Sunday, January 26, 2025

Trump lifts Biden’s ban on sending 2,000-pound bombs to Israel


By: TII team
Date: January 26, 2025

A 1,000-pound GBU-32 Joint Direct Attack Munition is loaded onto an F-22 Raptor during weapons load training at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, Alaska, July 15, 2018. Photo: U.S. Air Force/Airman 1st Class Caitlin Russell

WASHINGTON,— U.S. President Donald Trump announced on Saturday that he had directed the U.S. military to release a shipment of 2,000-pound bombs to Israel, reversing a hold placed during President Joe Biden’s administration.

Speaking to reporters aboard Air Force One, Trump said the bombs, which had already been purchased by Israel, were being delivered after delays linked to concerns raised during Biden’s tenure.

“We released them. We released them today. And they’ll have them,” Trump said. “They paid for them, and they’ve been waiting for a long time.”

The shipment of the powerful bombs had been on hold due to fears over their potential impact on civilians in Gaza’s Rafah area during Israel’s military operations in the Palestinian enclave. The bombs, capable of penetrating reinforced concrete and causing widespread destruction, had drawn scrutiny from human rights organizations.

Reports last year indicated the Biden administration had previously authorized thousands of similar bombs to Israel following the deadly October 7, 2023, Islamic State-style attack by Hamas militants. That attack left approximately 1,200 Israelis dead, according to official figures, and saw around 250 hostages taken by Hamas. However, the Biden administration halted delivery of one specific shipment, citing humanitarian concerns.

Trump defended his decision to release the weapons, emphasizing that they had already been purchased by Israel. Earlier on Saturday, he reaffirmed his position on Truth Social, stating, “Many items that Israel ordered and paid for, which were held back by Biden, are now being delivered!”

Since the war began, the United States has provided billions of dollars in military aid to Israel, citing the need to counter threats from Iran-backed groups such as Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the Houthis in Yemen.

Both Trump and Biden have expressed strong support for Israel, though Washington has faced growing criticism from human rights advocates over the humanitarian toll of the conflict in Gaza. Protests have erupted across the United States and internationally, calling for an arms embargo against Israel.

A temporary ceasefire took effect last week, leading to the release of several Israeli hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners. Despite the truce, tensions remain high in the region as the decades-long Israeli-Palestinian conflict continues to fuel violence.

(Credit: Reuters)

Copyright © 2025 The Insight International. All rights reserved


The Return of Donald the Destroyer



 January 24, 2025

Photograph Source: Office of Speaker Mike Johnson – Public Domain

Our concern with the politics, policies, and propaganda of Donald Trump underplays the central question of his presidency: Is Donald Trump psychologically fit to be president of the United States?  In Trump’s first term, psychiatrists and psychologists warned that our dangerously disordered president was a threat to domestic and international security.  The erratic behavior of Trump as a candidate in 2015-2016 and as a president in 2017-2021 led to the ethical principle known as the “duty to warn” of the danger he represented.

Trump’s malignant narcissism was well established in his first term as he claimed that he knew more than anyone else and that only he could fix our problems.  Trump’s demonization of the press and his opponents as well as his treatment of minorities and his handling of immigration issues pointed to paranoia.  His separation of immigrant families demonstrated the lack of empathy that accompanies narcissism.  His lack of impulse control was particularly worrisome in a nuclear age that presents no real checks and balances on a commander-in-chief’s role regarding the use of nuclear weapons.  It is the combination of paranoia and impulse control that is most worrisome because it can lead to destructive acts.

As a result of his performance as president, Trump faced an unusual level of public criticism from his own appointees, including chief of staff John Kelly, secretary of state Rex Tillerson, national security adviser H.R McMaster, and even director of national intelligence Dan Coats.  The criticism by Tillerson, McMaster, and Coats cost them their jobs, and they were replaced by loyalists at the time, such as Mike Pompeo at the Department of State, John Bolton at the National Security Council, and John Ratcliffe as director of national intelligence.  Most of his first term appointees refused to support his efforts to gain a second term.  Trump will not be facing questions of loyalty in his second term because—without exception—his current appointees have paid fealty to him.

In his first term, Trump declared war on governance, intelligence, jurisprudence, diplomacy, law enforcement, public service, and fact-finding, particularly in the scientific community.  But there were “adults in the room” who were able to challenge and even moderate his worst impulses.  There will be no “adults in the room” this time as Trump has appointed individuals who are also impetuous and authoritarian.  The vision of “America First” animated Trump’s first and second inaugural addresses.  This time around Trump also has claimed that divine intervention saved him from an assassin’s bullet so that he could “make America great again.”

Trump stated that he would be a dictator on Day 1 and he was true to his word.  In addition to pardoning 1,600 criminals from the January 6th riots, Trump issued an unconstitutional immigration order denying birthright citizenship, a violation of the 14th amendment of the Constitution that guarantees citizenship to anyone born in the United States.  Trump also restored the order from his first term that created a new classification for federal civil servants—Schedule F—that would end civil service protections and allow him to remove tens of thousands from the federal payroll.

High-level officials at the Department of Justice and the Central Intelligence Agency are particularly vulnerable.  On Day 1, Trump replaced the leaders of three of the most important U.S. attorneys’ offices in addition to removing key career officers at the most important divisions of the Department of Justice.  This marked the beginning of the weaponization of the DoJ.  These steps point to the democratic crisis that the nation is facing from a new director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (Kash Patel) with an enemies list and a new director of national intelligence (Tulsi Gabbard) anxious to prove her loyalty to Donald Trump.  Patel and Gabbard still face confirmation.

Meanwhile, Trump’s appointees have already taken steps that range from counterproductive to just plain petty.  The incoming national security adviser, Michael Waltz, who does not require congressional confirmation, ordered all hands out of the White House situation room by noon on January 20th before Trump had even completed his oath of office.  The situation room is occupied by more than one hundred personnel who are not political appointees.  Many of them are on loan from the intelligence community to deal with sensitive international crisis points.  As a result of Waltz’ order, they won’t be in position to brief the incoming staff.  Presumably, this was Waltz’s way of demonstrating fealty to the new president.

A particularly petty act was the removal of General Mark Milley’s portrait from the Pentagon’s prestigious E-ring hallway that features portraits of all former chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.  This was done only several hours after former president Joe Biden pardoned Milley.  Trump has suggested that Milley could be executed for treason because of his call to his Chinese counterpart to reassure him that the United States was “100 percent steady” in the wake of the January 6th insurrection.  The Pentagon refuses to say who ordered the removal of Milley’s portrait, which has contributed to fears among high-level generals and admirals that a massive shake-up will soon be underway.  Pete Hegseth, still awaiting confirmation, has stated on numerous occasions that there are too many four-star generals and admirals and that nobody is above review.  Like Waltz and Patel, Hegseth will be anxious to prove his loyalty to Trump.

The fact that Trump’s disturbing inaugural address was given on the holiday to honor Dr. Martin Luther King adds to the anxiety that so many of us feel.  The rule of law means nothing to Donald Trump, who seems committed to breaking long-standing traditions and institutions. Trump’s idea of law and order is to pardon insurrectionists who threatened to kill Vice President Mike Trump.

The fact that he has a loyal MAGA following, a Republican Party that supports his every move, and a pliant Supreme Court point to the emergence of a far less democratic United States of America.  One of the basic questions in the study of history is whether individual leaders shape history or whether historic forces shape individual leaders.  I believe that we will soon get an answer to that dilemma, and it will not be reassuring.

Melvin A. Goodman is a senior fellow at the Center for International Policy and a professor of government at Johns Hopkins University.  A former CIA analyst, Goodman is the author of Failure of Intelligence: The Decline and Fall of the CIA and National Insecurity: The Cost of American Militarism. and A Whistleblower at the CIA. His most recent books are “American Carnage: The Wars of Donald Trump” (Opus Publishing, 2019) and “Containing the National Security State” (Opus Publishing, 2021). Goodman is the national security columnist for counterpunch.org.


Trump: How Low Can We Go?




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Photograph Source: Sdkb
– CC BY-SA 4.0

A wise man once told me that when the pendulum gets to the bottom it can only go up. “But how will I know it has gotten to the bottom?” I responded. Trump’s November 5 election and January 20 inauguration can be seen as a bottom, but perhaps they are only the tip of what could be a much greater descent. I have lived through low points with “Tricky Dick” Nixon, Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush and Trump 1.0. (Those not mentioned should not be assumed to be high points on the pendulum.)  The question is resistance. What lies ahead for those shocked, discouraged, disgusted by what is taking place. Michelle Obama was not at the 2025 inauguration. In 2017 she described her feelings at Trump’s first swearing in: “To sit on that stage and watch the opposite of what we represented on display, there was no diversity, there was no color on that stage,” the former First Lady said. “There was no reflection of the broader sense of America. Many people took pictures of me and they’re like, you weren’t in a good mood. No, I was not.” This time she was a no show.

What is there to do? What kind of resistance is possible? I have long-lost relatives calling from the States asking me about moving to Switzerland where I live, a form of no show.

A small Swiss example of resistance: Donald Trump was inaugurated on January 20, the very day the World Economic Forum (WEF) began its 55th annual meeting in Davos. So at the same time Trump 2.0 officially began, 3,000 of the world’s formal leaders met to discuss “Collaboration for the Intelligent Age.” While Trump could not be there in person – even he cannot accomplish the quantum phenomenon of being in two places at the same time – his presence was dominant. As the media reported, “Trump is a magnetic force that does not escape Davos,” a CEO told the New York Times. “Davos is only talking about one thing,” he observed, “which is Donald Trump as president of the United States and what it means for the world.”

Trump is in many ways the ultimate Davos Man. While the WEF’s mission statement says, “Together we continue to strive for a better world, where cooperation and trust lead to lasting progress,” Trump flouts “America First” and “Make America Great Again,” and has little value for working together, cooperation or trust. But Trump is the ultimate Davos Man. As Robert Reich wrote, “Instead, after years of calling for responsible global corporate capitalism, the CEOs gathering in Davos are now openly focusing on their bottom lines. In other words, the jig is up. The pretense is over. The blather about corporate social responsibility is revealed for what it really is and always has been — PR designed to make the public believe that big global corporations care about anything other than making as much money as possible, as soon as possible.”

Trump is the incarnation of the individual who thinks he or she is the ultimate power broker and decider. The term Davos Man was originally used by the Harvard political scientist Samuel Huntington in a 2004 essay describing a new class of enriched globalists who are only loyal to themselves. Much like today’s nomads who ski the slopes of Verbier in Switzerland or Vail in Colorado while “working,” or surf the beaches in Hawaii or Bali between zoom meetings, Trump, the Davos Man, is imbued with his own importance, dedicated to making himself more money while pretending “to strive for a better world.” Surrounded by 5,000 Swiss soldiers as well as thousands of police officers, the 3,000 makers and shakers at Davos this year count 350 government leaders, more than 1600 business leaders including over 900 of the world’s top CEOs. The Davos Man takes many forms.

To return to resistance: Several hundred protestors are present in the Swiss alpine resort this week. Far from the warmth of the conference meetings and top-end hotels, Young Socialists and anti-capitalism activists from Strike WEF are among the assembled few braving the cold outside demonstrating against Davos Man and all he represents. “We are criticising the elites who presume to speak for the people while millions of people are already dying from climate change,” a spokesperson for the Strike WEF collective told Keystone-SDA. Many carry signs such as “Tax the Rich.” Some throw snowballs at the passing attendees’ upscale vehicles. The history of protests against the WEF is long. In 2003, protestors blocked access to the town and anti-globalization demonstrations spread throughout Switzerland. The point of the protests is always the same. Hundreds of people gathering in the cold of January to express their displeasure with the global elites representing all that is wrong with capitalism and its failures to deal with global inequality, climate change and whatever else the WEF and Davos Man represent.

But, in reality, the Davos protests are like throwing snowballs to try to squelch California fires. The protestors are correct in their sentiments; it’s the right thing to do, but what are the consequences? Over 70 million American citizens voted for Trump 2.0. He has control of both houses of Congress as well as a powerful influence over the Supreme Court. In addition to political domination, he even feels divinely anointed; “I felt then, and I believe even more so now, that my life was saved by God to make America great again,” he said in his inauguration speech.

For the moment, the pendulum is moving radically downward on the democratic/humane scale. No one is sure how low the pendulum will go, nor when it will start going upward. But throwing snowballs at Davos or brandishing signs will surely not be enough.

Daniel Warner is the author of An Ethic of Responsibility in International Relations. (Lynne Rienner). He lives in Geneva.


EVERYTHING, EVERYWHERE, ALL AT ONCE


A quick guide to Trump’s executive orders




JANUARY 23, 2025

Mike Phipps looks at  the first raft of measures from the new US administration.

On his first day in office, President Trump signed a slew of executive orders on a wide array of issues. Some, like the order to end “birthright citizenship” are already being challenged in the courts while others, like renaming the Gulf of Mexico, look pretty childish. Here is a far from comprehensive list of some of the decisions that will have an immediate and significant impact.

Mass pardoning of January 6th rioters

Trump’s decision to pardon or commute the sentences of all the January 6th rioters, roughly 1,500 people, including those who violently attacked police officers, was a spur of the moment decision, it is now being reported.

The pardons include leaders of far right organisations given long sentences for seditious conspiracy. They fly in the face of what leading members of the Trump team have previously argued, including his Vice President and Secretary of State. “If you committed violence on that day, obviously you shouldn’t be pardoned,” Vice-President JD Vance said a little over a week ago.

The country’s largest police union, the Fraternal Order of Police, has spoken out against the pardons, as have the International Association of Chiefs of Police, a number of judges and many traditional Republican conservatives who attach some value to the rule of law. Only 20% of Americans approve of the pardons, polls suggest.

Jackson Reffitt, who reported his father Guy’s participation in the January 6th riot and was a key witness against him, told reporters he fears for his life now that his father is free. Others will be in a similar predicament.

One commentator noted: “One of the pardoned individuals is already back in prison on a gun charge, illustrating, as legal analyst Joyce White Vance said, why Trump should have evaluated ‘prior criminal history, behavior in prison, [and] risk of dangerousness to the community following release. Now,’ she said, ‘we all pay the price for him using the pardon power as a political reward.’ On social media, Heather Thomas wrote: ‘So when all was said and done, the only country that opened [its] prisons and sent crazy murderous criminals to prey upon innocent American citizens, was us.’”

Trump also signed a full and unconditional pardon for Ross Ulbricht, the creator of Silk Road, a dark web marketplace where illegal drugs were sold. Ulbricht was convicted in 2015 in New York in a narcotics and money-laundering conspiracy and sentenced to life in prison, but Trump joined libertarians in claiming the conviction was an example of government overreach.

Diversity

Trump has shut down all federal government diversity, equity and inclusion offices and has put all federal employees working in such programs on leave. He overturned the executive orders of not just President Biden, but even President Johnson, who in 1965 signed an order to stop discriminatory practices in federal government hiring and in the businesses of those who were awarded federal contracts. 

The Trump administration has also frozen all civil rights cases currently being handled by the Department of Justice and ordered that none of the civil rights attorneys file any new complaints or other legal documents.

In a blatant attack on trans rights, Trump signed an order revoking “gender ideology guidance”, stating: “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable.” The order also incorporated tenets of “foetal parenthood”, the notion that life begins at conception, long pushed by anti-abortion activists.

Manipulating control of the government

The Trump team has told the staff at Department of Health and Human Services —including the Food and Drug Administration, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the National Institutes of Health — to stop issuing health advisories, scientific reports, and updates to their websites and social media posts. 

Trump has also suspended all funding for projects funded by the Inflation Reduction Act and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Act, which invested billions of dollars in construction of clean energy manufacturing and the repair of roads, bridges, ports, and so on, primarily in Republican-dominated states.

Meanwhile, all remote working is ended: federal employees must be in their workplace full-time. Another executive order reclassified thousands of federal employees as political appointees, making it much easier for them to be fired.

Immigration

On migration, Trump has declared an emergency on the US’s southern border. He revived a number of measures from his first administration, including forcing asylum seekers to wait in Mexico for decisions in the US immigration cases, implementing “extreme vetting” of immigrants coming into the US, and cracking down on “sanctuary cities” and states that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration agents. The sending of large numbers of military personnel to the Mexican border is another feature of his policy.

A full analysis is provided by the American Immigration Council, which noted: “The executive orders signed on the first day of President Trump’s second term radically expand the legal authorities used to enforce immigration law against immigrants already in the U.S., while calling for an equally radical expansion of the infrastructure that would be needed to accomplish the ‘mass deportations’ the president has promised. Furthermore, they signal efforts to immiserate unauthorized immigrants living in the United States, depriving them of the ability to work legally and punishing them for being unable to ‘register’ with the U.S. government – something they have no way of doing.”

It added: “The expansion of expedited removal alone could subject millions of recent arrivals, and others swept up by error, to potential deportation without a court hearing, depriving them of the chance to demonstrate that they qualify for legal status.” It predicted “increased racial profiling, while the funding threats and threats of criminal prosecution to ‘sanctuary’ jurisdictions may successfully intimidate localities who would otherwise seek to avoid entangling their local law enforcement with Trump’s mass deportation campaign.”

One particularly pernicious measure is the order under which nearly 1,660 Afghans cleared to resettle in the United States, including family members of active-duty military personnel, have been removed from flights to the US.

Foreign policy

Trump has cancelled sanctions imposed by the former Biden administration on far-right Israeli settler groups and individuals accused of being involved in violence against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank. The increase in Israeli violence against Palestinians living in the West Bank may be understood in this context.

Trump has also reinstated an executive order allowing him to impose economic sanctions against the international criminal court (ICC). The powers were used in 2020 to impose asset freezes and travel bans against the ICC’s former chief prosecutor.

He also restored the nonsensical designation of Cuba as a “state sponsor of terrorism,” which Biden had lifted. “No one has bothered to explain what ‘terrorism’ Cuba is responsible for,” observed one analyst.

Trump also pulled the US out of the Paris climate agreement with immediate effect.  The US is responsible for around 11% of global greenhouse gas emissions and Trump has promised to boost domestic oil and gas production. He also revoked a non-binding executive order signed by Biden aimed at making half of all new vehicles sold in 2030 electric.

He also withdrew from the World Health Organization, a decision seemingly motivated by both cost – the US contributes a fifth of its budget – and anti-China rhetoric.  Former UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown has clinically demolished both these arguments. Global public health experts describe Trump’s decision as “catastrophic”.

What’s next?

All this is even before Trump gets started on the global economy. A recent report claimed “Trump’s new administration believes it has Sir Keir Starmer’s government ‘over a barrel’ on trade as Britain becomes increasingly reliant on a US deal.” One Trump aide said it was time “to remind Starmer who holds all the cards in this relationship.”

“The US has long wanted the UK to lift its ban on chlorinated chicken and hormone-treated beef, a move former UK ambassador to the US, Kim Darroch, warned would destroy British farming,” reported the Independent.

Global Justice Now Director Nick Dearden tweeted: “Couldn’t be clearer – a trade deal with Trump means handing economic sovereignty to the White House.”

It’s unclear how alert the UK Labour government is to these dangers. Speaking this week, Foreign Secretary David Lammy described Donald Trump as “a man who had incredible grace, generosity… very funny, very friendly, very warm about the UK.” He added that most of the world welcomed his return to power.

Lammy’s comments are in stark contrast to remarks he made about Trump in the past, when he called him a “tyrant in a toupée – a woman hating neo-Nazi sympathising sociopath.”

How times change. Yet Lammy’s new-found sycophancy will be met with derision from the US administration.

If Trump’s first term is anything to go by, there will be a great deal of media coverage of the President’s unpredictable outbursts over the next months. In fact, this is his intention: to set the agenda by social media posts. Bernie Sanders understands this and warns: “In the coming months, our job is not just to respond to every absurd statement that Trump makes. That is what the Trump world wants us to do. He wants to define the parameters of debate and have us live within his world. We should not fall into that trap.”

The left globally will need to map its own path forward in the coming months and not be diverted either by the taunts and grandstanding of the Trump project or by the corrupting influence of its power, which is already turning people who should know better into appeasers and enablers.

Mike Phipps’ book Don’t Stop Thinking About Tomorrow: The Labour Party after Jeremy Corbyn (OR Books, 2022) can be ordered here.


 

Bulldozer genocide


In 2021, Amnesty International highlighted how the UK construction company, JCB, which manufactures bulldozers, had not taken adequate steps within the company’s means to prevent its machinery from being used to demolish Palestinian homes and construct illegal Israeli settlements on the seized Palestinian land. It described this as “a failure that puts the firm in breach of its responsibilities under international human rights standards.”

Now a new report, Stop JCB’s Bulldozer Genocide, produced by a coalition of groups, describes how the Indian government of Narendra Modi “has consistently used JCB bulldozers to demolish Muslim homes, shops and places of worship across various Indian states in an ongoing project disturbingly named ‘bulldozer justice’.”

The report is published by the South Asia Solidarity Group, South Asia Justice Campaign, Nijjor Manush, South Asians for Palestine and Stop JCB Demolitions Campaign.

JCB bulldozers, says the report, “have been used to carry out both punitive and arbitrary demolitions. In the punitive demolitions the homes of people accused of crimes, which include protesting against the [governing] BJP, are destroyed. Arbitrary demolitions are illustrated by experiences such as that of Hasina Bi, a 56 year old widow from the state of Madhya Pradesh: ‘Everyone at home was asleep that noon, om the fatigue of fasting for Ramzan. Suddenly we heard a lot of commotion outside. We came out and saw four or five JCB machines coming towards our house. The machines directly attacked our house. We weren’t given any notice, nothing’.”

An Amnesty International report in February 2024 investigated 63 of 128 demolitions across Assam, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi between April and June 2022, and confirmed the use of JCB machines in 33 instances. All 63 demolitions – residential buildings, shops, and mosques – were carried out without following due process, and amounted to forced evictions.

The report sets out the similarities in the policies of the Israeli and Indian governments. It highlights the campaign ‘JCB: Stop Bulldozer Genocide’ and its two central demands:

1. JCB must end its relationship with the Israeli Ministry of Defence and cease all activities in occupied Palestine.

2. JCB must commit to ensuring that its products are not used for human rights violations in India and Kashmir through robust monitoring and prevention systems. This includes making compulsory the use of its existing LiveLink technology to trace and locate JCB machines.

In Palestine, as well as destroying Palestinian homes and other vital structures, including educational and healthcare facilities, and constructing illegal Israeli settlements, JCBs have also been used to construct Israel’s Separation Wall, declared illegal in 2024, and other illegal Israeli infrastructure. A 2023 report by Corporate Occupation found that between 2019-22, JCB machinery was used to displace or directly impact at least 41,251 Palestinians.

“The deployment of JCB machinery in the demolition of Palestinian homes and infrastructure constitutes a clear breach of international law, particularly the Fourth Geneva Convention,” argues the new report. The United Nations has also repeatedly declared Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories to be unlawful.

“Companies like JCB have a duty to uphold human rights, even in challenging contexts such as conflict zones,” concludes the report. “The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, which were endorsed by the UN Human Rights Council in 2011, clearly define the responsibilities of businesses to avoid contributing to or enabling human rights violations.”

An extended version of this report can be found at https://southasiajusticecampaign.org

The report is being launched on Saturday 25th January 2025 at 3:00 pm – 5:00 pm, near Russell Square,  London,  WC1B 5EH. Registration details here. Venue available on registration. Details of speakers here.

NAKBA 2.0

Israel Continues Deadly Attack on Jenin; Trump Lifts Sanctions on Extremist West Bank Settlers
January 24, 2025
Source: Democracy Now!


While a ceasefire is largely holding in Gaza, Israel is intensifying attacks on the occupied West Bank. The Israeli military has killed at least 13 people in a major military operation targeting Jenin that began on Tuesday when Israeli troops raided the city, backed by airstrikes, drones and U.S.-made Apache helicopters, following a six-week siege. Meanwhile, Israeli settlers in the West Bank have been “emboldened” by Trump’s lifting of sanctions on far-right Israeli settler groups. Further violence is increasingly likely, says Mariam Barghouti, a Palestinian writer and journalist based in Ramallah in the occupied West Bank. “We’re seeing Israel wage a war that very much resembles the practices they have committed in Gaza,” with Palestinians left “completely defenseless,” she says. “It’s a very slow slaughter of Palestinians. If you survive a bullet, you don’t know if you’re going to survive daily life.”


Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org. I’m Amy Goodman, with Nermeen Shaikh.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: While a ceasefire is largely holding in Gaza, Israel is intensifying attacks on the occupied West Bank. The Israeli military has killed at least 13 people in a major military operation targeting Jenin that began on Tuesday when Israeli troops raided the city, backed by airstrikes, drones and Apache helicopters. Meanwhile, Israeli settler groups have carried out a new wave of attacks against Palestinians. On his first day in office, Trump rescinded sanctions imposed by President Biden on far-right Israeli settler groups. This is Jalal Basheer, head of the Village Council of Jinsafut.


JALAL BASHEER: [translated] Yesterday, we heard Trump’s statement that he would reverse sanctions against settlers that assault Palestinians, along with Israeli Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir’s release of arrested settlers. This all encourages violence and gives momentum to these attacks on our village.

AMY GOODMAN: Joining us now is Mariam Barghouti, Palestinian writer and journalist based in Ramallah in the occupied West Bank. Her new piece for Drop Site News is headlined “Israel Invades Jenin Days After Signing Gaza ‘Ceasefire.’”

Talk about that, Mariam, this connection between the ceasefire in Gaza and the intensified attacks on the West Bank and the number of people who have been killed, the role, and particularly if you can talk about doctors and hospitals being targeted.

MARIAM BARGHOUTI: All right. Thank you, Amy.

So, what we’re seeing right now is an operation dubbed Operation Iron Wall, waged by the Israeli government against the West Bank, specifically targeting Jenin and Jenin refugee camp that is north of the West Bank. And what we have seen in the last 72 hours is 13 Palestinians, at least, have been killed. Of them is a 16-year-old boy. Now, while the Israeli military spokesperson claims that they have targeted and eliminated 13 terrorists, it is important to recollect and realize that most were civilians that were killed, including a young 16-year-old boy, including a father who was killed in front of his son. And we’re seeing reports of field executions. But in fact, we actually don’t know the real number of those killed or injured, because the Israeli military is denying access to medical personnel inside the camp.

So, we’re seeing Israel wage a war that very much resembles the practices they have committed in Gaza. According to colleagues on the ground there, they’re comparing it to what Israel did in Jabaliya, north of Gaza, including the field executions, including the displacement of families at gunpoint, forcing them to escape their homes, and creating a corridor, a humanitarian corridor, from the camp to the outside of the camp, for families to leave, giving them until the end of today, or else. And this is what the soldiers would tell families: “Leave, or else.”

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Mariam, could you talk about the impact of the fact that on his first day in office, President Trump lifted Biden-era sanctions against Israeli settlers accused of violence against Palestinians? It was on that day itself that Israeli settlers stormed several villages in the occupied West Bank. If you could respond to that decision by Trump and what impact it’s had on the ground?

MARIAM BARGHOUTI: Of course, what we’re seeing with Trump’s swearing-in, the day after, is an emboldened Israeli regime. And let’s remember that in his last term, President Trump had declared Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, which further pushed settlers to basically rampage through Jerusalem and the West Bank at unprecedented levels of violence against Palestinians.

So, what we’re seeing from the Palestinian end in regards to Trump’s inauguration again is a fear that settlers are going to even feel more emboldened, especially in light of the impunity that Israel has, despite the genocide it has committed in Gaza, because, as of now, we haven’t seen any real accountability measures against war criminals, Israeli war criminals. So Palestinians are frightened, while, on the other hand, we’re seeing settlers celebrate President Trump. In fact, in the E1 area near Jerusalem, settlers are calling for the renaming of some settlement blocks in honor of Trump as Trump blocks. So, we’re seeing the discrepancy here and disparity and the likely violence that may erupt in the coming weeks and months.

AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to ask the effect of the Trump presidency right now and how it is affecting what’s going on there. You have the choice to become the next U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, former Congressmember Elise Stefanik, refusing to say Tuesday whether the Palestinian people have a right to self-determination. She made her comments while she was being questioned by the Senate Foreign Relations, Maryland Democratic Senator Chris Van Hollen, who said — she said that Israel has a biblical right to dominion over the occupied West Bank. So, we’re talking about annexation of the West Bank. What does that mean, Mariam, for the people of the West Bank?

MARIAM BARGHOUTI: It means more displacement. It means pushing Palestinian families out of their lands. And we’re seeing this increase. The level of outposts being erected in the last 15 months has been unprecedented. And at the same time, primarily the American government, in support — with support from Europe, as well, and Canada, they have left the Palestinians completely defenseless. Palestinians are not allowed to have an army. Palestinians are not allowed to confront Israeli soldiers that are invading their homes.

Now, again, we must remember that the Israeli military is carrying out an offensive on Jenin, which is in the West Bank, which Israeli presence is deemed illegal under international law, and the U.N. has voted as Israel being illegally present in the West Bank and Gaza. So, what that means is more violence, but also it’s sinister in that the continued arming of Israel with D9 bulldozers, with BLU-109 bombs, and then the stripping of Palestinians not just of the right to self-determination but any capacity to survive — things like not condemning the cutting off of water from families, or electricity, or denying them medical capacity and access — it’s a very slow slaughter of Palestinians. So, if you survive a bullet, you don’t know if you’re going to survive daily life.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: And, Mariam, could you also talk about — you’ve written about this, the fact that this Operation Iron Wall coincides with the longest and most lethal campaign by the Palestinian Authority also on Jenin?

MARIAM BARGHOUTI: Yes, yes. So, what we’re seeing in this operation, which the Israeli military spokes released a statement today saying it is the most advanced operation of its kind in the region and in the area — what we are seeing is direct coordination and collaboration with the Palestinian Authority, which has arrested journalists in the past few days who have covered Jenin, and they have arrested resistance fighters. And we have heard reports of them facing torture at the hands of the Palestinian Authority.

Now, it’s really important to recognize that Operation Iron Wall comes just a day after the Palestinian Authority allegedly ended its six-week-long siege on Jenin refugee camp, where they cut electricity from families, where they denied them access to medical care, and even targeted medics in a similar fashion to Israel. So what we’re really seeing is a proxy army for Israel and the Israeli army really targeting Palestinians in the West Bank right now, who have no one protecting them, essentially, other than the small groups of resistance fighters who are realistically no match to the power and technology that Israel has and the coordination with the Palestinian Authority.

AMY GOODMAN: Mariam Barghouti, do you think Israel is using the siege on Jenin to indirectly break the ceasefire deal in Gaza?

MARIAM BARGHOUTI: No. What we also need to remember is that even before October 7th, Israeli officials and politicians, as well as military commanders, were calling for a large-scale invasion of the West Bank. This has been a procedure that has been placed in effect long before October 7th. It has also — we do know that this operation was planned in tandem with the ceasefire negotiations, so we know it is preplanned. But it’s also important to recognize that the ultimate goal of Israeli colonial practice is to push Palestinians out. So it doesn’t necessarily have to be an obstruction to the ceasefire, but it does act and align with Israel’s overall goal.

AMY GOODMAN: Mariam Barghouti, we want to thank you for being with us, Palestinian writer and journalist based in Ramallah in the occupied West Bank. We’ll link to your new article at Drop Site News, “Israel Invades Jenin Days After Signing Gaza ‘Ceasefire.’”

Catastrophe In Palestine
January 25, 2025


Image by Sharon Azran

The world has focused its attention on the humanitarian pause and exchange of prisoners in Gaza that began on 19 January. Meanwhile, Israel has trained its immense military power and insanity on the defenseless occupied West Bank. Palestinians there are now facing some of the same cruelty that Israel has been inflicting on their countrymen and women in the Strip for 15 horrific months.

As Israel has temporarily halted its bombing of Gaza and scaled up its ongoing violence and annexation plans in the West Bank, the instructive lessons imparted in the fable of “The Scorpion and the Frog,” popular in the Middle East, hold relevance: “A scorpion pleasantly asks a frog to carry him over a river. The frog is afraid of being stung, but the scorpion argues that if it did so, both would sink and the scorpion would drown. The frog then agrees, but midway across the river the scorpion does indeed sting the frog, dooming them both. When asked why, the scorpion replies, it is simply in my nature.”

Islamic resistance groups, like Hamas, know not to expect Israel to be other than what it is, that the Zionists in control are incapable of transformation and trust. Confronted with Israel’s overwhelming power to destroy, they know not to be persuaded by its promises. In the end, a scorpion remains a scorpion.

For Israel and the United States, both equally untrustworthy, the allegory is particularly poignant. Washington has fed Israel’s addiction to power by never

demanding anything from its proxy. It has never asked it to renounce violence, to stop killing civilians, to end the occupation, to demilitarize and to observe international and humanitarian laws. It has essentially helped create a deformed body politic, whose future is uncertain.

Israel has for decades ridden on the back of the United States to the misfortune of both countries. Without Western affirmation and financial sustenance—first British then American—there would be no country called Israel.

Israel’s early European founders envisioned the Jewish state as a rampart of the West against Asia. They believed that the support of a great power was essential to Zionism’s success. As Zionist founding father, Austro-Hungarian Theodor Herzl, wrote in 1896, the “The State of the Jews” would serve as “an outpost of civilization against barbarism” — a supremacist, racist attitude that prevails in Israel to this day.

The alignment of U.S.-Israeli interests began in the early 20th century when President Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921) approved the Balfour Declaration, promising his support for the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine, before it was publicly announced by the British government in 1917.

Chaim Weizmann, Israel’s first president, was especially pivotal in securing President Harry S. Truman’s early recognition of the newly established state of Israel on 14 May 1948, and in fundraising in the United States.

His lobbying efforts included a partisan essay, “Zionism—Alive and Triumphant,” printed in the 12 March 1924 edition of The Nation magazine. In it he wrote, “Political Zionism, in brief, is the creation of circumstances favorable to Jewish settlement in Palestine…. The larger the Jewish settlement the greater the ease with which it can be increased, the less the external opposition to its increase; the smaller the Jewish settlement in Palestine the more difficult its increase, the more obstinate the opposition.”

In addition, letters between Weizmann and President Truman, as well as their 18 March 1948 meeting in the White House were important in securing the president’s support for and validation of a Jewish state in Palestine, against the advice of his own State Department.

In the words of Israel’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Danny Danon: “From the moment President Truman became the first world leader to recognize the Jewish state, Israel has had no better friend than the United States of America, and the U.S. has had no more steadfast ally than the state of Israel.”

The United States persists in believing that it can dictate the fate of Palestinians

and that Israel can continue its role as colonizer of Palestine and as America’s bullyboy in the Middle East.

Clearly, there are no guarantees of peace with justice in the current Gaza ceasefire plan. Political Zionism was built on the colonial idea that Jewish rights—their right to self-determination—outweighed the rights of indigenous Palestinians.

Within days of announcing the ceasefire, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stressed that it was temporary and that Israel reserved the right to return to “war” on Gaza should negotiations on the second phase of the agreement prove futile. Manufacturing “futility” should prove easy for a regime well practiced in deception for over half a century. He also stated that he had received assurances of U.S. support from outgoing President Joe Biden and President Donald Trump.

In addition, two days after the ceasefire was in place, Israel stepped up its brutal air and ground assault on the occupied West Bank.

Since October 2023, across the West Bank, at least 870 Palestinians, including 177 children, have been killed and more than 6,700 wounded in attacks by the Israeli army and Israeli squatters (“settlers”). The Jenin refugee camp is now nearly uninhabitable and an estimated 2,000 residents have been forced from their homes in the Jenin area.

It must be emphasized that Israel’s militarism in Gaza and the West Bank are illegal under international law. We should also remember that on 19 July 2024, the International Court of Justice determined that Israel’s occupation in the Palestinian territories since 1967 and subsequent Israeli “settlements” and exploitation of natural resources are unlawful and must end.

The essence of the current ceasefire was rightly expressed by Agnes Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International: “Unless the root causes of this ‘conflict’ are addressed, Palestinians and Israelis cannot even begin to hope for a brighter future built on rights, equality and justice.”

International law is on the side of the resistance. The Geneva Conventions of 1949 support the right of self-determination for occupied people, including the right to resist.

Dr. Basem Naim, senior member of Hamas’s political bureau, laid out the group’s position to hold up its end of the agreement, stating: “We are not looking for a fight. We are looking [at] how to protect the future of our children.” He also noted that a political solution would be preferable, but if not, “then all Palestinians are still ready to continue their struggle,” adding, “We believe this is a just cause, a just struggle and we have all the guaranteed right by international law to resist the occupation by all means, including armed resistance.”

For the people of Gaza, the six-week ceasefire has brought some hope mixed with melancholy. Thousands have been searching in the rubble to find and bury their loved ones. In the Muslim umma (community), burials are customarily carried out within a day. The daily fight for survival and with cemeteries pulverized by Israeli bombs, Palestinians have been deprived of their right to bereavement, to observe cultural rituals and religious burial rites.

Palestinian life, since the arrival of European Zionists, has been replete with struggle, resistance and grief. The resiliency to free themselves from the yoke and sting of colonialism is, however, forever etched in the rubble of Gaza.


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M. Reza Behnam
Dr. M. Reza Behnam is a political scientist who specializes in comparative politics, with a focus on West Asia.
The Treaty On the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons Provides a Way To Avert Nuclear Catastrophe

January 24, 2025
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.


Image by Tim Miles Wright, Public Domain Dedication

Will the world ever be free of the menace of nuclear annihilation?

There was a promising start along these lines during the late twentieth century, when―pressed by a popular upsurge against nuclear weapons―the nations of the world adopted a succession of nuclear arms control and disarmament agreements. Starting with the Partial Test Ban Treaty of 1963, these agreements helped curb the nuclear arms race and prevent nuclear war.

But the tide gradually turned during the final years of the twentieth century and the first decades of the twenty-first. As international conflict heightened and the nuclear disarmament movement waned, additional nations became nuclear powers, the U.S. and Russian governments abandoned most of their nuclear disarmament agreements, and all nine nuclear powers (the United States, Russia, China, Britain, France, Israel, India, Pakistan, and North Korea) revived the nuclear arms race. Some of their leaders―Donald Trump, Kim Jong Un, and Vladimir Putin―even issued public threats of nuclear war. Recently, the hands of the famous “Doomsday Clock” of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists were moved forward to 90 seconds to midnight―the most dangerous setting in its history.

Deeply disturbed by the slide toward disaster, the International Campaign for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), composed of hundreds of organizations, teamed up with the governments of many of the world’s non-nuclear nations to foster a series of UN conferences focused on the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear war. Eventually, a UN conference drawing representatives from some 130 governments and dozens of civil society organizations met in March 2017 and began negotiations for a treaty outlawing nuclear weapons. In July, the delegates adopted a Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) by a vote of 122 in favor, 1 opposed, and 1 abstention. The treaty banned the use, threatened use, development, manufacture, acquisition, possession, stockpiling, stationing, and installation of nuclear weapons.

After its ratification by the requisite 50 nations, this landmark agreement went into force on January 22, 2021.

A serious problem remained, however, for the nine nuclear weapons nations were determined to sabotage the TPNW. All of them boycotted the treaty negotiations, as did many of their allies. On the first day of treaty negotiations, Nikki Haley, U.S. ambassador to the UN, hosted a press conference outside the negotiations room that sharply criticized pursuit of a treaty. As the treaty neared the necessary ratifications for implementation, the Trump administration urged nations to rescind their ratifications. Meanwhile, at international gatherings, the governments of China, France, Russia, Britain, and the United States issued joint statements disparaging the TPNW.

Most tellingly, none of the nuclear powers signed or ratified the treaty. This hardline rejectionist stance meant that, whatever the non-nuclear nations did, the nuclear powers would continue their nuclear buildups as they prepared for nuclear war.

Even so, public agitation for the TPNW was far from dead. Although the campaign to ban nuclear weapons didn’t blossom into an enormous mass movement comparable to that of the 1980s, it had sufficient strength to press the issue. ICAN, which won the 2017 Nobel Peace Prize for its treaty leadership, launched a Cities Appeal that led hundreds of cities, local, and regional bodies all over the world to speak out in support of the TPNW. In addition to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, they included Berlin, Paris, Sidney, Oslo, Geneva, Washington, DC, Los Angeles, and New York.

In 2024, ICAN’s campaign continued to advance. In Switzerland, it launched an alliance of organizations to establish a popular vote on joining the TPNW. Gathering momentum, its Cities Appeal reached over 100 cities each in Spain and Italy (including Rome).

Campaigners from around the world engaged in a week of action, sponsoring rallies, signature drives, teach-ins, social media collaborations, webinars, protests at banks, and media campaigns. ICAN published a report on the $91.4 billion in annual nuclear weapons spending by the nuclear powers, generating news coverage in some of the major communications media, including ABC, NBC, Washington Post, NPR, The Guardian, The Times, Radio France, Le Figaro, and BFM TV. Addressing the opening of the UN General Assembly, Brazilian President Luis Inácio da Silva cited ICAN’s figures.

In the United States, the campaign made some small but symbolic progress. In April 2019, Rep. James McGovern (D-MA) and Rep. Earl Blumenauer (D-OR) introduced H.Res. 302, a bill calling for the United States to embrace the goals and provisions of the TPNW. Furthermore, when the U.S. Conference of Mayors, representing 1,400 U.S. cities, met in August 2021, the gathering unanimously approved a resolution praising the treaty.

In December of that year, the New York City Council adopted a resolution instructing the city comptroller to remove investments by the city’s $250 billion pension fund in companies producing or maintaining nuclear weapons. And in January 2023, McGovern introduced another resolution (H.Res. 77) to embrace the goals and provisions of TPNW. By 2024, it had 44 co-sponsors.

In general, the treaty enjoys broad popularity. Opinion surveys found a high level of support for the TPNW in numerous countries that had resisted signing it, including Finland (84 percent), Australia (79 percent), Sweden (79 percent), Norway (78 percent), Japan (75 percent), Italy (70 percent), Germany (68 percent), France (67 percent), the United States (65 percent), and Belgium (64 percent).

Meanwhile, nations continue to become states parties to the TPNW. As of today, 94 nations have signed it and 73 have followed up by ratifying it.

Yet the nuclear powers are not among them, for they remain stubbornly committed to maintaining their nuclear arsenals and opposing the treaty. And while they remain outside the TPNW, it will not end the nuclear menace.

Given the weapons-obsession of a small group of nations, the current prospect for an effective ban on nuclear weapons is bleak. But, longer-term, the revival of a massive antinuclear movement, combined with pressure from an empowered United Nations, could bring the holdouts into the treaty and, thereby, avert nuclear catastrophe.

Dr. Lawrence Wittner, syndicated by PeaceVoice, is Professor of History emeritus at SUNY/Albany and the author of Confronting the Bomb (Stanford University Press).


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Lawrence S. WittnerWebsite
Lawrence ("Larry") Wittner was born and raised in Brooklyn, NY, and attended Columbia College, the University of Wisconsin, and Columbia University, where he received his Ph.D. in history in 1967. Thereafter, he taught history at Hampton Institute, at Vassar College, at Japanese universities (under the Fulbright program), and at SUNY/Albany. In 2010, he retired as professor of history emeritus. A writer on peace and foreign policy issues, he is the author or editor of twelve books and hundreds of published articles and book reviews and a former president of the Peace History Society. Since 1961, he has been active in the peace, racial equality, and labor movements, and currently serves as a national board member of Peace Action (America's largest grassroots peace organization) and as executive secretary of the Albany County Central Federation of Labor, AFL-CIO. On occasion, he helps to fan the flames of discontent by performing vocally and on the banjo with the Solidarity Singers. His latest book is Working for Peace and Justice: Memoirs of an Activist Intellectual (University of Tennessee Press). More information about him can be found at his website: http://lawrenceswittner.com
Abolish Climate Disasters

January 24, 2025
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.


Image by freepik



“Under racial capitalism, land is treated as nothing more than a natural resource to be extracted, and violence is committed against the climate and the waters,” said Leah Penniman, who runs Soul Fire Farm in upstate New York and is the author of the acclaimed book Farming While Black.

Penniman’s words have been echoing in my mind since January 8, 2025, when I awoke to find myself on the floor of a cramped hotel room in Southern California where I had evacuated, escaping the Eaton Fire. My multigenerational family—parents, kids, and cat—fled our home the night before as ferocious Santa Ana winds whipped around us, threatening power lines and fueling a firestorm that sailed down the San Gabriel Mountains, miles into densely inhabited areas, burning down houses within two blocks of my home.

In my quarter of a century of living here, the fires never came so close, and they never raged in early January. The Eaton Fire is part of a conglomeration of wildfires across Southern California racking up more than a quarter of a trillion dollars’ worth of damage.

Three days after the fires started on January 7, I returned to my north Pasadena home, a structure covered by ash and soot on the outside, but well-sealed on the inside; Los Angeles sheriffs had barricaded all streets entering Altadena. Local authorities had requested National Guard forces to join them, ostensibly to deter “looters,” and prevent homeowners from returning to the toxic ashes of their former homes.

I found myself on the front lines of the world Penniman described in the conversation I had with her a year ago, one of 12 such conversations I had with leaders, thinkers, academics, and activists who describe themselves as “abolitionists.” The conversations are gathered together in my new book, Talking About Abolition: A Police-Free World is Possible (Seven Stories Press) released on January 14, exactly one week after the most catastrophic climate devastation my community has ever experienced.

The abolitionists interviewed in the book—luminaries such as Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Andrea Ritchie, Cat Brooks, and Penniman—want to see a transformation of our current economic framework, one that enables the destruction of communities and enforces capitalism’s inequities through policing and prisons. They use the same descriptor for themselves—abolitionist—that people working to dismantle slavery used generations ago.

What does abolishing police and prisons have to do with climate change and the devastating Southern California fires?

The answer is everything.

Today’s economic and social status quo accepts ongoing climate change as a necessary price to pay for market capitalism and deregulated industries. This is the same status quo maintaining inequities along lines of race, gender, national origin, and sexual orientation—what Penniman calls “racial capitalism.”

In such a world, climate disasters like the Los Angeles fires are an inevitable part of our lives. We must suffer, see our homes burn, and our air and water turn toxic, to ensure profits for the oil and gas industry.

In such a world we must also pay our tax dollars to clean the damage their carbon emissions have caused and pay to police our own communities against small-time petty criminals while the bigger corporate perpetrators of climate change go free.

In such a world we must also pay out of our pockets to have private insurers protect our homes and health and then accept their refusal to cover the costs of repairing our homes and health.

In such a world, everything is upside down. We pay to be damaged, violated, and policed and we pay to repair the damage, and still we remain broken.

An abolitionist vision for the world turns it right side up. What if we invested in our own safety by paying to prevent harm in the first place?

In Talking About Abolition, Andrea Ritchie, a nationally recognized expert on policing and prisons, described abolition as “a call to take resources, power, and legitimacy away from institutions rooted in anti-Blackness, in racial capitalism, and death making: policing, punishment, surveillance, and exile. It’s a call to reinvest in the commons, a society built around the notion of the common good, and everyone’s needs being met.”

This may sound like a pipe dream even to those who agree that our priorities need to be reconfigured. But abolitionists—led primarily by Black women—are not waiting for power brokers to adopt this big idea. After all, progressive change rarely happens from the top-down. Activists such as Cat Brooks in Oakland are already implementing local abolitionist projects. Brooks is the co-founder and executive director of the Anti Police-Terror Project (APTP) where she was instrumental in the formation of MH First Oakland, a nonpolice alternative for people experiencing mental health crises.

“We are responsible for creating the world that we want,” said Brooks. “Organizing is what gets the goods. We are responsible for creating these replicable models, and we need to stop begging the state for the money, the resources, etc., to create these models.”

Since the Eaton Fire that destroyed my community, victims, survivors, neighbors, local officials, and leaders have been attempting to identify the culprits, to understand why this horrific, catastrophic disaster happened. Some are fixated on power lines as the source of the fire, whipped up by strong winds. Others are angry about the low water resources available for firefighters to douse fires. Still, others are rightly pointing out our reliance on incarcerated and obscenely underpaid firefighters at the same time as fire departments are severely understaffed.

All of these are important and critical issues. But they do not address the biggest source of the problem—climate change—and its resultant confluence of “weather whiplash,” unnaturally low humidity, and unusually strong Santa Ana winds.

We cannot eradicate fire to protect ourselves from climate change–fueled wildfires. Fire is a part of life. Similarly, there is not enough water in any given place to douse thousands of homes exploding in fire all at once. Fire trucks, even ones with full tanks, sped past burning houses in Altadena, rightly prioritizing saving lives over homes.

What we can do is stop pumping carbon into our atmosphere, right now. We can pour money into the things that keep us safe—renewable energy, energy conservation, public transportation, local economies, and more—and stop investing in things that endanger us, such as oil and gas profits, policing, and prisons.

We human beings are hardwired, especially in times of disaster, to help one another and to work in collective ways to keep each other safe. Such sentiments are visible on the edges of barricaded and burned Altadena, in my community of north Pasadena. On the border between the two towns, the state’s financial priorities are on full display to the north, with police and National Guard forces standing armed and ready to arrest anyone violating curfew. Meanwhile, to the south, community mutual aid hubs have spontaneously popped up, sharing food, water, clothing, toys, and other necessities with those who have lost everything.

As Robin D. G. Kelley said in the foreword to Talking About Abolition, “Abolitionists seek to replace death-dealing ugliness with life-sustaining beauty.”

We have been trained to go against human nature and normalize the funding of our own destruction. We must return to our human instinct to think collectively and embrace an abolitionist approach to ensure our world remains standing for our children. If not, today Altadena is on fire; tomorrow it’s your hometown.

This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute.


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Sonali Kolhatkar is an award-winning multimedia journalist. She is the founder, host, and executive producer of “Rising Up With Sonali,” a weekly television and radio show that airs on Free Speech TV and Pacifica stations. Her most recent book is Rising Up: The Power of Narrative in Pursuing Racial Justice (City Lights Books, 2023). She is a writing fellow for the Economy for All project at the Independent Media Institute and the racial justice and civil liberties editor at Yes! Magazine. She serves as the co-director of the nonprofit solidarity organization the Afghan Women’s Mission and is a co-author of Bleeding Afghanistan. She also sits on the board of directors of Justice Action Center, an immigrant rights organization.
Abolish Rent. Yes, For Real.
January 24, 2025
Source: Waging Non-Violence


Image by LA Tenants Union

The largest tenant union in the country is responding quickly and passionately to the devastation of the Los Angeles fires. The LA Tenants Union is demanding not just enforcement of existing California protections against price gouging of rental homes, but a moratorium on evictions and a rent freeze, all while tenants are coming together with heroic levels of mutual aid.

But these steps will only mitigate a perpetual struggle, as union co-founders Tracy Rosenthal and Leonardo Vilchis write in their new book “Abolish Rent: How Tenants Can End the Housing Crisis.” “Why do tenants wake up every month and have to pay rent?” they ask.

“The entire real estate industry relies on privatizing a common resource (land), hoarding a human need (housing), blocking public intervention or competition, and maintaining a captive market of tenants to exploit and dominate,” Rosenthal and Vilchis argue. “Tenants are exploited and oppressed not just by corporate landlords, or by unscrupulous landlords, but by the fact of having a landlord at all.”

By daring to challenge an entrenched, often deadly societal obligation and demand the burden be lifted, “Abolish Rent” provides a historic contribution to the human rights movement in the U.S. I am among those who needed to hear this book’s message.

I teach and write about housing as a human right. But the daily reality of our law school clinic work representing low-income renters sometimes narrows my vision. Can our client get an extra week before an eviction date that forces them to move out of their home and into their car? Can the infestation of roaches and mold in our clients’ apartment lead to a discount in the rent they are struggling to pay?

If housing is truly a human right, our clients should never have to ask those questions.

“Rent is a fine for having a human need,” Rosenthal and Vilchis write. “Everyone deserves a safe and stable home, simply by virtue of being alive. This is what we mean when we say housing is a human right, no different from the right to breathe the air on this earth: You are born with this right; you should not have to earn it.”

They are correct, both as a matter of international law and overwhelming moral consensus. That means it is not just a shame that our clients and millions of others skip meals and leave prescriptions unfilled in order to pay the rent. It is not just sad that they are among the nearly seven million households who live in rental housing plagued by unsafe wiring, water leaks, rodents and mold. It is a human rights violation on a massive scale.

Same goes for generations of government-sanctioned housing racism leaving Black households far more likely to be evicted and to be unhoused. Or the overall 3.6 million eviction filings each year that are the inevitable result of unrestrained rent hikes far exceeding wage increases.

This is all illegal. As the LA Tenants Union members chant outside their landlords’ palatial front doors, “Housing is a human right, not just for the rich and white.”
Government largesse for landlords, government violence for tenants

Governments bear the primary responsibility for protecting human rights, yet our U.S. government is the chief architect of our wretched housing system. Housing in this country is anything but a free market system: Governments heap largesse on landlords and wealthy homeowners, while tenants feel the blunt end of police power and rigged legal systems.

Landlords are presented with an overflowing cornucopia of government subsidies and tax benefits, including write offs for depreciation of their properties (a particular favorite for landlord Donald Trump), lower capital gains tax rates and deferred payments, abatements from state and local governments, and estate tax exemptions. If you want to be rich but have the IRS treat you like you are poor, owning real estate is the ticket.

As for wealthy homeowners, they benefit from tens of billions per year in mortgage interest and property tax deductions. Even our low-income housing programs in the U.S. largely operate by directing government dollars to for-profit landlords through the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit and HUD voucher and project-based programs.

These are just the direct subsidies. Indirectly, governments prop up the value of privately-held properties by providing infrastructure like water, sewage systems and roads, along with legal frameworks. All housing is public housing, Rosenthal and Vilchis point out, quoting housing scholars David Madden and Peter Marcuse. When landlord lobbyists like the National Multifamily Housing Council claim that its members are “housing providers,” they spew nonsense. We are the housing providers; they just extract profit from it.

Extracting those dollars from tenants is facilitated by governments acting as the muscle for landlords. “Behind each rent check is the threat of state violence,” Rosenthal and Vilchis write. “If we can’t pay the rent or if we defy any terms our landlords set, they can call the deputies of the state to throw us out of our homes.” As legal scholars have pointed out, our courts provide landlords with fast-track deployment of that police force at a speed and ease that is unmatched across the rest of our civil justice system.

With government running interference for them, landlords and wealthy homeowners are raking in wealth at a breathtaking rate. Two-thirds of the world’s total wealth is in real estate. U.S. landlords collect a half-trillion dollars in rent each year, a monthly transfer from the poorest to the wealthiest that further widens our massive income and wealth gaps.

“The supposed cure for renting is owning your own home,” Rosenthal and Vilchis write. “But rent is a trap. … Paying rent is keeping us from reaching the first rung of that imagined ‘property ladder.’ And our lost ground is our landlords’ gain. Our rents pay off our landlords’ mortgages, so they can claim their second (or fourth, or 100th) house.”

Indeed, corporate landlords in recent years have ramped up their purchases of single-family homes, particularly in Black neighborhoods. This sets them up not just for more rent collection, but also for reaping the benefits of the homes’ increasing value. In 2021, the average U.S. home value increased at an amount that exceeded the average salary. Those home value gains are often never taxed, while renters’ salaries obviously are. Which means renters’ sweat-earned income continues to fall further behind the passive income their landlords collect as reward for already being wealthy.
Rent strikes claim housing as a human right

It is a bleak picture. But Rosenthal and Vilchis promise “Abolish Rent”will provide “both polemic and guide.” They deliver the latter largely in the form of inspiring examples of tenant power from the hundred-plus tenant associations organized by the LA Tenants Union, including a dramatic rent strike that won Mariachi Plaza tenants lowered rents and guaranteed repairs.

People of color and immigrants long marginalized by the U.S. housing system find themselves joined by millennials elbowed away from that first rung of homeownership. It is a dynamic that is contributing to the resurgence of tenant unions well beyond LA. In places like Louisville, Kansas City and Connecticut, local tenant campaigns are building power and coalescing as the national Tenant Union Federation. Tenants form the majority in many U.S. cities.

With those numbers can come real power. But that power lays dormant without solidarity, often elusive in a U.S. housing system and overall culture that emphasize the individual. “Every first of the month, we wonder what it would take to never pay rent again,” Rosenthal and Vilchis write. “Often, our fantasies are individual: We’ll get a windfall, make it big or play our cards right, earn our way up. … If we want to end the misery of rent for everyone, we’ll need to trade our individualistic fantasies for universal abundance. And we’ll need to work together.”

The ultimate collective tenant action is the rent strike. “Rent strikes stop the flow of cash to our landlords and reveal their dependence on us,” Rosenthal and Vilchis write. “Rent strikes suggest that the right to housing already exists; all we need to do is claim it.”

There is no sugarcoating the substantial risks involved. Although strikes by past generations were the chief instigators for the limited tenant rights that exist today, they inevitably lead to pushbacks up to and including evictions and arrests.

Yet, like labor strikes, rent strikes return power from the fortunate few to the previously marginalized. Rent strikes inherently combine the power of depriving the landlord of revenue while physically occupying the housing in dispute. In this way, every rent strike emulates the legendary sit-down labor strikes that seized the means of production.

But scattered rent strikes won’t achieve the “abolish rent” end game, Rosenthal and Vilchis caution. For that, we will need a coordinated rent strike across a full city or even the country. “This is the kind of power we would need to begin to transform property relations, as well as the state that guarantees them,” they write.
Evicting the landlords

It can be hard to envision the transformation of the state that “Abolish Rent” calls for. Most of us in the U.S. have known nothing but the state operating as an agent actively helping to extract profit from property, but it turns out there is plenty of precedent for a state that actually treats housing as a right.

When Rosenthal and Vilchis talk about “evicting our landlords,” they invoke in part the Tenant and Community Opportunity to Purchase Acts. TOPA and COPA laws provide first rights of purchase — and sometimes government funding to support that purchase and subsequent renovations — to entities that will convert the property into permanently affordable housing. They can even impose a right of first refusal for tenants or the community, meaning the landowners must accept the bid if it matches the best offer.

Even landlords who are not willing to sell can be evicted through eminent domain, long used by governments at all levels to seize privately-held property to protect the environment and build or expand roads, railways and government buildings. During the mid-20th century, the federal government under President Dwight Eisenhower combined with state and local governments to exercise eminent domain in more than a half-million instances in order to build the interstate highway system. In 2021, Berlin residents passed a referendum to seize the property of large corporate landlords and convert the apartments to social housing. Since 2016, the Catalonia region of Spain has allowed the seizure of vacant corporate-owned apartments, which are then provided to low-income tenants.

As an interim step, Rosenthal and Vilchis support rent control, which not only pumps the brakes on housing profiteering, it builds the state’s role as a protector of tenant rights. But the end game is plentiful, high-quality public housing, which has been a spectacular success in places like Vienna and Singapore. Public housing has also worked well many times in the U.S. despite endless sabotage by real estate-funded politicians.

So, evicting landlords and removing the profiteering from housing is not only possible, it has been done. Same goes for the abolition of rent. In our clinic, we have represented plenty of public housing or voucher tenants whose rent, set by law at 30 percent of their income, is exactly zero dollars. Abolishing rent for the rest of us will not be easy, as real estate capital’s long legacy of attacking rent control and public housing shows. But the fact that 44 million U.S. households rent their homes means the movement has massive potential, and can be ignited at any time. “High rents, displacement and homelessness are not inevitable,” Rosenthal and Vilchis insist. “Every first of the month is another opportunity for organizing, collective action and collective refusal.”


Economic Justice and Liberation!

January 24, 2025
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.



This is a transcribe of a talk given by Peter Bohmer at the People’s March in Olympia, Washington State on January 18, 2025.

Thank you for attending this well attended rally. It is a very dangerous period where our actions are necessary to stop the march towards mass deportations, a climate catastrophe and a dictatorship. It is the most dangerous period since I have been alive. We can make a difference by resisting on many levels.

We live in a world of gross income and wealth inequality in Washington State, U.S. and globally. In the U.S., the top 1% own 12 times more than the bottom 50% of the population. The top 1% of the world’s population own more than the bottom 95%.

Let me briefly discuss a few major problems, their causes and what is to be done.

In addition to the major issues already mentioned by our presenters– the climate crisis, attacks on immigrants and the serious threat of mass deportations, mass incarceration, and racial oppression-and by the speakers who will speak at the State Capital on resisting the campaign against trans people and against the criminalization of abortion and reproductive justice, I want to add:

Quality and affordable housing are a basic human right. The rise in rent and the price of housing have far outstripped the increases in money wages for the last 25 years. The growing homelessness is an indictment of our capitalist system, not of the unhoused. We need rent control and more social and public housing.

The broken Health Care system! Luigi Mangione, the accused shooter of United Health Care CEO, and the subsequent widespread support for Mangioni show the anger at a system where many millions cannot afford quality health care and/or are denied health care by a for-profit insurance system. According to the Trump Administration playbook, Project 2025, they intend to further cut Medicaid, the health care system for low-income people and end subsidies for working class people and families. Let us stop these cutbacks while demanding quality and free health care, including dental, vision, hearing, and alternative medicine for all including undocumented, and the incarcerated, paid for by taxes on high income households and corporations

Most U.S workers have faced stagnant wages for 40 years. Also, for the most part,

alienating jobs and increasing debt-medical, student and consumer debt- to try to maintain their standard of living in the face of rising prices. Let us organize to cancel these debts and raise wages and benefits.

Inflation, the rise in prices, will increase caused by Trump’s increasing to 25% or more tariffs on goods from Mexico, China and Canada. Mass deportations of farmworkers will decrease the supply of food and further raise its price.

What is the fundamental cause of these problems?

Capitalism!

Capitalism is an oppressive system based on production for profit not need. Where the capital is owned by a small number for people, while the great majorly, the working class must work for them and are exploited by the capitalists. Where there is super exploitation of Black and other workers of color, of immigrants and women. Capitalism expands and destroys internally and externally; it is a global capitalist system where the natural environment is a resource to make profits of. The wealth and power is increasingly controlled by finance capital and the Amazons, Metas, Apple and Musks of the world.

Let is not take capitalism as a given. An alternative is necessary and desirable.

So, what do we do, as we face the Trumpist Administration? They are a government by and for the 1%. We should combine:Defend what we have—in terms of civil rights and civil liberties, social security, public education, and environmental protection. Yet the status quo is insufficient. The Biden administration has been militarist and imperialist, as has been the Democratic Party. They are a supporter and participant in the genocide of Gaza.
Reforms—Besides what I have already mentioned, let us support at the workplace and in policy and campaigns, the right to organize unions, especially social movement unions. Where these social movement unions are in solidarity with all workers and their needs on and off the job, and work in solidarity with other social movements such as immigrant justice, environmental and reproductive justice, Palestine and global solidarity and Black liberation, and organizing the unorganized. Reforms within capitalism are always limited. If we raise the minimum to a livable wage or raise taxes on corporations, they may not invest at home, capital flight or capital strike. Capitalism is based on inequality and profits for a few where we are told always strive for more, that individualism is human nature. Revolution is necessary for humanity and nature. Tear it Down, Build it UP!
We need to combine reforms that improve people’s lives and raise consciousness and to build social movements and organizations that organize to end capitalism, to build a participatory socialism. Where production is based on need, the end of corporations and production for profit, where individuals, communities and workplace develop participatory planning, a participatory socialism where there is an end to poverty, global solidarity, meaningful work. Democratic planning that makes central seven generations in the future, where racism, sexism, and other forms of oppression are effectively challenged and no longer intrinsic. Equity on a local, national and global scale!

The Democratic party has failed the working class of the United States and threatens war with China.

I suggest we put at the center of our campaigns demands that if won, would meet some major needs and empowerment of the working class, most of the working people of the United States. This includes taxing the wealthy and other economic issues I have mentioned. We also need to develop a program which I call principled unity which means not only a campaign for economic justice, defined narrowly but also combining this with the movements and issues being raised today.

Otherwise, we fall into a neoliberal agenda and politics.

Let us do and make central, popular education, where we talk and listen respectfully to those who are not yet part of our movements. To revolutionize this society, means a majority supports our vision.

We need to build three levels of organization and two coalitions.An underground to fight fascists, white supremacists and white and Christian nationalists—to protect and defend immigrants, Palestinians and other activists, and others under attack. For this underground level only, security culture is necessary.
Coalition of all organizations and individuals who support all the demands of this march. We are millions nationally, we are a force, let us not underestimate ourselves. But we are insufficient to fight the growing authoritarian threat. I call this a Progressive Coalition. This is what is happening today with the 1000 of you here in Olympia. It needs to be ongoing and growing and coordinated nationally.
This Progressive coalition also needs to actively participate in and if necessary, create what I call a United Front Against Fascism. This was the name of a 1969 Black Panther Party conference in Oakland. This large united front or popular front is necessary to protect civil liberties and civil rights and further peace but may not agree with us on all the issues, e.g., self-determination for Palestine and the end of the Israeli occupation, or Trans liberation or immigrant justice but they are necessary to defeat the Project 2025 agenda. Within this broader grouping, the progressive coalition should be able to continue its full program and demands and not be suppressed or marginalized, while not demanding full agreement by all members and groups in this broad united front against fascism.

Finally, we need to act now and not wait and not allow the incoming administration to gradually carry out mass deportations and end immigration, or gradually end Medicaid, where these actions become normalized step by step.

Join us today at the Festival of Resistance right after our People’s March to the State Capitol and short rally there and then gather at 906 Columbia St. SW for food, to further discuss these issues and next steps.

Le us march through downtown Olympia in unity and strongly and welcome bystanders to join us behind the large Banner of the People’s March to the Capital steps. A strong presence in the streets, is one important aspect of fighting isolation and resignation and cynicism and building an inclusive community.

What better way to celebrate Martin Luther King than continuing his struggle for civil and human rights, economic and racial justice and peace!

Power to the People and the People’s March.



Peter BohmerWebsite has been an activist in movements for radical social change since 1967, which have included anti-racist organizing and solidarity movements with the people of Vietnam, Southern Africa, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Palestine and Central America. For his activism and teaching, he was targeted by the FBI. He was a member of the faculty at the Evergreen State College in Olympia, WA from 1987 to 2021 where he taught political economy. He believes alternatives to capitalism are desirable and possible. Peter is the proud parent of a daughter and three sons.
Does a New ‘Roaring Twenties’ Now Beckon?

In the 1920s, America’s economy boomed — for the rich — and then busted the nation into the Great Depression. Will Trump II and crypto now deliver a repeat?
January 25, 2025
Source: Inequality.org





Life in the United States has never been better — if your personal fortune stretches well into the thousands of millions.

Our new year has dawned with 813 Americans cavorting in billionaire land. These deep pockets ended 2024, notes an Institute for Policy Studies analysis, with a combined wealth over $6.7 trillion. They averaged over $8.2 billion each.

Need some perspective on that $8.2 billion? The typical American worker, according to the latest U.S. Bureau of Labor stats, would have to work over 136,000 years to earn that much.

Billionaires, of course, don’t have to actually do any labor to collect their billions. They just let their money do the heavy lifting.

That money, if invested in enterprises that provide us with useful goods and services, can add real value to an economy. But these days our billionaires and their billions don’t have to produce anything of value to climb up the wealth ladder. They can make big bucks manufacturing — at a heavy environmental cost — a product that has no real-life value whatsoever.

Welcome to the world of cryptocurrency.

Crypto emerged amid the turmoil of the Great Recession, an economic catastrophe that began late in 2007 with the bursting of a housing bubble that U.S. financial institutions had pumped up with subprime mortgages and assorted other exotic financing schemes.

Crypto’s early aficionados, notes the British economist Michael Roberts, claimed that cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin would eliminate “the need for financial intermediaries like banks.” Cryptocurrencies existed only electronically, as elaborate computer code that takes huge amounts of energy to “mine.” No government guarantees backed their value, and no crypto champs sought those guarantees.

Within this frame, crypto values spent a dozen years bouncing mostly upward. By mid-2024, the crypto world had turned into a speculative colossus worth some $2.5 trillion. But crypto’s biggest players were doing little celebrating. The industry seemed to be losing its big-time momentum.

Just two years before, a spectacular crypto crash had cost the sector’s founders and investors a combined $116 billion. By the end of 2023, some 20 nations had banned banks from dealing with crypto exchanges, and critics were blasting the crypto industry for pumping ever more fossil fuels into the atmosphere “to solve complex mathematical problems that have no productive purpose.”

Early in 2024, Pew Research polling found the American public exceedingly “skeptical” about cryptocurrency, with almost two-thirds of the nation’s adults having little to no confidence that cryptocurrencies rated as either reliable or safe. Only 19 percent of Americans who had actually invested in crypto, Pew found, deemed themselves “confident” with the industry’s “reliability and safety.”

Last June, one of the nation’s most influential financial market analysts, Securities and Exchange Commission chair Gary Gensler, gave cause for even more public unease. In congressional testimony, Gensler described the crypto market as a “Wild West” that has investors putting “hard-earned assets at risk in a highly speculative asset class.”

“Many of those investments,” Gensler added, “have disappeared after a crypto platform or service went under due to fraud or mismanagement, leaving investors in line at bankruptcy court.”

In the battle for public opinion, crypto kings realized, they were losing. Their response? Crypto’s big guns moved to lock down as much political help they could buy. They spent last year flooding millions upon millions of dollars into primary and general election races against lawmakers who had dared to support meaningful moves to regulate crypto’s digital highways and byways.

“It’s time to take our country back,” roared one deep-pocketed crypto mover-and-shaker, Tyler Winklevoss. “It’s time for the crypto army to send a message to Washington. That attacking us is political suicide.”

In no time at all, the Lever’s Freddy Brewster notes, this new crypto offensive had lawmakers in Congress, from both sides of the aisle, signaling their openness to minimizing any serious attempts at crypto regulation. The November elections would go on to generate a substantial crypto-friendly majority in the House and a Senate almost as crypto-committed.

Helping to produce this smashing crypto triumph: over $250 million in campaign contributions from the three top cryptocurrency political action committees.

No one would ultimately jump on the 2024 crypto political bandwagon more dramatically than Donald Trump. Up until then, the former president had been a pronounced crypto skeptic.

“I am not a fan of Bitcoin and other Cryptocurrencies, which are not money, and whose value is highly volatile and based on thin air,” Trump announced on social media in 2019. “Unregulated Crypto Assets can facilitate unlawful behavior, including drug trade and other illegal activity.”

But Trump would eventually come to see the potential in crypto campaign dollars and turn himself into the political world’s most visible crypto booster. In May 2024, Trump became the first major presidential candidate to accept donations in cryptocurrency. In July, he gave a fawning keynote address at one of the crypto world’s premiere annual conferences.

Trump saw something else in crypto as well. The industry, he ever so accurately perceived, could turbocharge his own personal wealth, to levels far outpacing his old-school investments in office towers and classic hotels — and all without engaging in any sort of real risk.

So Trump did that crypto engaging. By Inauguration Day, thanks to the release of his own “red-hot” crypto token, Trump had more than 90 percent of his personal net worth in crypto assets.

To protect that investment, Trump will undoubtedly put his signature on legislation — first introduced by Wyoming Republican senator Cynthia Lummis — designed to force the federal government to buy up a national stockpile of cryptocurrency as a reserve just like the gold in Fort Knox. Getting crypto reserve status, cheers billionaire MicroStrategy executive chair Michael Saylor, would rank as a truly noble 21st-century “Louisiana Purchase.”

But independent analysts see “no discernible logic” to any move in that direction.

“I get why the crypto investor would love it,” observes Mark Zandi, the chief economist at Moody’s Analytics. “Other than the crypto investor, I don’t see the value, particularly if taxpayers have to ante up.”

Turning crypto into a reserve currency, explain other analysts, would “prop up” cryptocurrency prices. Reserve status, note Wall Street on Parade editors Pam and Russ Martens, would enable crypto billionaires to sell their crypto “without driving down” cryptocurrency prices — because these billionaires would have “a perpetual buyer on the other side of their trade.”

Having the government buy up crypto, as Dean Baker at the Center for Economic and Policy Research recently told the Nation, has “literally no rationale other than to give money to Trump and Musk and their crypto buddies.”

Not surprisingly, conventional financial institutions — outfits ranging from Goldman Sachs and Citigroup to BlackRock and other big asset manager funds — would like to share in that money harvest. They’ve all begun entering the crypto “fray,” points out the economist Ramaa Vasudevan, and institutional investors “are also banging at the door.”

Crypto, adds Vasudevan, is “turning on a spigot of financial fortune-hunting.”

That sort of hunting, historically, has almost always ended in crashes that left average people the hardest hit. In our new crypto age, that could easily happen again.

The various crypto crashes we’ve seen over recent years, as the Lever’s Freddy Brewster noted last month, have “mostly affected” people already invested in cryptocurrencies. But the growing linkages between crypto and the more traditional economy have expanded the economic peril.

“Potential victims of future crashes,” Brewster warns, “could balloon if the nascent industry is allowed to become more entrenched with traditional banks.”

And that entrenching is approaching overdrive.

“Crypto bros are heading into 2025 with great expectations,” notes Bloomberg columnist Andy Mukherjee.

These “bros” invested big-time in 2024’s presidential and congressional campaigns. Now they want, Mukherjee adds, “unhindered access to the global banking system.”

What could possibly go wrong?



Sam Pizzigati an associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies, has written widely on income and wealth concentration, with op-eds and articles in publications ranging from the New York Times to Le Monde Diplomatique. He co-edits Inequality.org Among his books: The Rich Don’t Always Win: The Forgotten Triumph over Plutocracy that Created the American Middle Class, 1900-1970 (Seven Stories Press). His latest book: The Case for a Maximum Wage (Polity). A veteran labor movement journalist, Pizzigati spent 20 years directing publishing at America’s largest union, the 3.2 million-member National Education Association.