Wednesday, May 28, 2025

 

U.S. Battery Production Set To Decline 75% Under Trump’s ‘Big Beautiful Bill’

  • Council on Clean Transportation: 
  • Trump's big beautiful bill could slash U.S. battery production by ~75% by 2030 to 250 GWh from the previously projected 1,050 gigawatt-hours, and EV sales by 40%.

  • The bill would eliminate 130,000 potential jobs in the EV sector by 2030.

  • Red and purple states including Texas, Michigan, Nevada, Tennessee, Kentucky and Georgia, would be the most adversely impacted if the bill were to become law.

Last week, the U.S. House of Representatives narrowly passed what's been dubbed the “big, beautiful bill”, with the legislation designed to leverage deep cuts to the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) credits to pay for tax cuts, immigration enforcement and extra spending on defense. The contentious bill is now headed for the Senate, where it faces its final test, with all Democrats but only a handful of GOP lawmakers critical of the huge increase it will bring to the national debt. According to a recent analysis by the International Council on Clean Transportation, the bill, coupled with cuts to other climate policies, could slash U.S. battery production by ~75% by 2030 to 250 GWh from the previously projected 1,050 gigawatt-hours, and EV sales by 40%.

According to the report, doing away with the IRA would eliminate 130,000 potential jobs in the EV sector by 2030, with the majority in battery manufacturing. Following the passing of the IRA in 2022, companies have announced a total of 128 U.S. facilities for battery manufacturing, with more than half yet to begin construction. Red and purple states including Texas, Michigan, Nevada, Tennessee, Kentucky and Georgia, would be the most adversely impacted if the bill were to become law. Under normal circumstances, this fact alone would be enough to galvanize GOP lawmakers in those states to oppose the bill; however, just two Republican House reps joined the Democrats in voting against the bill, portending a similar fate for the bill in the Senate. Interestingly, even Rep. Buddy Carter of Georgia, home to Hyundai’s  new $5.5B EV and battery manufacturing plant, threw his weight behind the bill, calling it “fantastic.”

According to estimates by the experts, the project will create $4-5 billion in fresh investments in Bartow County as well as 3,500 new jobs. Over the past five years, EV-related projects in Georgia have created ~$17 billion in investments and more than 22,800 new jobs. Similarly, Rep. Mark Amodei (R-NV) did a 180 and supported the bill, having previously said that he will vote to preserve 45X and 30D tax credits. Overall, virtually all of the 21 GOP House representatives who previously defended clean energy tax credits under the IRA voted for the bill. 

Source: CNBC

Meanwhile, the pivotal solar sector would face a massive setback under Trump’s bill. According to a study by the Rhodium Group and Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the solar sector has recorded more than $160B in large solar and battery storage projects since the IRA was passed three years ago, marking one of the sector’s most productive periods in recent times. Solar and battery storage have been the fastest-growing energy source in the U.S., with the pair expected to account for 81% of new power additions to the grid in the current year. 

The tax bill would kill off two key tax credits that have been responsible for most of that growth. In effect, the bill would terminate both investment and production credits for renewable energy facilities that begin construction 60 days after it becomes law or those that enter service after 2028. Ben Smith, associate director at Rhodium Group, estimates that this could lead to up to a 72% decline in clean energy additions to the grid over the next decade. Further, clean energy projects will be ineligible to claim the tax credits if they source basic materials such as cobalt and lithium for batteries, as well as glass for solar panels, from prohibited foreign entities such as China. According to Guggenheim analyst Joseph Osha, the tax bill will be “disastrous” for the rooftop solar industry because it will terminate tax credits for companies that lease solar equipment to customers. OSHA estimates that ~70% of the residential solar industry employs lease arrangements.

Among the bill’s other key highlights are a proposal to cut the Environmental Protection Agency's budget to $4.2B from $9.1B, the EPA’s smallest budget in nearly 40 years. The Union of Concerned Scientists has warned that shuttering the EPA's scientific arm would essentially turn the EPA into a purely political agency. If passed, the U.S. will record a large increase in greenhouse gas emissions by more than 1 billion metric tons annually over the next decade and U.S. household energy costs by ~$415 per household per year. The bill will also kill off the budding clean hydrogen, CO2 management, and even the nuclear power sectors.

By Alex Kimani for Oilprice.com

 

Venezuela’s Shadow War Over Oil-Rich Essequibo Is Escalating

  • Following ExxonMobil’s massive 2017 oil discovery offshore Guyana, Venezuela has revived and intensified its claim over the Essequibo region.

  • A series of cross-border attacks on Guyanese troops, including three on May 15, points to a potential Venezuelan strategy of deniable, Russia-style hybrid warfare.

  • The U.S. has warned Venezuela that any attack on Guyana or ExxonMobil would carry serious consequences.

A quiet frontier in South America is rapidly becoming one of the world’s most volatile energy flashpoints. The disputed region of Essequibo, a sparsely populated expanse administered by Guyana but claimed by Venezuela, has seen tensions simmer for years. But a combination of geopolitical ambition, economic desperation, and energy opportunity is now threatening to tip the standoff into open conflict.

At stake is one of the most valuable stretches of territory in the world—an area that, until recently, few outside the region had heard of. Essequibo, which comprises nearly two-thirds of Guyana’s landmass, was thrust into the global spotlight after ExxonMobil’s 2017 discovery of the Stabroek Block offshore reserves, estimated at over 11 billion barrels of recoverable oil. For Guyana the find transformed the country from economic backwater to a regional energy giant almost overnight.

The newfound wealth has also revived Venezuela’s long-standing claim to the region, a grievance dating back to colonial arbitration rulings of the late 19th century. Caracas has never fully relinquished its claim, but it was only after the oil discovery that Venezuela began actively pressing the issue. Since 2022, under President Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela has dramatically escalated its rhetoric and actions—announcing referenda, redrawing maps, and even moving military assets toward the border.

Most alarmingly, Venezuela has begun to mimic the playbook of its closest geopolitical ally—Russia. Much like Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea using unmarked “little green men,” Venezuela appears to be laying the groundwork for a slow, deniable incursion into Essequibo. The playbook combines official rhetoric with irregular warfare tactics, allowing for plausible deniability while steadily undermining Guyana’s control.

The first major signal of this new phase came last year when Maduro’s government held a referendum to “reclaim” Essequibo. Despite international condemnation, the vote passed and led to the formal creation of a new Venezuelan “state” encompassing the territory. Venezuela began offering citizenship to Essequibo’s residents and launched efforts to organize elections in the region.

In March 2025, a Venezuelan naval gunboat intercepted ExxonMobil operations in Guyanese waters, accusing the U.S. oil major of encroaching on Venezuelan territory. The incident was widely seen as a warning shot—not just to Exxon, but to any foreign investors backing Guyana’s energy future.

But the most ominous sign yet came on May 15, when Guyana’s military reported three armed attacks in a single day on its patrols along the Cuyuni River, a critical stretch of the Guyana–Venezuela border. According to the Guyana Defence Force, unidentified gunmen in civilian clothing opened fire on soldiers in three separate engagements. No casualties were reported, and the Guyanese military responded with what it described as “measured force.”

The attacks were chilling in their timing and coordination. While the assailants were not officially identified, officials in Georgetown and most international observers believe they were Venezuelan operatives or proxies acting on Caracas’s behalf. The region is not known for organized crime or guerrilla activity, and no local insurgency has taken root—at least not yet.

This wasn’t the first time violence erupted in the contested zone. In February, another attack left two Guyanese soldiers critically injured. That incident, too, was blamed on Venezuela-linked forces. 

While the skirmishes may seem minor in isolation, taken together they mark a dangerous pattern of escalation. What’s emerging is a shadow conflict—gray-zone warfare that avoids the threshold of open war while steadily eroding Guyana’s control over Essequibo. The danger, analysts warn, is that this slow-motion campaign could culminate in a de facto annexation, much like Crimea, before the international community has time to respond.

The Guyana Defence Force fields just over 3,000 active personnel with limited air, land, and naval capabilities. Venezuela, by contrast, commands over 100,000 troops, around 200 tanks, dozens of combat aircraft, and a sizable paramilitary force—making any conventional war a one-sided affair.

However, during a visit to Georgetown in March, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio cautioned that any Venezuelan attack on Guyana or ExxonMobil would mark “a very bad day” for Caracas, hinting at serious consequences. Venezuela swiftly condemned the remarks.

The real question now is how the international community, and especially the United States, will respond. ExxonMobil’s deep involvement gives Washington both an interest and a stake in the dispute. But the broader issue goes beyond oil. A successful Venezuelan land grab would further erode the already fragile post-Cold War order. It would also send a message to authoritarian regimes worldwide: territorial revisionism is back—and it works.

Guyana has vowed to defend its sovereignty and is seeking stronger security partnerships. But unless it receives military support or any other type of real security guarantee from the U.S., Georgetown will struggle to hold the line alone.

For now, Essequibo remains under Guyana’s flag. But the shadow of Caracas is growing—and so is the risk that South America’s next war may erupt in one of its least known, but most strategically vital, regions.

By Charles Kennedy for Oilprice.com


U.S. Oil Giants Fight Over Guyana’s 11-Billion Barrel Treasure Trove

  • Chevron’s bid to buy Hess’s stake in the Guyana projects is being challenged by Exxon and CNOOC.

  • This week, a private arbitration panel in London began hearing the arguments of U.S. supermajors ExxonMobil and Chevron regarding their rights to one of the world’s most lucrative oil projects.

  • Both Chevron and Exxon have expressed confidence in their right to pursue Hess’s stake in Guyana.

This week, a private arbitration panel in London began hearing the arguments of U.S. supermajors ExxonMobil and Chevron regarding their rights to one of the world’s most lucrative oil projects.

Guyana’s Stabroek block has an estimated 11 billion barrels of oil in place discovered so far by the consortium of ExxonMobil, U.S. Hess Corp, and CNOOC of China. The high-volume, low-cost development offshore the South American country, which started production just five years ago, is already pumping more than 660,000 barrels per day (bpd) of crude. Exxon is the operator of the block with a 45% stake. Hess holds 30%, and CNOOC has the remaining 25% stake.

The Dispute

But in 2023, Chevron proposed a $53-billion deal to buy Hess Corp and thus take Hess’s assets in the Bakken in North Dakota and the 30% stake in Guyana’s offshore oil field—a top-performing asset with the potential to yield even more barrels and billions of U.S. dollars for the project’s partners.

Production capacity in Guyana is expected to surpass 1.7 million barrels per day, with gross production growing to 1.3 million barrels per day by 2030, Exxon says. Guyana is now the third-largest per-capita oil producer in the world, according to the U.S. supermajor.  

Proceeds for the consortium are also rising with growing production, even at current oil prices, because the Guyana Stabroek block is estimated to have a breakeven oil price of about $30 per barrel.

Chevron’s bid to buy Hess’s stake in the Guyana projects is being challenged by Exxon and CNOOC, who claim they have a right of first refusal for Hess’s stake under the terms of a joint operating agreement (JOA) for the Stabroek block. Hess and Chevron claim the JOA doesn’t apply to a case of a proposed full corporate merger.

And so, the dispute went to arbitration, and the once amicable relationship between Exxon and Chevron’s top executives has vanished, sources tell The Wall Street Journal.

The arbitration initiated by Exxon and CNOOC has delayed the closing of Chevron’s bid to buy Hess by more than 18 months. There is a very good chance that the matter will be resolved – either in favor of Chevron or Exxon – by the end of the year. The three-judge arbitration panel began hearings on Monday behind closed doors. The panel is expected to rule within 90 days from the end of the hearings, so the fate of Chevron’s $53-billion acquisition of Hess could be clear by August or September this year.

The Prize

While Chevron’s deal to buy Hess has stalled, ExxonMobil finalized the $60-billion acquisition of Pioneer Natural Resources, which boosted Exxon’s presence in the Permian. It was growth in the Permian and offshore Guyana that helped Exxon beat analyst estimates in its Q1 earnings.

Both Chevron and Exxon have expressed confidence in their right to pursue Hess’s stake in Guyana. 

However, Chevron has much more to lose than Exxon if it loses the arbitration.

The outcome of the arbitration likely depends on the panel’s interpretation of several words in the joint operating agreement in its part of pre-emptive rights, sources close to the process have told the Financial Times.

The stakes in this case couldn’t be higher for Chevron, which is looking to gain a foothold in a very profitable offshore basin that is set to boost oil production exponentially over the coming years.

Chevron is betting on the multi-billion acquisition of Hess to boost its assets with high-quality Guyana acreage, where billions of barrels of oil equivalent have been discovered.

Chevron’s reserves replacement ratio has declined in recent years, and its oil and gas reserves have now reached the lowest level in at least a decade, according to a Reuters analysis.

During the past 10-year period, Chevron’s reserves replacement ratio was 88%, it said at the Q4 earnings call in January.

A ratio below 100% means that Chevron is depleting reserves faster than it can replace them.

So far this year, Chevron has expanded production in Kazakhstan and started up production at the Ballymore oil project in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico.

But it is betting on Guyana for a high-volume, high-profits development.

In 2023, ExxonMobil, Hess, and CNOOC booked a combined $6.33 billion in net profit for their joint oil operations offshore Guyana, according to Guyanese government data. Hess’s share was $1.88 billion of this income—and that was before the start-up of new offshore production platforms after 2023. The combined net margin of the Stabroek block co-venturers was 56% in 2023, higher than Nvidia’s 49% net margin.

The Stabroek block co-venturers are expected to gain as much as $182 billion over the next 15 years from Guyana’s oilfields, per Wood Mackenzie estimates cited by FT.

“Guyana is one of the most prized oil and gas projects on the planet,” Wood Mackenzie analyst Luiz Hayum told FT.

“It was developed in record time, provides comparatively low-emissions oil at a break-even price that is below $30 a barrel, which makes it super profitable.”

By Tsvetana Paraskova for Oilprice.com

 

Exxon to Sell French Business to Canadian Firm

ExxonMobil intends to sell its 83% stake in its French business Esso SAF to Canada-based energy firm North Atlantic, the U.S. supermajor said on Wednesday.

ExxonMobil France Holding has entered into exclusive negotiations with North Atlantic’s French subsidiary for both the proposed sale of its 82.89% majority shareholder interest in Esso SAF and the proposed sale of ExxonMobil Chemical France SAS.

The sale includes the Gravenchon refinery in Normandy, currently owned by Esso SAF and ExxonMobil Chemical France, and related assets.

The final price of the transaction will be fixed before the completion of the deal, which is expected to occur in the fourth quarter of 2025, Exxon and Esso said in separate statements.

ExxonMobil noted that with the exception of those part of the previously announced redundancy plan, all of the approximately 1,350 employees in France will be retained and remain on the same employment terms and conditions.

The Esso brand will remain at retail fuel stations, said ExxonMobil, which also noted that the proposed sale is aligned with its business strategy.

Ted Lomond, President and CEO of North Atlantic, commented, “We are eager to consolidate Gravenchon’s role as a vital center of French energy and industry for decades to come and grow North Atlantic into a premier transatlantic energy company.”

Last year, ExxonMobil completed the sale of the Fos-sur-Mer refinery in France to a consortium composed of Entara and Trafigura. The deal included the Toulouse and Villette-de-Vienne terminals, operated by Esso.

With the sale of the 140,000 barrels per day refinery, Exxon reduced its total refining capacity in Europe to about 1.1 million bpd, according to estimates compiled by Bloomberg. Still, Exxon remains the second-largest refining capacity holder in northwestern Europe, after France’s TotalEnergies.

In Wednesday’s statement to announce the intention to sell all its majority stake in Esso, Exxon said that “Europe is an important region for ExxonMobil where there will continue to be a meaningful presence.”

By Tsvetana Paraskova for Oilprice.com

 

China Looks to Boost Domestic Coal Demand and Prices

  • China’s state planner, the NDRC, has directed coal power plants to increase domestic coal stockpiles by 10% amid falling coal prices and profitability concerns.

  • Despite the directive, high domestic production and weak demand have driven coal prices down by 20% in 2025, with imports dropping 16% in April.

  • Analysts expect oversupply to persist through year-end as domestic production outpaces consumption, undermining efforts to stabilize prices.

China has asked its coal-fired power plants to boost stockpiles with domestic supply as authorities aim to push up local demand and prices, anonymous sources familiar with the matter told Reuters on Wednesday.

Coal prices in China have been depressed this year, weighing on the profits and profitability of the coal producers. China’s coal prices have dipped by about 20% so far in 2025.

The National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), the state planner of China, has asked coal power plants to boost stockpiles by 10%, according to Reuters’ sources.

However, traders doubt that the measure would boost China’s coal prices as stockpiles have been growing along the supply chain this year.

Meanwhile, China’s streak of weak monthly coal imports continues, dragging thermal coal prices in Asia to a four-year low early this month.

Record-high domestic coal production and weaker coal-fired power generation in China have resulted in declining demand for thermal coal imports into the world’s biggest coal market.

In view of the low domestic coal prices, weaker demand, and high coal inventories at ports, China’s import decline has not been a surprise, and analysts will not be surprised if the trend of lower coal imports continues for the next few months.

Despite the lower imports, coal prices in China have dipped amid lower thermal power generation and rising domestic production.

China produced 3.8% more coal this April than a year ago, at 389.31 million tons. This was down from a month earlier when production hit a record, but still strong enough to cement coal’s role in the country’s energy mix.

At the same time, Chinese coal imports in April fell by 16% amid weaker prices that stimulated consumption of domestic supply.

China’s coal association expects production to grow at a faster clip than consumption in 2025, suggesting that the oversupply could continue until the end of the year, commodity intelligence service Mysteel noted in a report earlier this week.

By Charles Kennedy for Oilprice.com

 

China Tightens Grip on Iraq’s Energy Future with Massive Basra Megaproject

  • China's Geo-Jade Petroleum has secured a comprehensive contract package for Iraq’s first fully integrated energy project in Basra

  • These deals are part of broader strategic agreements like the 2019 "Oil for Reconstruction" pact and the 2021 "Iraq-China Framework Agreement,".

  • China’s involvement reflects a long-term strategy to fill the geopolitical and economic void left by the U.S. in Iraq and Iran

China’s Geo-Jade Petroleum has signed a swathe of major contracts that give Beijing control over Iraq’s first fully integrated energy project. This comprises a development project to increase production at the Tuba oil field from 20,000 barrels per day (bpd) to 100,000 bpd, constructing a 200,000-bpd high-specification refinery, and building a 620,000 tonnes annual capacity petrochemical plant, according to Iraq’s Oil Ministry. It also includes the construction of a 520,000-tonne annual capacity fertilizer plant, developing a 650-megawatt thermal power plant, and building a 400-megawatt solar power station. All this will be done in the heart of Iraq’s oil and gas industry, centred in the southern province of Basra that is also home to its key port and export hub of the same name. These projects combined will boost Beijing’s already enormous influence over the country’s oil and gas sectors, and related infrastructure developments at a time when the U.S. and its allies believed that they were starting to progress in their attempts to reassert their own influence across the oil and gas giant.

The steady drift of Iraq towards China and away from the West began as the U.S. overstayed its welcome following its toppling of Saddam Hussein in 2003 and it gained momentum after U.S. President Donald Trump unilaterally withdraw the country from the ‘nuclear deal’ with Iran in 2018. China moved to position itself to occupy the vacuum that would be left in Iran and Iraq, which together remain the biggest oil and gas prize in the entire region, in addition to being at the heart of the Shia Crescent of Power that rivals the influence of Sunni Islam across the region and beyond. Iraq officially holds a very conservatively-estimated 145 billion barrels of proved crude oil reserves (nearly 18% of the Middle East’s total, and the fifth biggest on the planet), according to the Energy Information Administration. Unofficially, it is extremely likely that it holds much more oil than this. In October 2010, Iraq’s Oil Ministry increased its own official figure for the country’s proven reserves but at the same time stated that Iraq’s undiscovered resources amounted to around 215 billion barrels. Given this backdrop, China’s efforts following the U.S. withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal were rewarded with the ‘Iran-China 25-Year Comprehensive Cooperation Agreement’, as first revealed anywhere in the world in my 3 September 2019 article on the subject and analysed in full in my latest book on the new global oil market order. In Iraq’s case, Beijing concluded the foundation stone ‘Oil for Reconstruction and Investment’ agreement signed in September 2019, which allowed Chinese firms to invest in infrastructure projects in Iraq in exchange for oil. This later broadened and deepened in the equally all-encompassing ‘Iraq-China Framework Agreement’ of 2021.

In both cases, the deals included extremely generous terms for Chinese firms that undertook exploration and development projects in both countries, with a key basic point on each being that China would get be allowed first refusal on most of the oil, gas, and petrochemicals projects that came up in Iran and Iraq for the duration of the respective relationship deals. There were multiple other benefits for Beijing too, one of which was that although the deals were often 25-years in duration they were structured so that they would not officially start until two years after the signing date, so allowing whichever Chinese firm was involved more time to recoup more profits on average per year and less upfront investment. Additionally, the per barrel payments to China were the higher of either the mean average of the 18-month spot price for crude oil produced or the past six months’ mean average price, tilting the remuneration firmly in Beijing’s favour. The deals’ terms also included at least a 10% discount to China on the value of the oil it recovered – although in several cases with extra bonuses applied this totalled 30%.  The latter was the same discount to the lowest mean one-year average market price at the key gas pricing hubs for the gas that Chinese firms captured as well. No details have yet been released on the compensation being awarded for the Integrated Energy Project.

That said, securing oil and gas flows is only one positive aspect for China of building out its presence across Iraq. Oil and gas development contracts carry with them the legal right to fully secure the development sites through whatever means the developer firms think necessary, including stationing unlimited numbers of security personnel in and around the immediate sites. One notable early example of the leveraging of oil and gas agreements with Iraq by China was a pledge from Beijing for nearly IQD1 trillion (US$700 million at the time) of rail, road and ship transportation infrastructure projects in the city of Al-Zubair in the southern Iraq oil hub of Basra that has since seen a flurry of Chinese developments, including the upcoming work that forms Geo-Jade Petroleum’s Integrated Energy Project. Another deal was for Chinese companies to build a civilian airport to replace the military base in the capital of the southern oil rich Dhi Qar governorate, with this region containing two of Iraq’s potentially biggest oil fields – Gharraf and Nassiriya. This airport project will include the construction of multiple cargo buildings and roads linking the airport to the city’s town centre and separately to other key oil areas in southern Iraq, including Basra. In the later discussions involved in the 2021 ‘Iraq-China Framework Agreement’, it was decided that the airport could be expanded later to be a dual-use civilian and military airport. The military component would be usable by China without first having to consult with whatever Iraqi government was in power at the time, as also analysed in full in my latest book on the new global oil market order.

In the same synergistic mould, it should be remembered that China is also still working on the 300-000 bpd Al-Faw refinery, close to Faw Port’s main export terminal in Basra. According to the Iraq Ministry of Planning, the China Petroleum Pipeline Engineering Company (CPPEC)-led project will act as a storage hub and supply conduit for 3.0-3.5 million barrels of crude oil that will then either go for export out of Basra Port or will be transported to the Al-Faw refinery and through pipelines to other refineries and power plants in central and northern Iraq. It will also act as a logistical command centre for all of China’s extensive oil and gas projects in Iraq and for the build-out of multiple non-oil projects connected to the ‘Iraq-China Framework Agreement’. Although not all the Chinese companies involved in the direct and indirect work connected to the Al-Faw refinery have been reported by the General Company for Ports in Iraq, a source close to Iraq’s Oil Ministry exclusively told OilPrice.com that PowerChina and Norinco International are still the guiding forces behind the development. This makes sense, as these two firms signed the original contract in January 2018 to build the refinery at Al-Faw, which together with its 300,000-bpd capacity would also have a petrochemical plant attached to the development. It also perfectly aligns with Beijing’s broad modus operandi in its expansion strategy across the Middle East to combine commercial ventures with a military presence, as alongside its petroleum and mineral resources exploration and development activities, Norinco is one of China’s foremost defence contractors. One of Norinco’s key oil subsidiaries is Zhenhua Oil, which was the company that on 2 January 2021 made a multi-billion-dollar deal with Iraq’s Federal Government in Baghdad to prepay for four million barrels every month for five years to be delivered to China by Iraq’s State Organization for Marketing of Oil (SOMO). As also analysed in depth in my latest book on the new global oil market order, it was exactly the same strategy to take over Iraq’s oil industry in the south as Russia had successfully used to take over the industry in the semi-autonomous northern region of Iraqi Kurdistan in 2017.

By Simon Watkins for Oilprice.com

 

Germany Vows To ‘Do Everything’ to Prevent Nord Stream Resurrection

  • German Chancellor Merz: Germany plans to do all it takes to keep the Nord Stream 2 pipeline offline.

  • Nord Stream 2, an $11-billion project to carry Russian natural gas from Russia to Germany via the Baltic Sea following the Nord Stream route, was built at the end of the 2010s.

  • Earlier this month, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said that sanctions on Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines could be part of the new EU sanctions package against Russia.

Germany plans to do all it takes to keep the Nord Stream 2 pipeline offline, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said on Wednesday at a news conference with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in Berlin.

“We will do everything in this context to ensure that Nord Stream 2 cannot be put back into operation,” Merz said, as quoted by Agence France-Presse (AFP).

Germany will continue to increase the pressure on Russia, the chancellor added.

Nord Stream 2, an $11-billion project to carry Russian natural gas from Russia to Germany via the Baltic Sea following the Nord Stream route, was built at the end of the 2010s. However, the pipeline was never put into operation after Germany axed the certification process in early 2022 following the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Russia, for its part, shut down Nord Stream 1 indefinitely in early September of 2022, claiming an inability to repair gas turbines because of the Western sanctions.

In a suspected sabotage, gas leaks in each of the Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines in the Baltic Sea were discovered at the end of September 2022.

Debates on the pipelines continue despite the fact that they haven’t shipped any gas to Germany for more than two and a half years. Speculation has intensified in recent weeks that a revival of the pipelines could be a part of a deal for the end of the war in Ukraine.

Earlier this month, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said that sanctions on Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines could be part of the new EU sanctions package against Russia.

The EU has started talks and is already working on the 18th package of sanctions, which could include, for example, sanctions on Nord Stream 1 and 2, listing more vessels of the Russian shadow fleet, and lowering the oil price cap on Russia’s crude, von der Leyen added.  

By Charles Kennedy for Oilprice.com

 

UK Bioethanol Plant Closure Threatens Thousands of Jobs

  • A major bioethanol plant in Yorkshire is at risk of closing due to UK-US trade policies that have removed tariffs on US ethanol, creating an uneven playing field.

  • The plant’s owner has warned that wheat purchases will be suspended, jeopardizing thousands of livelihoods in the supply chain, unless the government intervenes.

  • Industry leaders are urgently calling for government support and regulatory changes to increase domestic demand for bioethanol and ensure fair competition.

As many as 4,000 livelihoods are at risk after the owner of Britain’s largest bioethanol plant has warned it could shut within days, citing UK-US tariff policy.


ABF, which owns the Vivergo Fuels plant in Yorkshire, has written to farmers warning it planned to suspend purchases of wheat used in the production process unless the government urgently steps in.

The plant is capable of producing up to 420 million litres of bioethanol from over 1 million tonnes of feed grade wheat sourced from thousands of farms mostly across Yorkshire and Lincolnshire. Over 160 skilled workers are employed by the plant with a supply chain supporting around 4,000 livelihoods.

ABF said the plant’s future could become untenable following the UK-US trade deal which removed a 19 per cent tariff on ethanol imports, allowing heavily subsidised US ethanol to undercut British producers. 

The leaders of the UK’s two largest bioethanol plants wrote to the Prime Minister on 9 May before meeting Business and Trade Secretary Jonathan Reynolds on 14 May where Reynolds said he would act in “days not weeks” – but the firms claim there has been “little evidence of urgency” from the government since.

Vivergo Fuels Managing Director Ben Hackett said: “This is not a position we ever wanted to be in.

“We have asked government to increase domestic demand for bioethanol through a simple change to regulation, and for the short term and affordable support we need until that demand materialises. So far, nothing has been forthcoming.

“The removal of tariffs on US ethanol, combined with ongoing regulatory obstacles, has left us unable to compete on a level playing field. As a result, we will have to scale back wheat purchasing to meet only our current contractual commitments…time is rapidly running out.”

‘Unbeatable cost advantage’

Last month, ABF CEO George Weston told City AM the plant had been hamstrung by the government’s decision to double-count renewable fuel certificates for overseas producers, which “gives them an unbeatable cost advantage.” 

“We don’t believe that the government’s been obliged to do that, they’ve chosen to, and they’ve put this business in an impossible position by the action they’ve taken,” he said.

“We really are doing everything we can to save that plant, we don’t want to mothball or shut it but we may be forced to.”

Problems at the Yorkshire plant, as well as a general downturn in sugar prices, helped push ABF’s sugar division to a loss of £122m for the six months to March, down from a profit of £121m the previous year.

A Government spokesperson said: “We signed a deal with the US in the national interest to secure thousands of jobs across key sectors.

“We are now working closely with the industry to understand the impacts of the UK-US trade deal on the UK’s two bioethanol companies and are open to discussion over potential options for support.

“The Business Secretary has met members of the bioethanol sector and senior officials continue to consider what options may be available to support the impacted companies.”

By CityAM 


Shipping Industry Seeks Practical Fuels to Meet Emission Standards

  • Biofuels are a viable option for the shipping industry to meet emission standards, but current production capacity is insufficient to meet demand, particularly for sustainable second-generation biofuels.

  • While future fuel technologies like ammonia and methanol face challenges, biofuels offer a more practical short-term solution, though shipowners must secure reliable supplies to remain competitive.

  • Bio-LNG is identified as a cheaper alternative to biodiesel, especially with government support, making it a promising fuel for the shipping industry's transition to cleaner energy.

The shipping industry’s target of net-zero carbon emissions has boosted demand for biofuels, which are compatible with existing ship engines and therefore can be adopted relatively easily. However, Rystad Energy analysis shows that the capacity to produce biofuels—such as biodiesel and bio-liquefied natural gas (bio-LNG)—is not keeping up. Unconstrained biodiesel demand exceeds total supply and the outlook for bio-LNG is equally restricted, in both allocation and production.

Biofuels could be a more cost-effective alternative to traditional marine fuels such as very low-sulfur fuel oil (VLSFO), particularly when aligned with the low-emission thresholds established by the International Maritime Organization’s Greenhouse Gas Fuel Intensity (GFI) standard. In a scenario without supply constraints, global demand for biodiesel in shipping could exceed 140 million tonnes of fuel oil equivalent by 2028. However, even under ideal conditions, total biofuel production capacity is expected to peak at around 120 million tonnes. When sustainability criteria are applied—prioritizing cleaner, second-generation biofuels—this potential supply drops sharply to just 40 million tonnes. Taking into account production risks, actual output levels, and competition from other sectors, the volume of biofuels realistically available for shipping diminishes even further.

As new technologies emerge and regulations tighten, the pressure on the shipping industry to innovate and invest wisely has never been greater. That urgency sets the stage for the upcoming Rystad Talks Energy: Full Steam Ahead – LNG, Biofuels, and the Future of Maritime Energy on 28 May. Rystad Energy CEO Jarand Rystad will join DNV Maritime CEO Knut Ørbeck-Nilssen to explore how maritime leaders can chart a course toward net-zero emissions. With global shipping racing to decarbonize, the conversation will focus on the search for cleaner, scalable fuel solutions that can power the industry’s future.

Register here to join the conversation.

Demand for biodiesel, if unrestricted, outstrips the total supply. The situation with bio-LNG is also constrained, with challenges for both production and allocation capacity. While projected demand is a relatively modest at 16 million tonnes in fuel oil equivalent by 2028, the apparent surplus in supply is misleading. Over 84% of global biomethane is already committed to electricity generation, with an additional 10% allocated to road transport. This leaves only 6% available for all other sectors, including maritime, making actual access far more limited than the numbers suggest.

Junlin Yu, Senior Data Analyst, Shipping, Rystad Energy

This is a supply crunch that the shipping industry cannot afford to overlook. While future-facing fuels such as ammonia and methanol offer long-term promise, they come with high costs and infrastructure challenges, leaving many shipowners hesitant and waiting for clearer market signals.

In the meantime, biofuels stand out as the most practical route to meet the IMO’s tightening emissions standards. However, this transitional solution is fragile. Without careful planning and proactive action, the bridge to compliance could quickly erode.

Biodiesel and bio-LNG can be cost-effective under the IMO Net-Zero Framework, but only if their lifecycle greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions are low enough to qualify for IMO incentives. However, demand for bio-LNG in maritime transport far exceeds current production, revealing a significant supply gap. To navigate the changing regulatory landscape, shipowners must act quickly, securing dependable biofuel supplies and aligning with GFI targets. In the race for cleaner shipping, success hinges not just on choosing the right fuel, but on securing it ahead of competitors.

Junlin Yu, Senior Data Analyst, Shipping, Rystad Energy

Biofuels are currently more cost-effective than traditional marine fuels, especially when they meet strict low-carbon standards. While blending biofuels at 30% or 50% can help meet emission targets in the short term, fully switching to 100% low-emission biofuels offers the greatest long-term savings and rewards. Notably, bio-LNG stands out as a cheaper option than biodiesel, particularly when supported by government subsidies, making it a promising fuel for the shipping industry’s transition to cleaner energy.

By Rystad Energy