Monday, August 22, 2022

A Mega-Merger Has Left Some Gold Miners Fearing for Their Safety

Nevada Gold Mines’ corporate culture, as they describe it, appears to put profit and productivity above all else.


NICK BOWLIN
DANIEL ROTHENBERG
MOTHER JONES
Photo illustration by Neu Tokyo for High Country News and The Nevada Independent

This article, a collaboration between High Country News and The Nevada Independent, was supported by grants from the Fund for Investigative Journalism and is republished here as part of our Climate Desk partnership..

Note: Because some sources were concerned about the possibility of retaliation, gender-neutral pseudonyms were used in this story. An asterisk is used to denote where a source’s name have been changed to protect their identity.

When Drew* started working for the Newmont Corporation at a large gold mine in northeastern Nevada, it was a relief. At their previous mining job near Elko, a Nevada town heavily reliant on the industry, safety was not a priority. By comparison, Drew said, Newmont supported its workers when they raised serious safety issues. “It was never geared toward the blame game,” they told us. When Drew was injured, there “was no debate on if we should report it.”

But, as Drew recounted in multiple interviews this year, that positive safety culture began to unravel after a merger consolidated the region’s gold mines—some of the world’s largest—into a single company: Nevada Gold Mines.

“All they care about is the bottom line, pushing ore through,” Drew said in an interview.

In 2019, Barrick Gold Corp and Newmont formed a mega-company that would be managed by Barrick’s executives. The new company, Nevada Gold Mines, now accounts for about 75 percent of the state’s gold production. Earlier this year, High Country News and The Nevada Independent published an investigation into Nevada Gold Mines’ outsized influence in northeastern Nevada. With about 7,000 employees and 4,000 contractors, Nevada Gold Mines dominates the economy of that part of the state, operating with enormous influence and little competition.

Since that investigation, which chronicled increased turnover as well as instances of alleged workplace harassment and discrimination, more than three dozen current and former employees, as well as others close to the situation, contacted us through a tipline to share their experiences. Many said that the jointly owned company’s top management has created a culture that appeared to emphasize profits and productivity above all else, seemingly at the expense of safety. In August, Mark Bristow, Barrick’s chief executive, sat down with The Nevada Independent and High Country News and acknowledged that Nevada Gold Mines has the worst safety record of all the company’s divisions, which operate in Tanzania, Canada, the Dominican Republic and Papua New Guinea.

More than 10 of the current and former workers who initially contacted The Nevada Independent and HCN agreed to follow-up interviews. Nearly all of them spoke to us on condition that we not disclose their identity because they feared retaliation, given the company’s influence in Nevada mining and the local job market.“Nobody wanted to report accidents anymore, because we could lose our bonus and everyone would be mad at you.”

This is not the first time that workers have voiced concerns about safety since the merger. Safety issues appear several times in a 2020 lawsuit that the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) filed over the company’s unwillingness to recognize a union that had represented mine workers for more than 60 years. The federal agency, which is responsible for enforcing labor law, took the sworn statements of several workers. “I am worried that if I bring up a legitimate safety concern, there could be repercussions. I could be viewed as stirring shit, and they would say that I’m just a problem and get rid of me,” Mike Tangreen, a Nevada mine worker for more than two decades, stated in a sworn March 2020 affidavit included as part of the lawsuit.

Part of Nevada Gold Mines’ hold on the area is the good-paying jobs it provides. It also helps fund health-care clinics and supports community services in a part of the state where economic fortunes cycle with global metal prices. Even employees who criticized the company acknowledged this.

Others, like laboratory technician Sam Brown, believe that the merger’s long-term benefits outweigh the downsides. There have been “growing pains,” Brown said, but he believed a single company could operate more efficiently, making it more likely that its mines would be competitive and survive, even if the price of gold dropped.

“For the most part, people understand and appreciate that the company is a positive force in Elko,” Brown said. “As soon as the mines dry up, the face of Elko changes dramatically.”

Over the course of the last year, dozens of other mine workers we interviewed acknowledged the company’s economic influence. But they also wondered: At what cost?

When Barrick combined with Randgold Resources, a multinational mining company run by Bristow, he sought to cut costs and boost efficiency. Asked by Bloomberg in January about how Barrick has controlled costs amid rising inflation, Bristow highlighted an effort to “drop (the) overall age of our employee profile, particularly in North America,” among other measures.

Nevada Gold Mines has lost senior and experienced employees across several departments in recent years. Longtime workers said they were concerned that the attempt to bring in younger talent was driving away experienced employees who understood mine safety and the local geology. Hiring inexperienced replacements, they feared, could endanger other employees.

In an interview, Bristow, who is 63, said, “There is no one—I can say to you without fear of contradiction—that has been picked on because of their age.” Although the workforce has grown younger, he said the average age had dropped by only about a year. “It’s suicidal to chase away your experience,” Bristow said, citing exit interview statistics showing that about 60 percent to 70 percent of workers say they would return to the company.

Yet current and former employees said the focus on production and the resulting low morale contributed to a higher-risk environment where safety issues could become more pronounced. Nevada Gold Mines has written policies aimed at protecting workers from the hazards of heavy equipment operation. But the day-to-day incentives, some employees said, are misaligned with those policies.

“If you have a near miss, you lose your safety bonus, because it could have been a potential injury,” a worker testified as part of the 2020 NLRB lawsuit. “If you do have an injury, you lose your bonus.” Drew said that reporting a violation under Nevada Gold Mines became more challenging because workers feared retaliation or losing their safety bonuses, which were increasingly awarded to crews based on reported violations, according to multiple employees. When asked, the company did not provide information about the bonus structure.

Drew saw how this played out firsthand. They hesitated to report a serious shoulder injury, for fear that it would leave a “bad mark.” But Advil and Tylenol were not enough; Drew needed medical attention, so they reported the injury and were escorted to the company-backed Golden Health Clinic. Ultimately, Drew was “given a full work release before it was fully determined what had happened, and there wasn’t much done to determine what had happened.” In other words, it was handled so that the injury wouldn’t affect the company’s statistics.

“Nobody wanted to report accidents anymore, because we could lose our bonus and everyone would be mad at you,” said Drew, who later left Nevada Gold Mines.

They told us they still experience shoulder pain.


Mark Bristow, then CEO of Randall Resources Ltd., applauds the NASDAQ opening bell on May 15, 2006

Mark Lennihan/AP

Hundreds of miles away from its mining operations, Barrick keeps an office at a corporate center in Henderson, a suburb of Las Vegas. Earlier this month, Bristow sat down for an interview with The Nevada Independent and HCN in a nondescript conference room, tucked away in the corner of the office. Bristow, a geologist by training, wore a polo shirt with the Nevada Gold Mines logo. According to him, he inherited a workforce where “people were insecure in their position…I’ve never been at a company where people are scared of being fired. Dismissed. So that was something that we had to work on.”

Bristow said that he wanted “a culture where people feel comfortable about dealing with concerns openly…If you’re faced with an unsafe situation, you should have all the rights to not do the job.”

Bristow also said that even though Nevada Gold Mines has the same percentage of incidents as other divisions in the company, “the incident severity, the impact, the result of the incident is generally, on average, more severe.” But he rejected the idea that safety bonuses incentivized underreporting: “We’ve got enough checks and balances.”

Still, some federal regulators and mine worker advocates frown on bonus systems that hinge on safety, said Davitt McAteer, who served as the assistant secretary for the federal Mine Safety and Health Administration (MSHA) under President Bill Clinton. “It’s a flawed model that leads to underreporting of accidents, and cover-ups of incidents and frequencies of problems,” said McAteer, who has worked as a mine safety lawyer and investigated mine disasters.Nevada Gold Mines “shook the rug pretty violently to see what costs would fall out to appease their shareholders,” a trade publication wrote.

Drew was far from the only employee worried about the new company’s safety culture. At a different northern Nevada mine, another former employee, Jordan,* described feeling unsettled by the changes after Nevada Gold Mines was formed.

Jordan, who worked in the health and safety department, said in a phone interview that they and other employees feared they would be punished or terminated for bringing safety concerns to superiors. Jordan eventually left the company. “My fear is that a major incident will seriously injure or kill someone,” Jordan wrote in the tip form, “and I can’t have that on my conscience.”

Because of mining’s high-risk environment, the federal government closely monitors workplace safety, injuries and fatalities. Multiple current and former workers said that their biggest fear was that a slip-up or lax enforcement of safety protocols could lead to a fatality.

On the morning of Feb. 14, Marissa Hill, a 34-year-old maintenance technician who had worked in mining for more than a decade, died after her lube truck fell more than 60 feet down an underground shaft at the Cortez Hills mining complex, a site operated by Nevada Gold Mines that the company is actively pushing to expand.

MSHA, a federal regulator with broad legal powers to enforce mine safety rules, is investigating and has yet to release additional details beyond a brief preliminary report.

Bristow and other company officials said they could not release any additional information, as the investigation was ongoing. In a statement, the company said it was “working closely with MSHA to fully understand the circumstances that led to the incident and take the correct course of action to ensure it does not happen again.”

More than a dozen employees at various levels, from hourly union-represented workers to people who managed large operations teams, told us that the profit- and production-focused culture was fostered by high-level executives. Several former managers pointed to Bristow’s leadership, saying that in meetings he had criticized the Nevada’s workforce’s lack of efficiency.

This August, we asked Bristow about the extreme cost-cutting measures detailed in a recent article in Mining Journal, an industry-friendly trade publication, which said that Nevada Gold Mines “shook the rug pretty violently to see what costs would fall out to appease their shareholders.” Bristow brushed it off. “I’m not that sort of person,” he said. “Why would you want to do that? You know, your most important asset in any business…is its people.”

But while Bristow may claim that the company’s greatest asset is its people, some have been offended by his comments. In early 2019, after Bristow took the helm of Barrick, a group of senior employees gathered in a conference room at the Turquoise Ridge mine near Winnemucca to bring the new CEO up to speed.The severity of incidents in Nevada “points you to the health of a person, the ability for somebody to take a knock or trip over his own feet,” Bristow said.

Bristow’s reputation as a hard-nosed manager who emphasized cost-cutting and production preceded him, according to a senior employee who attended the meeting and spoke on the condition of anonymity. Before the meeting, several attendees made a bet, pooling their money, with the pot promised to the person that Bristow treated the worst, the senior employee said. Barrick employees began the meeting with presentations regarding mine operations and workplace issues.

At one point, Bristow, who was described as sitting in the front row, interrupted. He said Barrick’s Nevada miners were overpaid, and he mocked their work ethic and physical fitness, according to the employee who was present. A second senior employee who attended confirmed this, saying Bristow called workers “lazy.”

Bristow remembered the meeting, but he denied calling workers “lazy.” His comments, as he recalled them, came from a “real concern about safety,” because physical health matters for workers who have to go underground. At one point, he suggested that the fact that incidents were more severe in Nevada “points you to the health of a person, the ability for somebody to take a knock or trip over his own feet—or her own feet—or things like that.”

In a recent article, the Elko Daily Free Press quoted Bristow as saying, “(Miners) need to be fit. We haven’t got a good safety record, and a lot of that is because people are actually not in a physical condition to look after themselves.” Later, he added: “We’ve got too many out-of-shape people working in our organization.”

Many Nevada Gold Mines workers are aware of Bristow’s comments, and his rhetoric is one of many factors—along with overall working conditions, changes to employee benefits and a soured relationship with the union—that concerns them.

“Don’t get me wrong: I love the people I work with in my little group,” one current worker, who has spent years working in Nevada’s mining industry and seen the changes firsthand, said. “But as for the company on the whole, I trust them about as far as I could throw my house.”
‘Big Chicken’ Merger Moves ahead Despite Investigations by the Biden Administration

Two of the largest poultry processing companies in the country, Wayne Farms and Sanderson Farms, will soon be merged to create one corporation amid a DOJ antitrust lawsuit against the companies. One expert fears the lawsuit won’t do enough to stop the merger from overpowering the chicken industry.

by Claire Carlson August 22, 2022

Processed chicken is on display in a market in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The Justice Department filed a lawsuit and proposed settlement against some of the largest poultry producers in the U.S. It's part of an effort to end what the government claims have been longstanding deceptive and abusive practices for workers. (AP Photo/Gene J. Puskar, File)

A mega-merger between two of the country’s largest poultry processing companies is underway even as the Biden administration attempts to clamp down on antitrust violations by big agriculture companies, including “big chicken.”

In the meantime, the USDA is considering a rule that would require chicken processors to provide farmers with more information so growers can advocate for themselves in sales negotiations. A second rule under review could change the way chicken packers compensate farmers who raise chickens for them. Comments on those proposed rules are due August 23 and September 6 respectively

Wayne Farms and Sanderson Farms will soon become Wayne-Sanderson Farms after the Department of Justice greenlit the acquisition of Sanderson Farms by Cargill and Continental Grain Company in late July. Cargill and Continental Grain Company already owned Wayne Farms and had announced plans to acquire Sanderson Farms and start the merger in August 2021.

Just days after the Sanderson Farms acquisition was finalized, the DOJ filed a lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Maryland on July 25 against Cargill, Sanderson Farms, and Wayne Farms, citing an information exchange conspiracy about poultry workers’ wages and benefits as a violation of the Sherman Act that outlaws “conspiracy in restraint of trade,” according to the Federal Trade Commission.

The lawsuit also alleges that the poultry companies pitted chicken growers against each other through deceptive practices via the poultry tournament system, which ranks chicken producers based on the speed or efficiency with which they raise chickens. Growers who can deliver more product in a shorter amount of time are paid more by poultry processing companies.

Experts say this system is a result of extreme vertical integration, which has enabled poultry processing companies like Wayne Farms and Sanderson Farms to own the entire chicken production process, from raising animals, slaughtering and packing them, and distributing finished meat to retailers.

“The industry has gotten more integrated over the past 30 years and more consolidated,” said Patti Anderson, senior program officer at the Johns Hopkins Center for a Livable Future. “It’s been sold as a way to increase efficiencies, but if you look at reports from the National Chicken Council, the average income for chicken growers when you account for inflation has gone down over the past 30 years.

“[The poultry industry] will tout the kind of efficiencies that they’ve gained, but growers are not better off for being part of this system,” Anderson said.

The three companies have agreed to pay an $84.8 million settlement written into the DOJ lawsuit that will be paid to workers harmed by the information exchange conspiracy. If the consent decree laid out in the lawsuit is approved by the court, the companies would be prohibited from sharing worker information with each other, among several other efforts to keep the companies in check (a full list can be viewed in this DOJ press release.)

One antitrust expert isn’t convinced the lawsuit does enough to prevent the new Wayne-Sanderson Farms merger from exercising undue control over the poultry industry.

“The American Antitrust Institute is concerned that any increases in concentration resulting from the [merger] may increase incentives for collusion in both input and output markets,” wrote Diana Moss, president of the American Antitrust Institute, in an email to the Daily Yonder.

The American Antitrust Institute is looking into whether the lawsuit settlement agreement adequately polices the enhanced market power the new Wayne-Sanderson Farms will have in the poultry industry.
Rulemaking Process

The USDA has started a rulemaking process to revise regulations under the Packers and Stockyards Act to address concerns related to the tournament system and poultry grower contracts.

According to the Rural Advancement Foundation International-USA, USDA’s proposed rule would require live poultry dealers – the corporation that buys chickens from the growers – to more truthfully disclose the information chicken growers need to make informed decisions about their business. The rule would also require dealers to disclose more details about the settlement payments for chicken growers during the tournament system process.

The comment period for the proposed rule, titled Poultry Growing Tournament Systems: Fairness and Related Concerns, closes on September 6.

The USDA also released an Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (ANPRM) asking for feedback from the public on whether the tournament system, among other industry practices, should be considered unfair practice under the Packers and Stockyards Act. The comment period for the ANPRM closes on August 23.
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Buy and Bust: Collapse of Private Equity-Backed Rural Hospitals Mired Employees in Medical Bills

Hospitals’ owner, a private equity firm Noble Health, continued taking money from their paychecks for benefits but failed to pay for coverage.

August 22, 2022

Tara Lovell, an ultrasound technologist who worked at Audrain Community Hospital in Mexico, Missouri, says she faces an estimated $250,000 to $300,000 in unpaid medical bills because her former employer stopped paying for the staff’s medical, dental, vision, and life insurance benefits. 
(Matt Kile for KHN)

This story was originally published by Kaiser Health News.


The first unexpected bill arrived in December, just weeks before Tara Lovell’s husband of 40 years died from bladder cancer.

Lovell worked as an ultrasound technologist at the local Audrain Community Hospital, in Mexico, Missouri, and was paying more than $400 a month for health insurance through her job. The town’s struggling hospital, the sole health care provider and major employer, had changed ownership in recent years, selling in March 2021 to Noble Health, a private equity-backed startup whose managers had never run a hospital.

One year later, facing staggering debt and a pile of lawsuits, Noble closed the hospital and another one it owned in neighboring Callaway County. It is now the focus of at least two federal investigations.

As the hospitals collapsed, Lovell and the facilities’ doctors, nurses, and patients saw evidence that the new owners were skimping on services — failing to pay for and stock surgical supplies and drugs. For example, in Callaway, state inspectors deemed conditions in the hospital to be endangering patients. What was less apparent, former workers said, was that Noble had also stopped paying for employee health, dental, vision, and life insurance benefits. They were unknowingly uninsured.

Lovell and others said they realized — after comparing notes about canceled dental appointments, out-of-pocket costs for glasses, and surprise bills — that Noble had taken money from their paychecks for benefits but failed to pay for coverage.

Lovell took time off to care for her husband in June 2021 and requested full-time leave in August. She retired December 31, 2021, but paid Noble for insurance until March 2022.

“None of us knew until it was too late,” Lovell said. She said she faces $250,000 to $300,000 in medical bills from the last months of her husband’s life. “All they had to do was tell us that we didn’t have insurance.”

The U.S. Department of Labor’s Employee Benefits Security Administration, after receiving complaints from Lovell and other employees about surprise medical bills and the loss of life insurance benefits, launched an investigation in early March, according to a DOL letter sent to the company and obtained by KHN. Scott Allen, an agency spokesperson, declined to comment or confirm the investigation.

The agency confirmed a second investigation by a different division, Wage and Hour, into Noble’s management of its Audrain hospital and clinic. DOL spokesperson Edwin Nieves did not offer details because “it could jeopardize an investigation.” The inquiries could take more than a year and could result in penalties and payment of back benefits and wages, as required by federal law. The cases could also be referred to the U.S. Justice Department for criminal inquiries.

Noble closed the hospitals in late March, citing on social media “a technology issue” and a need to “restructure their operations.” Interviews with former employees and a KHN review of Noble documents and internal communications offer a portrait of a business in a free fall. Employees were shorted their pay and benefits. Vendors sued over more than $4 million in unpaid bills, lawsuits show. And as its crisis deepened, Noble borrowed nearly $10 million in risky loans with interest rates from 25% to 50%, according to former employees with knowledge of the company’s finances.

No Noble executive responded to requests for interviews or to specific questions.

Why Noble was in such dire straits is unclear: The company, which acquired both hospitals during the pandemic, accepted nearly $20 million in federal covid-19 relief funds, including $4.8 million from paycheck protection programs, according to public records.

On April 20, Noble sold both hospitals — for $2 — to Texas-based Platinum Neighbors, which assumed all liabilities, according to the sales agreement. The day before, Platinum Health Systems President Cory Countryman, in a sharp blue suit, promised to do right by employees as they gathered in the Audrain hospital cafeteria, most wearing jeans and sneakers, according to a video shared with KHN.

“Several things are going to be on the priority list for us. Get everybody paid up to where they should be. That’s you guys,” Countryman said. He also said the company would reopen the hospitals. Months later, neither has happened.

Countryman did not respond to a reporter’s questions for this article.

Amy O’Brien, chief executive of the Audrain hospital, said “the doctors and staff are hanging in here with us and really fighting for the community and the patients they serve.” Platinum hopes to open Audrain in September, O’Brien said. She declined to comment on Callaway.

Rural hospital closures are not unusual — 140 have failed nationwide since 2010. Most often, they slowly fade away because payments for the typical patient base — people who are uninsured or covered by low-paying government programs — can no longer sustain modern care.

But Lovell said Noble’s methods felt particularly “evil.” At 64 years old, she lost her husband and left her job. Now Lovell fears the unpaid medical bills will jeopardize her financial security: “I can’t believe they would do this to human beings.”
‘Where Did All the Money Go?’

Noble’s finances were buckling by the time Lovell and others said they realized they were uninsured.

Noble was launched in late 2019 by venture capital and private-equity firm Nueterra Capital. Nueterra bought the Callaway County hospital in 2014 before handing over management to Noble in December 2019. Noble later bought Callaway Community Hospital and then Audrain. Nueterra and Noble shared office space in Leawood, a suburb south of Kansas City, Kansas, according to former employees and public records.

A Missouri state filing lists Noble’s directors as Nueterra Chairman Daniel Tasset and Donald R. Peterson. Its executives included Tom Carter and, eventually, William A. “Drew” Solomon. In a March email to KHN, Peterson said they created the company to “save a rural hospital that was about to close.”

Tasset didn’t respond to requests for comment, and Peterson said he was unavailable for an interview.

Although the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services vets such purchases, these seemed less-than-ideal buyers: None had experience running a hospital, and Peterson had been accused of Medicare fraud. Peterson settled that case without admitting wrongdoing and agreed to be excluded for five years from Medicare, Medicaid, and all other federal health care programs, according to the U.S. Health and Human Services Department’s Office of Inspector General.

More than a dozen lawsuits were filed in Missouri courts alleging that Noble owed money to vendors and contractors that provided services including nursing, landscaping, food, and covid testing. In nearly half, judgments have been entered against Noble, many of them for “failing to appear.”

Shortly after Noble took over the Audrain hospital, Kristy Melton, the facility’s blood bank supervisor, received an email from its blood supplier saying it hadn’t been paid for several months. Patient care deteriorated: The Callaway hospital was considered so “at risk” that state health department inspectors removed its patients.

Melton, 63, had worked at the Audrain hospital for nearly 25 years. As of July, neither Noble nor Platinum had fully paid her wages, she said. Melton and others are relying on unemployment benefits, she said, adding that hers are set to end in September.

In late June, Platinum requested that Missouri officials extend a deadline to reopen the hospitals to September.

Whether Platinum, a private company, realized the extent of the liabilities, or debt, it accepted when purchasing Noble is unclear.

One former high-level Noble employee, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of fear of litigation, estimated that Noble’s debt totaled $45 million to $50 million, including what was owed to vendors and on more than a dozen high-interest loans from multiple lenders.

Noble acquired its first high-interest loan in August 2021, the employee said, and received the final one — at 48% interest — the month before the hospitals closed.

“Where did all the money go for the taxes and benefits?” the employee said in an interview. “I’d get a forensic auditor in there.”

One lender, Itria Ventures, which offers financing to businesses, is a subsidiary of Biz2Credit, a New York-based online lender. In a lawsuit filed in April, Itria alleges that Noble failed to pay on three loans it took out in January 2022.

Itria’s agreements work much the same way as payday loans do: Noble borrowed nearly $2 million, with interest rates of 25%, promising to pay it off within seven months. Itria expected weekly installments of $67,000. Noble stopped paying in early March, according to the lawsuit. Noble has not responded to Itria’s claims, but court records show it has asked for more time to do so.
‘I Didn’t Have Real Insurance’

In early April, Noble Health emailed employees, saying “we can’t tell you how sorry we are that you’re in this situation” and assuring them that their medical, dental, and vision coverage would remain in place “at least through April 30, 2022.”

By then, hospital workers knew better. Radiology technician Jana Wolthuis had taken screenshots showing that her dental and vision coverage was “terminated as of 1/31/2022.” Later, the insurer would ask Wolthuis to help claw back $240.40 it “overpaid” the dentist.

The blood bank’s Melton was calling the insurer before every appointment. She had already paid more than $1,400 for dental bills that weren’t covered. “I was extremely gun-shy,” she said, noting that she had an insurance card but “I didn’t have real insurance.”

In March 2022, the Health Cooperative of Missouri, which had been hired in January as Noble’s insurance broker, detailed the missing payments to Noble’s leadership team in a presentation. As of March 16, Noble owed more than $307,000 in outstanding premiums to Principal, Humana, HealthEZ, and the Hartford.Page 4 of NB_MHC_Deck Contributed to DocumentCloud by Sarah Jane Tribble (Kaiser Health News) • View document or read text

“Over the past 11 weeks all of the employee benefits plans have been terminated or have had potential termination for lack of payment,” the presentation deck stated, adding that Noble was the broker’s only client that did not have an automatic electronic withdrawal.

This had come up earlier, too. In 2021, Meritain administered Noble’s self-insured benefits plan, which meant it was paid a fee to process claims for hospital employees’ medical, dental, and vision insurance. Noble was supposed to pay the fee and fund the plan.

Peterson, Noble’s executive chairman, had not approved the automatic bank withdrawals for Meritain’s administration fees, according to a Noble email shared with KHN. When sent forms to set up electronic withdrawals, the email shows, Peterson passed the message on to others, writing: “I hope you guys are handling this. — Don.”

The email showed Meritain could not access funds to pay its fees for Audrain hospital since Noble bought it in March 2021. Callaway fees had not been paid in July and August 2021.

Noble’s Meritain account appears to be a focus of the Labor Department’s employee benefit investigation, according to the March 2 letter sent to Solomon. Federal investigator Casey Branning requested documents and interviews with Noble leaders and indicated the agency would examine the Noble People Employee Benefit Plan, the company’s human resource subsidiary. Solomon could not be reached for comment.

The investigator’s eight-page letter asked for agreements, payroll records, and more. One bulleted item: copies of payments to Meritain. Another was for “any and all correspondence with employees regarding the Plan and any failure to fund claims.”

Tara Lovell’s husband, Donald, the cancer patient, was not the only former employee or family member to suffer:

The family of Michael Batty, 63, a hospital janitor who had an aortic aneurysm at work in January 2022, said they had no idea his life insurance had been terminated for nonpayment. His daughter, Stephanie Hinnah, was the beneficiary of the policy — with an expected payout of $60,000. She was initially told she wouldn’t get a cent because the policy had lapsed before her father’s death.

Hinnah, who endured months of stress, said her father would not have wanted to leave his daughter in debt. Unfortunately, she said, “my dad doesn’t really have a voice to speak about it.”

To pay for her father’s cremation, Hinnah raised $700 by selling Batty’s belongings in a garage sale. She said she owed the funeral home about $8,000. She filed an appeal to the Hartford, and months passed. In late July, after KHN contacted the Hartford, a spokesperson, Suzanne Barlyn, told KHN that “after further review” the insurer would pay the benefits.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.
White Christian Nationalism, Out in the Open

Some on the right have grown comfortable being labeled “Christian nationalists.”

THE BULWARK
AUGUST 22, 2022 


There was a time, not very long ago, when far-right figures wanted to avoid being called “Christian nationalists”—denying or deflecting or pleading ignorance. Even now, some reject the label. “Reporters frequently ask me,” Robert Jeffress, the megachurch pastor, said last month, “‘Are you a Christian nationalist?’ . . . And I respond emphatically, ‘No, not in any way.’” In May, Doug Mastriano, the Republican nominee in the race for Pennsylvania governor, wrote a reporter, “Is this a term you fabricated? What does it mean and where have I indicated that I am a Christian Nationalist?” Franklin Graham told the same reporter that “Christian nationalism doesn’t exist.”

Despite the protestations, the term Christian nationalism is well suited for much of the far right. Think of (defeated) Georgia gubernatorial candidate Kandiss Taylor’s slogan “Jesus, Guns, Babies.” Or the extensive Christian symbolism in the crowd that attacked the Capitol on January 6th. Or the Republicans, such as Rep. Lauren Boebert and Doug Mastriano, who have pointedly said they believe in collapsing the separation of church and state.

We may be entering a new phase, however—one in which at least some people are claiming, proudly, to be Christian nationalists, and writing apologetics explicitly in defense of the label and its attendant ideology. Witness Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, who openly proclaims herself a Christian nationalist on Twitter and in interviews and on t-shirts. Or the Federalist, which on August 11 published an article entitled “Christian Nationalism Is Biblical And America-First, But It’s Not White.” The author, Carina Benton, is a regular contributor to the Trump-loving right-wing outlet and not someone with apparent expertise in theology or political philosophy—but the article is a useful indicator of how the debate is shifting, and because similar arguments have popped up elsewhere, it is worth at least a quick dissection.

Benton asserts that the criticism of Christian nationalism relies on “straw man arguments that misrepresent both Christianity and nationalism, and phony attempts to depict the movement as white,” before going on to prove Godwin’s Law halfway through.

Perhaps the two most pernicious paragraphs in Benton’s article deal with the idea of what a Christian nation is. First, she says that the United States chose God, chose Christianity, within a very specific doctrinal image:

The United States isn’t special because it’s a nation chosen by God; it’s special because it’s a nation that chose God. The implications are entirely biblical. Holy Scripture invites individuals from every race, tribe, nation, and language to freely enter into a personal relationship with the Savior, to live by His commandments, and worship Him as King.

Everyone is invited to “freely enter into a personal relationship with the Savior,” fine, but the mechanism described here is neither free nor personal: It is a state-imposed Christendom over the nation and its inhabitants. Don’t take our word for it, Benton is very clear:

[Holy Scripture] also envisages, from Genesis to Isaiah, from the Gospels to the Book of Revelation, the conversion of whole nations or peoples, and warns of the inevitable harm of instead embracing a culture of idolatry, depravity, and deceit. Hence, we read in Proverbs that “a nation without God’s guidance is a nation without order.”

This is the model being advocated. It is very clearly Christian nationalism—a label Benton welcomes. And while she objects to calling it “white Christian nationalism,” she certainly seems to be advocating a cultural and religious conversion to a dominant strand of Christian thought in this country, one that has—justifiably, given the politics of those who have tended to espouse it—been called “white Christian nationalism.” (More on this in a moment.)

Benton’s article is not the first case of apologetics for Christian nationalism in the Federalist. In 2019, it published “We Need Christian Nationalism Because Religious Neutrality Has Failed,” which argues that religious neutrality should be rejected in favor of “a conviction that a Christian understanding of the world should predominate over other worldviews in American civic life.” And a 2021 article called “Stop Smearing Christians As ‘Christian Nationalists’ Just Because They Value Both Faith And Freedom” includes this line apparently intended as a defense of January 6th insurrectionists: “You think Big Tech and bureaucrats rigged an election that will result in your rights being infringed, so you fly to D.C. with your family and your flags? You’re a Christian nationalist.” We tend to agree with this sentence, if not the author’s analysis—she views the label “Christian nationalist” as an unjust smear on both the insurrectionists and on “Christian Trump supporters.”

“When I said that I’m a Christian nationalist, I have nothing to be ashamed of,” Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene remarked at CPAC earlier this month. “Because that’s what most Americans are.”

Is that true—are most Americans Christian nationalists? Let’s look at the numbers: Sociologists Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry, in their 2020 book Taking America Back for God, show that a little more than half of American adults, 51.9 percent, are either strongly supportive of (19.8 percent) or at least somewhat positively inclined toward (32.1 percent) Christian nationalism. Whitehead and Perry based their analysis on questions in the 2017 Baylor Religion Survey asking respondents how much they agreed or disagreed with six propositions about religion, government, and the United States:
From Taking America Back for God by Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry.

Greene seems to want to seize the moment, laundering Christian nationalism as something both harmless and patriotic: “We’re proud of our faith and we love our country,” she said at CPAC. “And that will make America great again. When we lean into biblical principles, you know, is there anything wrong with loving God and loving others? No.” And in an interview late last month, she argued that Christian nationalism should be a central tenet of the Republican party: “We need to be the party of nationalism. And I’m a Christian. I say it proudly, we should be Christian nationalists.”

Again, it’s not that Christian nationalism is new—it is not. Nor is it that Greene is an especially powerful national figure—she is not. Nor that the Federalist is a particularly influential publication beyond the far right—it is not. But Donald Trump’s own open nationalism and his cynical embrace of the Christian right have clearly led some Republicans to conclude that it’s time to talk more openly about Christian nationalism.

To understand why a more open embrace of Christian nationalism on the right today is so insidious, we have to understand what Christian nationalism is. It arises from a warped version of American history, one that holds that the United States was supposed to be an explicitly Christian country, founded by and for Christian people—often understood explicitly to mean white Christian people. This bad history has been disproved time and time again, but it is central to the self-appointed legitimacy of Christian nationalists.

The pseudo-history is one pillar of white Christian nationalism. A second pillar is that society and its laws should be dictated by white Christians, that there should be no separation of church and state. A third pillar: the belief that only Christians—white, conservative Christians—are “true” Americans.

Yale professor of sociology Philip Gorski refers to “freedom, order, and violence” as the “holy trinity” of white Christian nationalism:


Which means a kind of libertarian freedom for people like us—“us” being, above all, straight, white, native-born Christian men—order for everybody else, which means racial and gender order above all else, and that kind of righteous violence directed against anybody who violates that order.


While Benton, in her Federalist article, attempted to downplay the white-supremacy aspect of Christian nationalism, the data makes clear that the “white” part is integral to the violent Christian nationalism increasingly openly permeating today’s Republican party. Here’s how sociologist Sam Perry sums it up:

Just from an empirical standpoint, . . . [the] quantitative indicators of Christian-nationalist ideology seem to operate differently for white Americans than for, say, African Americans. When white Americans take our surveys and answer questions about whether the United States is a Christian nation or we don’t need a separation of church and state or we should advocate Christian values in the government, for them, it is powerfully associated with things like nostalgia and authoritarianism and a certain vision of America’s history as this kind of mythic story: that we have a special relationship with God and that there is this kind of place that we are going—this deep story.

Perry and Whitehead have compiled the evidence, from white Christian nationalists’ attitudes towards racial boundaries (e.g., when it comes to interracial marriage) to studies that show that “Christian nationalism was a significant and consistent predictor of anti-immigrant stereotypes, prejudice, dehumanization, and support for anti-immigrant policies.”

And what about the classic narrative that the more openly racist Christian nationalists are somehow “not real Christians”? Religion scholar Robert P. Johns, the founder and CEO of the Public Religion Research Institute, rejects that notion:

Statistical models refute the assertion that attending church makes white Christians less racist. Among white evangelicals, in fact, the opposite is true: The relationship between holding racist views and white Christian identity is actually stronger among more frequent church attenders than among less frequent church attenders.

Attempts, like Benton’s, to obscure or gloss over the racist core of white Christian nationalism ignore the substantial data collected by sociologists, and show either open lying or blatant ignorance about the still highly segregated American church landscape. They also ignore the experiences of black Christians, like Jemar Tisby, who describe having to leave white evangelical churches, since they felt that they either had to conform to these white theological spaces or leave—there was no debate to be had. Benton’s Federalist article instead employs classic “colorblindness” rhetoric, obscuring the white supremacy that runs through the veins of white Christian nationalism.

Describing a June conference of Christian conservatives, reporter Katherine Stewart explained the three trends she saw that suggested Christian nationalism was on the rise:

First, the rhetoric of violence among movement leaders appeared to have increased significantly from the already alarming levels I had observed in previous years. Second, the theology of dominionism—that is, the belief that “right-thinking” Christians have a biblically derived mandate to take control of all aspects of government and society—is now explicitly embraced. And third, the movement’s key strategists were giddy about the legal arsenal that the Supreme Court had laid at their feet as they anticipated the overturning of Roe v. Wade.

White Christian nationalism knows no nuance—it advocates for a society in which minority rule by white, conservative Christians is enshrined, democracy be damned. And when you listen closely enough, sooner or later, its defenders will reveal their true colors, as Benton does in her Federalist article, when she writes “It’s this love of God, country, and freedom trifecta that has the enemy screeching like there’s no tomorrow” (emphasis added). “The enemy”—an odd way to talk about your political opponent in a democracy. But par for the course in white Christian nationalism, which yearns for a white, Christian, authoritarian state that puts everybody else where they belong—under the “biblical” rule of white, right-wing Christians.

Annika Brockschmidt (@ardenthistorian) is the author of Amerikas Gotteskrieger: Wie die Religiöse Rechte die Demokratie gefährdet (America’s Holy Warriors: How the Religious Right Endangers Democracy).

  Thomas Lecaque (@tlecaque) is an associate professor of history at Grand View University.
Commentary: The way phones affect my students in the classroom has me worried about their futures

2022/8/22 03:11 
© Chicago Tribune
- Dreamstime/Dreamstime/TNS

“We know TikTok is bad for us, but it’s better than the real world.”

These were the words of one of my ninth grade students, a tall, skinny teenager with thick black glasses. He announced this to our freshman English class on the last day of school last spring.

We were having a classroom discussion about their futures. Some mentioned taking health and driver’s education in summer school; others mentioned jobs at the beach and community center.

“But I’m worried about our future down the road,” the student added, gesturing toward an unseen horizon.

He went into a litany of reasons for his despondency: the pandemic, the increase in school shootings and gun violence, the erosion of social service budgets, the current and future dangers of climate change, the divided nature of politics in America, global conflicts, the stress of standardized testing, the escalation of mental health crises among his generation, and the debates about what should and should not be taught in schools.

Yet as I looked out at the class, 90% of whom were on phones, an additional concern about their future became clear. It was right there, in the students’ hands.

I’m about to begin my 20th year teaching high school English, and I’m increasingly concerned about the implications of teaching to a digitally dependent generation of teenagers.

The phones ring, buzz, vibrate and flash, constantly luring students away from their physical academic setting into a virtual loop of TikTok videos, Snapchat messages and barrages of targeted advertisements for food delivery and teen fashion.

Many schools have cellphone policies, but these are difficult to enforce. Teachers who do try to limit phone use in class plead, beg, bargain and offer well-researched statistics, candy and extra credit.

Others collect phones in baskets or shoe cubbies. I tried these things for years. I also attempted, as many teachers do, to make phones part of the curriculum, designing lessons that use apps. These lessons are fun, but they occur in between dozens of notifications invading students’ phones every minute. The issue isn’t phones. The issue is dependence on social media apps streaming through phones.

The irony is teenagers don’t want to be using social media as much as they are.

A Pew Research Center report from 2018 disclosed that 54% of teens said they spend too much time on their phones, and 60% said being online all the time is a major problem for them. Unsurprisingly, their feelings post-pandemic have worsened.

Phone camera apps entice students to stare at themselves constantly during class. They gaze at their live image, yet the image is distorted because of filters that soften and blur how they look.

Some watch themselves without filters, scrutinizing every pore on their face. Either way, they’re continuously self-conscious. They struggle to participate in discussions, engage with other students and reflect on their work. The effects of this are worse for female students.

Some students try to put them away. But soon, they fidget and twitch. The phones are back on desks, hidden in books or behind school-issued Chromebooks. (A screen behind a screen!)

Teens today certainly aren’t the first to sneak something behind a book. When I was in high school, we hid comic books behind texts we read, passed notes and threw paper airplanes.

But we weren’t addicted to something that prevented us from learning. We weren’t connected to a bottomless, kaleidoscopic virtual loop that makes us feel worse about ourselves — in a world that’s already given us too much to worry about.

Parents need to do their part too. Many of my students frequently receive texts and calls from their parents during class, who seem to believe their kid should be accessible to them any second of the school day. Yet, parents seem to be surprised to hear that their child is on their phone during class.

Messages range from “Your sister is picking you up” to “I changed your dentist appointment to tomorrow” and “How’s your day?”

These interruptions massively disrupt the classroom environments teachers are trying to build. Students feel compelled to answer immediately, whether they are conducting a science lab, writing an essay or solving an algebra problem.

The constant intrusion prevents teenagers from the necessary individuation schools are supposed to provide and inhibits them from discovering themselves — from finding a place for themselves in the future my student said he’s concerned about.

Decades ago, I was a student in this same school. My grandmother died suddenly when I was in 10th grade. My mother called the school, and I was pulled from class and sent home.

I was reachable, and so was my family, but I also had distance. This socially accepted boundary between school and home was crucial to my emotional development.

There’s a difference between technologies of connection and technologies of distraction.

Teachers are not opposed to using technology. This is about the crisis of learning exploding in classrooms.

School is a space for students to explore and debate ideas, formulate and defend arguments. These skills take time to build. The longer students are using social media apps in the classroom, the harder it will be for them to learn and grow.

We are back in person for another school year. I am trying to make a better world for my students, to help them build a future that will survive the concerns my student was worried about. A future that will last longer than an endless TikTok loop.

____

ABOUT THE WRITER

Liz Shulman teaches English at Evanston Township High School and in the School of Education and Social Policy at Northwestern University.
A New Cold War Could Slow the Advance of Science
CERN, the European Organization for Nuclear Research laboratory
 for particle physics.
Credit...Leslye Davis for The New York Time

OPINION
GUEST ESSAY
By Michael Riordan
Aug. 22, 2022, 
Dr. Riordan is a physicist who writes about science, technology and public policy. He is the author of “The Hunting of the Quark” and a co-author of “Tunnel Visions: The Rise and Fall of the Superconducting Super Collider.”

ORCAS ISLAND, Wash. — One of the many unfortunate consequences of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is the collateral damage to international scientific cooperation. The past two decades may have represented the apex of this cooperation. Now it appears to be coming to at least a pause, if not an end.

In the years immediately after the Cold War ended in 1991, Russian scientists turned increasingly to Europe and the United States to remain involved in frontier research. Through the efforts of Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, Space Station Freedom became the International Space Station, which included major contributions from Canada, Japan, European nations and Russia as partners.

Between 1993 and 1996, the Russian agency responsible for atomic energy signed agreements with the European Laboratory for Particle Physics, known as CERN, and contributed money, equipment and brainpower to the Large Hadron Collider Project. That project led to the discovery in 2012 of the Higgs boson, a heavy subatomic particle that imbues other elementary particles with mass. Its existence had been predicted a half-century earlier.

And during the 1990s, Russian scientists from Lomonosov Moscow State University joined the international LIGO Scientific Collaboration, which in 2016 announced striking evidence of mergers of ultramassive black holes. The discovery confirmed the prediction in Einstein’s general theory of relativity that cataclysmic events like the merger of two black holes — in this case, about 1.3 billion light years away — create ripples in space-time known as gravitational waves.

But Russia recently decided to terminate its participation in the space station after 2024, and CERN will no longer allow Russian institutes to participate in collider experiments after its contracts with Russia expire that year. What’s more, the European Space Agency has excluded Russia from its planned ExoMars rover project, despite the yearslong delays that will likely result. And notwithstanding Russia’s efforts in support of the X-ray laser project known as European XFEL in Germany, which has opened new opportunities for research in materials science, biology and physics, scientists and institutions based in Russia cannot (at least for now) perform new experiments at this facility.

Scientific research has advanced to such an extent since the end of the Cold War that such large, expensive international projects are the only way to push back the frontiers in many disciplines. Individual nations no longer have sufficient financial and intellectual resources to pursue the science unilaterally. The current retreat from Russian involvement in these big projects can in this way easily curtail scientific progress — as well as impair international relations more broadly.

CERN was established in a suburb of Geneva in the early 1950s to promote peaceful cooperation among European nations, which had experienced two disastrous wars during the previous 40 years. Organizers viewed nuclear and high-energy physics as promising disciplines that invited cooperation. And it succeeded. With the discovery in the early 1980s of the W and Z bosons, which together are responsible for one of the four fundamental forces that govern the behavior of matter in the universe, CERN established itself as the world’s premier laboratory for high-energy physics. To many European leaders, it had become the highest expression of continental unity — reason enough to approve its multibillion euro LHC project in the 1990s.

After the Soviet Union dissolved in 1991, the funding of many of its institutes for scientific research collapsed. CERN became the principal venue where Russian high-energy physicists could continue doing cutting edge research. And CERN had begun to seek additional LHC funding from well beyond its European member nations. Physicists from Russia’s Joint Institute for Nuclear Research joined the gargantuan Compact Muon Solenoid experiment on this collider, contributing to its design and making sophisticated contributions. They could take due credit for their part in the breakthrough Higgs boson discovery — perhaps the pinnacle of international scientific achievement. Russia became an important player in a “world laboratory” knit together by the internet and Web, which now includes Canada, China, India, Japan, the United States and many other non-European nations.

Part of the rationale for establishing CERN was to promote international understanding among researchers working toward common scientific goals. It has proved a wonderful polyglot place. Although English and French dominate conversations in labs, offices and the cafeteria, national differences seem to melt away amid vigorous technical exchanges and good food.

But this scientific camaraderie begins to dissolve when one of the participant nations savagely attacks another. During the first month of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, thousands of Russian scientists signed a petition opposing the attack, taking great risks to their careers and livelihoods. In contrast, Russian scientific institutes have toed the Kremlin line — dependent as they are on its continued support.

Collaborations on the basis of individual relationships may continue with some Russian scientists. This intellectual exchange is certainly valuable. But one can easily imagine that pullbacks and withdrawals will continue on other large scientific projects, if they haven’t already, to the detriment of international relations generally. That would be an unfortunate aspect of a renewed bifurcation of the world order much like what happened during the Cold War. But I sincerely hope that the strong scientific bonds established during the last three decades will survive and help re-establish broader East-West relations.

New research gives a sharper conception of racial capitalism in California’s Inland Empire region

The growth of Amazon, Walmart, and other large firms dependent on sophisticated logistics has also led to the rise of US regions and local employment dominated by warehouses. In new research Paul Apostolidis explores racial capitalism and the warehouse industry’s impact among Latinx communities in California’s Inland Empire region. He writes that among Latinx workers and communities, racial capitalism not only involves insecurity, low pay, and workplace injury risks in warehouse employment, it also denies residents a safe, sanitary, and vibrant home life, undermining the essential basis for their lives to thrive and grow across generations.

What does ‘racial capitalism’ mean? Where do we see it manifested in US politics and society? The idea of ‘racial capitalism’ has recently gained a heightened profile in academic circles and public debates. Beginning in 2020 protests led by Black Lives Matter in response to the murder of George Floyd, at the time of Black and other global majority workers’ disproportionate exposure to COVID-19 during the pandemic’s most lethal phase, brought new urgency to America’s ongoing struggles with race. Yet the term ‘racial capitalism’ signals something structural and long-lasting rather than containable within a brief episode of crisis. And given the complexity of racial experience and oppression in the US, understanding racial capitalism there requires looking both within and beyond Black communities.

My research with collaborators in Southern California will strengthen our grasp of how racial capitalism operates and how, and why, it should be contested. Our work takes a concentrated look at Latinx communities in a political and economic landscape shaped by the powerful warehouse industry. This reveals a form of racial capitalism that is partly grounded in labour exploitation but also involves making Latinx ‘social reproduction’ precarious: steadily diminishing the ecological, domestic, educational, and relational capacities that people need to thrive.

The Latinx Futures project and Labour in California’s Inland Empire

The Latinx Futures project, based at the University of California Riverside and supported by the Mellon Foundation, draws attention to an under-analysed region that has become pivotal to the world economy. The ‘Inland Empire’ (IE) is a vast area east of Los Angeles, including the cities of Riverside and San Bernardino as well as the rural Eastern Coachella Valley and extending down to the Mexican border. Earlier eras saw the IE successively covered with cattle ranches, citrus orchards and housing developments for intra-US white migrants yearning for the California ‘dream’ lifestyle of healthiness and material abundance. They arrived in places long inhabited by Mexicans and Mexican Americans whose subordinate social positions dates back to Spanish colonialism and persists even as the regional economy has changed dramatically.

In the past few decades, the IE has achieved new prominence as ground zero for the global logistics industry. Amazon, Walmart and other mega-firms have led massive and ever-expanding warehouse development in the region: there are stretches of freeway where warehouses fill one’s entire view. One way to understand racial capitalism is to look at employment conditions for those who staff the warehouses. At Amazon’s western US warehouses, a mostly Latinx workforce sweats out its hours unloading containers and re-packing goods for transport to retail outlets through ‘just-in-time’ distribution systems. So, we could see ‘racial capitalism’ as naming how logistics operations and the corporations that pioneered them have become primary engines of 21st century capitalist growth and profitability, and how the labour processes on which such expansion depends feature working conditions for Latinx and other global majority workers that are not just unequal to those of whites but profoundly damaging and demoralising.

Image credit: Paul Apostolidis.

Viewed in this way, racial capitalism shows its face in the insecurity, meagre pay, indignity, and dangerousness of warehouse employment. Most people access these jobs through temp agencies, and temp jobs pay poorly (usually under a living wage) and come with no health insurance or retirement benefits. Basic disrespect is another problem. The warehouses are so large that you might need a car to get from one end to the other, and bathrooms are often located so far from workstations that workers resort to urinating in bottles. Occupational safety and health (OSH) hazards, such as repetitive motion injuries and mental health problems, also have proliferated as companies deploy digital surveillance technologies to measure individuals’ quota-fulfilments and ‘time off task,’ as Amazon’s antiseptic lingo puts it. Backed by threats of discipline and termination, these methods have markedly increased occupational safety incidents at Amazon, which monitors its warehouse workers like no other firm and sets a gruesome industry standard.

How racial capitalism harms working-class people outside the workplace

No doubt, we need to examine warehouse labour processes to understand racial capitalism in the IE and elsewhere. Yet as feminist theorists of ‘social reproduction’ argue, capital-valorisation depends – structurally – not only on exploiting wage labour but also on the ‘reproduction’ of working-class people and communities. We should understand ‘reproduction’ here in a broad sense that includes physical rest, rejuvenation and care; emotionally supportive relationships; education and intellectual cultivation; and ecological surroundings conducive to good health. When we look at how the warehouse industry is weakening this essential scaffolding for human, social life among Latinx IE working-class people, further key dimensions of racial capitalism spring into view.

Endlessly churning truck engines, as drivers await pickups at warehouses and clog the freeways, have caused globally standout air pollution levels in the Inland Empire. Grim statistics for respiratory illnesses reflect this general condition of perpetual toxic exposure for residents of this strongly majority-Latinx region. That’s racial capitalism at work, even outside the workplace.

Social reproduction also requires a safe, sanitary and vibrant home life, but the warehouses are making that impossible for more and more Latinx working-class families. Warehouse developers crave more land and are pressuring homeowners to sell their houses, in neighbourhoods that already have giant warehouses on the doorstep. This isn’t just a matter of weighing costs and making deals. It is eroding a distinctive local ranchero’ culture through which Mexican-origin families create conviviality and community on small plots of desert acreage far from pricey L.A. but big enough for weekend barbacoas and a few farm animals. Ranchero living recedes, racial capitalism advances.

Then there’s Amazon’s new ‘school-to-warehouse pipeline,’ built by recruiting workers in high schools and universities. Cynically tempting students and families dispirited by astronomical higher-education costs, this programme comprises yet another feature of racial capitalism in the IE. Again, it isn’t only about channelling Brown and Black bodies into badly paid and hazardous jobs. Racial capitalism, additionally, means collapsing time horizons as future aspirations give way to a treadmill of present needs and demands. It also means depriving young people of intellectual development for its own sake – of learning and critical reflection as part of what makes us human.

The Latinx Futures project is investigating these core aspects of racial capitalism that make Latinx working-class social reproduction more precarious. Notably, we are doing this through partnerships with ‘Latinx civil society’ organisations: groups engaged in local struggles for environmental justicehousing rights and educational equality. Through ‘popular education’ workshops open to the wider community, we aim to craft a sharper conception of racial capitalism in collaboration with those who suffer its worst impacts. Watch this space for updates. 

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Note: This article gives the views of the authors, and not the position of USAPP – American Politics and Policy, nor the London School of Economics.

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About the author

Paul Apostolidis – LSE Government
Paul Apostolidis is the author of Breaks in the Chain: What Immigrant Workers Can Teach America about Democracy (University of Minnesota Press 2010) and The Fight for Time: Migrant Day Laborers and the Politics of Precarity (Oxford University Press 2019). He is Professorial Lecturer in the Government Department of the London School of Economics and Political Science.

Book Review: Authoritarian Contagion: The Global Threat to Democracy by Luke Cooper

In Authoritarian Contagion: The Global Threat to DemocracyLuke Cooper explores the rise of ‘authoritarian protectionism’ across the globe. This book is an excellent introduction to authoritarian politics and will prove highly informative for readers wanting to strengthen their understanding of contemporary events, writes D. Kaan Akcay.

Authoritarian Contagion: The Global Threat to Democracy. Luke Cooper. Bristol University Press. 2021.

Authoritarian Contagion book coverThe Rubicon has been crossed for liberal democracies around the globe. Human history, already plagued by authoritarian governments and movements, faces another wave of authoritarianism with a splash of ethno-nationalism. With his extensive knowledge and scholarship on Europe, Luke Cooper defines this new iteration as ‘authoritarian protectionism’ in his latest book, Authoritarian Contagion.

‘Authoritarian protectionism’ is a novel political concept that rehashes some authoritarian characteristics of old. Cases like Turkey have already experienced deep levels of democratic backsliding, while the US shows early signs of decay through the tenure of President Donald Trump. Hegemonic politics, where political and economic gains can only be earned at the expense of others, reflects the idea of a zero-sum game, as observed in the 2021 Capitol insurrection. ‘Real’ Americans devastate the democratic process for their own gain. Cooper positions this mindset as the belief that ‘the world will end for others but not us’ (6): a powerful idea that acts like a ‘contagion’.

To explain this phenomenon, Cooper explores the historical process of authoritarian politics, with special regard to the authoritarian individualism of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and former US President Ronald Reagan. Cooper argues against the idea of a post-politics period where the neoliberal mode of operation and democratic systems are the convergence points of human civilisation, proposed by Francis Fukuyama’s The End of History among other works. Cooper claims that events such as 9/11, the 2008 recession and now COVID-19 show that this is not the case. Protectionism and the narrative of a corrupt elite are being normalised through anti-globalisation sentiments and ‘America first’ rhetoric.

Authoritarian Contagion suggests that once this school of far-right authoritarian thought is normalised, gaining a foothold in mainstream politics, it is hard to dislodge (12). Furthermore, the political movements and parties that combine nations’ historical experiences with this new politics are proving especially transformative through such normalisation (21). This new protectionist agenda thrives on the idea that the collective is of importance, rather than the individual. Fighting for Christianity, fighting for America, getting ‘the man’s job’ done: these are all elements that define the authoritarian protectionism of Trump and many others. There are heteronormative, ethno-nationalistic and militaristic masses living in an alternative reality (30).

Sign in shopping trolley reading 'Fight Tyranny' above a picture of Donald Trump

Photo by Samantha Sophia on Unsplash

For Cooper’s conception, these factors, combined with a sense of immediate crisis, are the basis of the new wave of authoritarianism that the book explores in detail. It can be said that ‘authoritarian protectionism’ captures the convergence of populism and racism. Although underemphasised in the book, elements of the ‘us versus them’ rhetoric and references to a corrupt global elite and taking back the power for ‘ordinary people’ are all well-established aspects of populist movements. Today, proposed by Cooper as diverging from previous examples, there is a layer of racism on top (43).

Authoritarian Contagion explains the context of nationalism and authoritarianism adequately to give the reader all the necessary information, effectively showing the rise of the far right in combination with authoritarian politics and hybrid regimes, which are in between full democracies and full authoritarianism on the spectrum of political systems. As Cooper suggests, these are not necessarily new phenomena, but they threaten the future of democracies. Furthermore, while democracies seem to be the dominant system across the globe, especially in the West, liberal democracy is fairly new. Universal suffrage and civil rights were lacking in most of the old democracies up until the 1960s. Cooper clearly illustrates the need to fight and protect the formal and substantive aspects of democracy, arguing that there is no perfect setting in which democracy thrives without problems (68).

The greatest strength of Cooper’s work is his competence in capturing all the aspects, concepts and developments of authoritarian politics applicable to different cases. Protectionism can be observed in Hungary, Poland, Turkey, the US, China, France, the UK and beyond. All these states have suffered from repeated attacks on the liberal qualities of democracies.

As Cooper suggests, authoritarian protectionism also damages inclusive global efforts to solve many of the biggest problems humanity is facing, including global warming, pandemics and energy crises. In the last chapter, ‘Authoritarian Futures?’, Cooper explores how politics shapes the relationship between nature and humans. The mercantile nature of protectionism prevents cooperation between states. Only their people and nation will survive, in lieu of others. The climate crisis, income inequality and other global concerns become a tool that fuels authoritarian policies that fail to offer any solutions (133). Many issues, including climate change, require a global effort, yet there can be no collective action in a zero-sum game.

The main weakness of the work comes from overlooked details in the analysed cases. In the chapter ‘Sino-America’, we read a comparative analysis of authoritarian protectionism in China and the US. The bleak outlook on China’s assimilation policies towards minorities, especially the Uyghurs, presents a strong case of ethno-nationalism; comparable evidence for the US is lacking. While the book presents a variety of voter data, it is difficult to isolate the causes of the success of Trump without further evidence, leaving much to be desired regarding possible takeaways. While comparisons can provide some general findings about the state of the world, examining vastly different polities may be unhelpful for the purposes of the book. In sum, the lack of detail in the analyses impedes the aim of understanding ‘authoritarian contagion’ in greater depth.

The notion that ‘the Rubicon has been crossed’, proposed by Cooper in the opening of the book, is one that I strongly agree with. Democratic backsliding and the rise of this new iteration of authoritarian politics are not new phenomena. Yet, in line with the book’s premise, they are spreading in a highly contagious manner. Having lived in a country ahead of this curve, I found the book to be an excellent introduction to authoritarian politics with an emphasis on contemporary ethno-nationalistic protectionism. It is a great research primer for all scholars in the field, and an informative work for curious readers who want to strengthen their understanding of contemporary events with robust knowledge.

Please read our comments policy before commenting.

Note: This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of USAPP – American Politics and Policy, nor of the London School of Economics. 

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About the reviewer

D. Kaan Akcay – Bilkent University
D. Kaan Akcay is an MA student in Political Science at Bilkent University. He is interested in the fields of political economy and comparative politics. His research currently focuses on the relationship between populism and democracy, and economic policy with an emphasis on the effects of international priorities of states.