of the protests outside his gates. The president was alarmed and unsettled by the violence, and by Monday, he was threatening to invoke the 1807 Insurrection Act, which would allow him to order active-duty troops into cities across the United States. Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, objected, saying it was a terrible idea to have combat troops trained to fight foreign adversaries at war with Americans.

A wild scramble ensued to use another option: Summon National Guard troops from other states to reinforce the 1,200 D.C. Guard troops already called up. Unlike other Guard units, the D.C. Guard reports not to a state governor but to the Army secretary, who in turn reports to the defense secretary and the president.

From the Pentagon and a National Guard operations center on Monday in nearby Northern Virginia, officials held a hastily arranged conference call with all of the commanders of state National Guard forces.

The appeal was blunt and urgent: How many troops can you send and when can you send them? Pentagon officials said they preferred troops with previous training in civil disturbances, but they knew they did not have time to be picky.

Some states with Republican governors quickly jumped in — Tennessee, South Carolina, Utah. West Virginia’s National Guard sent a reconnaissance plane, typically used for border security and to spot drug smugglers.

Along with the troops, National Guard units from other states brought weapons and ammunition. Tens of thousands of rifle and pistol rounds were stored in the D.C. Armory and partitioned in pallets, labeled by their state of origin, to be used on U.S. citizens in case of emergency.

Other states, like California, were dealing with demonstrations of their own and were reluctant to part with any forces. Some Guard commanders, recalling the lessons of the Vietnam War and the Guard shootings that killed four Kent State students in 1970, were deeply concerned about committing their troops to a vaguely defined urban mission that could put their forces in direct contact with U.S. citizens protesting racial injustice.

But Milley and McCarthy warned the Guard throughout the day that if it could not control the protests, Trump would most likely call in the 82nd Airborne. The pressure was particularly intense on the D.C. Guard, which had the only sizable military force on the streets.

Both McCarthy and McConville pressed Maj. Gen. William J. Walker, the commanding general of the D.C. National Guard, to increase his forces’ presence in the city, according to a senior Defense Department official.

By 5 p.m. June 1, Jenkins-Bey’s D.C. Guard troops had positioned themselves in a line behind the D.C. police just outside Lafayette Square. The lieutenant had often reminded them that “this isn’t a deployment against the enemy.”

A few hours earlier, Esper had told the nation’s governors in a conference from the White House call with Trump that troops controlling the protesters needed to dominate the “battle space.” Jenkins-Bey made clear to his troops in the following days where he stood: “We’re not here to dominate any battle spaces or anything like that, our job is simply to stand the line between the police and the citizens so that they can say what they need to say.”

McCarthy, who served in the Army’s elite 75th Ranger Regiment during the war in Afghanistan, pored over maps and strategized with Guard and federal officials at a command post set up at the FBI’s Washington field office in the city’s Chinatown district.

This micromanagement was a last-ditch attempt to keep active-duty troops outside the city.

Military officials scrambled to arrange transport planes to pick Guard soldiers up and fly them to Washington. Most would not start arriving until Tuesday morning, but officials expressed confidence they had enough on hand and en route for Esper and Milley to tell the president that help was on the way.

But the 82nd Airborne units, based at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, along with a military police unit from Fort Drum, New York, were still on their way to Washington.

The question was, where should the Pentagon put the incoming combat troops? Attorney General William Barr quickly scuttled one proposal to place them at the Marine Barracks just a mile from the Capitol, saying he did not want the troops in the city. Officials agreed on an alternative plan to deploy them to Fort Belvoir, in suburban Virginia.

Thirty minutes before 7 p.m., when Washington’s curfew was to go into effect, U.S. Park Police rushed into a crowd of protesters at Lafayette Square. Jenkins-Bey, in line with his troops behind the police officers, said he was taken by surprise as the assault with rubber bullets began.

After the assault, Milley, clad in fatigues, walked across the park behind Trump and his entourage for a photo opportunity at a nearby church. And, after that, low-flying helicopters sent protesters scattering.

“The reason you didn’t see Guardsmen commanded by governors use heavy handed tactics in states is because it devalues them, and increases tension at a delicate moment,” said Jon Soltz, an Iraq war veteran who is the chairman of VoteVets.

By Sunday, Trump — under widespread criticism — ordered the Guard from other states to return home.

On Tuesday, during a conference call updating commanders on the situation in Washington, Ryan, the task force commander, likened the defense of Lafayette Square to the “Alamo” and his troops’ response to the huge protests on Saturday to the “Super Bowl.”

That military response has already had aftershocks for those in the D.C. Guard. In one mass text sent Sunday, Guard leadership told troops “to be wary of ordering food from outside sources as well as any conversations held while in public places.”

“Please be vigilant that some of the DC public does not agree with our mission and may have nefarious intention toward our service members,” the text said.

This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

© 2020 The New York Times Company

REDMONTON
‘One protest just isn't going to cut it’: hundreds march against police brutality in Edmonton
 
© Ian Kucerak Demonstrators speak out against police brutality against Black people in Canada and worldwide during the Silence the Sirens march in Edmonton, on Friday, June 12, 2020. Photo by Ian Kucerak/Postmedia

After the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody, and following last week’s Fight for Equity demonstration in Edmonton, co-organizers Sarah Ross, 26, and Betty Abebayehu, 23, said they felt frustrated and compelled to take action.

“We just know that there’s a lot more work that needs to be done. One protest just isn’t going to cut it,” said Ross before the march, dubbed Silence the Sirens, began. The goal is to educate people and unify the black community and its allies with a positive, peaceful protest, they said.

It’s about getting policing officials to recognize the trauma experienced by black people, Indigenous people and racialized communities, Abebayehu said.

And, Edmontonians should expect to see continuous protest and other forms of political action for change, including the lobbying of city council, they said.

Police need to acknowledge there is a racism problem so that they can work towards addressing it, said Ross.

“We’re going to need them to open their eyes,” she said.

On Monday, Deputy RCMP Commissioner Curtis Zablocki was speaking at a news conference after Alberta’s police watchdog announced charges against two officers involved in a deadly 2018 shooting in Whitecourt. He said he didn’t “believe that racism is systemic through Canadian policing, I don’t believe it’s systemic through policing in Alberta.”

Earlier Friday afternoon, Zablocki walked back the comments . Also Friday, a group representing over 200 Alberta defence lawyers called for his resignation.  
© Ian Kucerak Demonstrators speak out against police brutality against Black people in Canada and worldwide during the Silence the Sirens march in Edmonton, on Friday, June 12, 2020. Photo by Ian Kucerak/Postmedia

Attendees at the march Friday evening chanted “black lives matter” and “no justice, no peace” as they made their way from 109 St. and Jasper Ave., across the the High Level Bridge. The route took the march back north across the river to end at Churchill Square.

Abebayehu encouraged those who have the privilege to stand up for those who are vulnerable without facing any physical or political consequences to do so. That includes educating family members and co-workers and pressuring public officials for change.

Organizers acknowledged public health restrictions and safety concerns due to COVID-19, and encouraged attendees to wear masks.

“If the people of Minneapolis failed to stand up, worried about COVID-19,” Abebayehu began, “there would be no justice,” Ross said.
 
© Ian Kucerak Demonstrators speak out against police brutality against Black people in Canada and worldwide while crossing the High Level Bridge during the Silence the Sirens march in Edmonton, on Friday, June 12, 2020. Photo by Ian Kucerak/Postmedia
lijohnson@postmedia.com

AUSTRALIA 

Police Treatment Of Aboriginal Teen ‘Disturbing’, Writes Mitch Tambo
"I have heard many heart-wrenching stories of young people threatened or inappropriately treated by police. Only last week it happened to someone in my own family."

By Mitch Tambo, opinion Guest Writer

MITCH TAMBO

"Lack of compassion from those in authority such as police officers is an ongoing issue."

The recent incident of a 17-year-old Aboriginal teenager’s legs being kicked from under him by a police officer left me upset. I could not believe that days after George Floyd was killed at the hands of police, an Australian young person would face this kind of treatment, which was also captured on camera.

I’m not condoning the inappropriate language the teenager used. But at the same time, when we look at what’s currently happening in the world, the unnecessary brutal handling of this young person by police just reinforces the dominant discourse that minorities and people of colour are constantly at the mercy of the authorities.

It was really disturbing and disheartening to see a video of a police officer kick the legs out from under the teen, who I am sure was grappling with a lot of different emotions. This is a time when the whole world is protesting against injustices, meanwhile there is still the over incarceration of Aboriginal people, deaths in custody and constant mistreatment in our own country.

Indigenous Australians are the most incarcerated people in the world.

Despite making up about 2% of Australia’s population, they account for 28% of the adult prison population.

FACEBOOK The incident in Surry Hills was caught on camera.
I’ve seen comments online that the teen was in the wrong so who cares. Yes, he was mouthy and was acting out, but if that was your teenager getting slammed into cement, I feel any of us would think differently. You could hear him squealing in absolute agony. Thankfully, he was not more seriously injured when you see the sheer force used.While I completely appreciate the complex situations our law enforcement officers find themselves in on a daily basis, on this occasion, I feel the officer went too far. This is a person who is trained with the skills to appropriately and safely restrain a young person who is a risk to themselves or others. If this officer isn’t able to diffuse the situation calmly and restrain the young person in an appropriate and safe manner, then he should not be employed as a police officer.

The fact is, trans-generational trauma is very real and has been passed on from Aboriginal generation to generation. Our people have a very long history when it comes to police incarceration and the court system. Many of us are still carrying that trauma, still affected by what they’ve experienced or what others in their families or communities have told them.

Aboriginal people are regularly subjected to racial hatred and victimisation as Australian society has been conditioned to look down on First Nations since the invasion of the Western settlers. Every time they hear statistics, read about someone like George Floyd, or see hateful comments on social media this perception is reinforced.

I have worked in numerous settings with at-risk Aboriginal youth, where I have heard many heart-wrenching stories of young people threatened or inappropriately treated by police. Only last week it happened to someone in my own family.

My teenage nephew was followed down the street by a police car for no reason after he’d just finished shopping at a supermarket. He got scared so hid in an alleyway until police lost sight of him. He asked me whether it was because he might have looked “gangster”.

I replied, “No, you just look like any other youth in a Nike sweatshirt.” I suggested that he might have looked similar to someone they had their sights on. His sad response was, “Yeah, just like every other Black kid, eh?.” These kids are already aware of what others think of them – they don’t need to constantly get the message that the police are against them.

Lack of compassion from those in authority such as police officers is an ongoing issue. While I know many officers who are doing a remarkable job, there’s also a portion whose treatment of people change due to ethnicity.

At the end of last year, I was fortunate to speak and engage with Aboriginal workers at the NSW Police Academy. Many of these employees know there’s a gap in the system and are committed to making a positive change for Aboriginal people and the wider community. However there also needs to be more training and positive and meaningful conversations between the police and the Aboriginal community to develop further understanding and compassion. When it comes the Aboriginal community, a lot of our people don’t need to be attacked or locked up. They need to be empowered and given the tools to navigate our thwarted system.

I feel the wider community needs to educate and empower. Education needs to start in the home. Parents need to teach their children from a young age to love unconditionally. We need to discuss our history and implement change to create a brighter future.

I recently released my latest single LOVE and the timing of that can’t be underestimated. I sing the song in Gamilaraay – my traditional Aboriginal language. The whole message is one of love, unity and acceptance, no matter what race, gender or religion you are. If the police and everyone in general could embrace this message more, we could actually create an amazing foundation for our Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth, all Australian youth. Everyone needs to feel confident that they are safe to walk the streets.

Mitch Tambo Gamilaraay singer-songwriter and performer.