Diplomatic Downfall: What Happened To The Belarusian Ambassador Who Challenged Lukashenka
September 04, 2020 14:55 GMT
By Ray Furlong
RFE/RL's Belarus Service
He was a career diplomat who was once a foreign policy adviser to Belarusian President Alyaksandr Lukashenka, but he then became the first -- and only -- Belarusian ambassador to support protests against his boss. Now, Ihar Leshchenya is at his dacha near Minsk; he's no longer in the diplomatic service, and hopes he won't be arrested.
September 04, 2020 14:55 GMT
By Ray Furlong
RFE/RL's Belarus Service
He was a career diplomat who was once a foreign policy adviser to Belarusian President Alyaksandr Lukashenka, but he then became the first -- and only -- Belarusian ambassador to support protests against his boss. Now, Ihar Leshchenya is at his dacha near Minsk; he's no longer in the diplomatic service, and hopes he won't be arrested.
Alexander Lukashenko's 26-year rule of Belarus faces its biggest challenge
Aleksey Laptenok
CGTN
Europe 04-Aug-2020
Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko has been the country's leader for 26 years but faces opposition from a host of candidates amid a fascinating election contest. /Michael Stewart/Getty Images
The 2020 Belarusian presidential election is already different from the past six. That's not because of who the president is – Alexander Lukashenko has been in power for 26 years – but because the opposition has been able to galvanize significant portions of the population to join street protests to give voice to their cause.
The current president
In 1994, during the first Belarusian presidential election since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Alexander Lukashenko saw off then-Prime Minister Vyacheslav Kebich, to earn a four-year term. Then, through a series of referendums, the former farm manager prolonged and then abolished term limits. The decades under Lukashenko's administration have been marked by a focus on agricultural development, shifting winds in relationships with Moscow and tension in relations with the West. But he now faces a real threat to his leadership, with four candidates pushing for the presidency.
Large swathes of Belarusian voters have taken part in street protests to show their support for opposition candidates because of the state media's lack of coverage of rival parties. /AFP
The opposition candidates
Svetlana Tsikhanouskaya, the wife of a famous Belarusian opposition member and blogger who took over his campaign when he was jailed (see below).
Anna Kanapatskaya, a former member of parliament who is alienated from mainstream opposition movements because of her association with the ruling institutions.
Andrey Dmitriev, the co-chairman of the political movement "Tell the Truth," which has persistently led vocal criticism of Lukashenko's rule. Dmitriev previously worked in campaigns for opposition candidates in the 2010 and 2016 elections.
Siarhei Cherachen, a businessman who was once a member of the Communist party but left join the Belarusian Social Democrats, where he became chairman of the party.
Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the wife of a famous Belarusian opposition member and blogger has taken over her husband's campaign after he was jailed and galvanized a huge supporter base, with thousands attending her rallies./AFP
A number of other candidates have been prevented from standing including:
Siarhei Tsikhanouski, a popular Belarusian blogger who had become an icon of the street political movement, was jailed after leading thousands of supporters onto the streets.
Viktar Babaryka, once considered to be Lukashenko's main opponent and a former chairman of JSC Belgazprombank, was also jailed for corruption-related offenses.
Valery Tsepkalo, a former ambassador to the U.S., was barred from standing after the electoral commission ruled he had not secured enough valid signatures. He later left the country, claiming he was facing trumped-up criminal charges.
These three decided to combine their campaign teams with Tsikhanouski's wife, Svetlana, as head of the coalition.
Tikhanovskaya has joined forces with Veronika Tsepkalo, left, who is the wife of another presidential candidate who was banned from standing, and Maria Kolesnikova, the campaign manager for another. /AFP
The issues
Lukashenko has put economics and political independence at the heart of his campaign. He pitches himself as the candidate of stability who is strong enough to stand up to Moscow, suggesting his opponents would deliver either subservience to Russian president Vladimir Putin or the chaos of a revolution.
For her part, Tsikhanouskaya has promised to hold a second election, including the candidates who failed to make the ballot this time around, if she wins. Almost all the opposition figures propose restricting the role of the president and bringing back term limits. Dmitriev and Cherachen advocate peacefully managed economic and social reforms, while Kanapatskaya stands for tax liberalization to support small businesses.
The street movement
With opposition candidates struggling to get their message across on state media, their supporters have taken to the streets to deliver their message. While official polling puts Lukashenko's approval rating as high as 76 percent, walls across the country have been covered in "3 percent" graffiti to illustrate what opponents believe is a more accurate measure of his popularity.
In mid-July, thousands demonstrated in Belarus's largest cities but the rallies were suppressed by special forces and police.
Lukashenko's denial of COVID-19 and the subsequent deaths of Belarusian people has prompted backlash from the population who have accused him of sacrificing the lives of their loved ones./AFP
COVID-19 denial
For some time, Belarus has stood almost alone in denying the threat posed by COVID-19. The authorities did not introduce any restrictive measures, with Lukashenko personally downplaying the danger of the virus. He subsequently contracted the illness but maintained that his "wise orders helped him to save the economy of the country" by avoiding a costly lockdown. Families of victims of the illness have played a part in the opposition movement, accusing the government of sacrificing the lives of their loved ones.
The country's economy has traditionally been heavily reliant on Russia, which has helped to insulate it from fluctuations in the global economy with subsidies on imported gas and oil. However, those benefits are being withdrawn, posing questions over how the country can replace the lost revenue.
Aleksey Laptenok
CGTN
Europe 04-Aug-2020
Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko has been the country's leader for 26 years but faces opposition from a host of candidates amid a fascinating election contest. /Michael Stewart/Getty Images
The 2020 Belarusian presidential election is already different from the past six. That's not because of who the president is – Alexander Lukashenko has been in power for 26 years – but because the opposition has been able to galvanize significant portions of the population to join street protests to give voice to their cause.
The current president
In 1994, during the first Belarusian presidential election since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Alexander Lukashenko saw off then-Prime Minister Vyacheslav Kebich, to earn a four-year term. Then, through a series of referendums, the former farm manager prolonged and then abolished term limits. The decades under Lukashenko's administration have been marked by a focus on agricultural development, shifting winds in relationships with Moscow and tension in relations with the West. But he now faces a real threat to his leadership, with four candidates pushing for the presidency.
Large swathes of Belarusian voters have taken part in street protests to show their support for opposition candidates because of the state media's lack of coverage of rival parties. /AFP
The opposition candidates
Svetlana Tsikhanouskaya, the wife of a famous Belarusian opposition member and blogger who took over his campaign when he was jailed (see below).
Anna Kanapatskaya, a former member of parliament who is alienated from mainstream opposition movements because of her association with the ruling institutions.
Andrey Dmitriev, the co-chairman of the political movement "Tell the Truth," which has persistently led vocal criticism of Lukashenko's rule. Dmitriev previously worked in campaigns for opposition candidates in the 2010 and 2016 elections.
Siarhei Cherachen, a businessman who was once a member of the Communist party but left join the Belarusian Social Democrats, where he became chairman of the party.
Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the wife of a famous Belarusian opposition member and blogger has taken over her husband's campaign after he was jailed and galvanized a huge supporter base, with thousands attending her rallies./AFP
A number of other candidates have been prevented from standing including:
Siarhei Tsikhanouski, a popular Belarusian blogger who had become an icon of the street political movement, was jailed after leading thousands of supporters onto the streets.
Viktar Babaryka, once considered to be Lukashenko's main opponent and a former chairman of JSC Belgazprombank, was also jailed for corruption-related offenses.
Valery Tsepkalo, a former ambassador to the U.S., was barred from standing after the electoral commission ruled he had not secured enough valid signatures. He later left the country, claiming he was facing trumped-up criminal charges.
These three decided to combine their campaign teams with Tsikhanouski's wife, Svetlana, as head of the coalition.
Tikhanovskaya has joined forces with Veronika Tsepkalo, left, who is the wife of another presidential candidate who was banned from standing, and Maria Kolesnikova, the campaign manager for another. /AFP
The issues
Lukashenko has put economics and political independence at the heart of his campaign. He pitches himself as the candidate of stability who is strong enough to stand up to Moscow, suggesting his opponents would deliver either subservience to Russian president Vladimir Putin or the chaos of a revolution.
For her part, Tsikhanouskaya has promised to hold a second election, including the candidates who failed to make the ballot this time around, if she wins. Almost all the opposition figures propose restricting the role of the president and bringing back term limits. Dmitriev and Cherachen advocate peacefully managed economic and social reforms, while Kanapatskaya stands for tax liberalization to support small businesses.
The street movement
With opposition candidates struggling to get their message across on state media, their supporters have taken to the streets to deliver their message. While official polling puts Lukashenko's approval rating as high as 76 percent, walls across the country have been covered in "3 percent" graffiti to illustrate what opponents believe is a more accurate measure of his popularity.
In mid-July, thousands demonstrated in Belarus's largest cities but the rallies were suppressed by special forces and police.
Lukashenko's denial of COVID-19 and the subsequent deaths of Belarusian people has prompted backlash from the population who have accused him of sacrificing the lives of their loved ones./AFP
COVID-19 denial
For some time, Belarus has stood almost alone in denying the threat posed by COVID-19. The authorities did not introduce any restrictive measures, with Lukashenko personally downplaying the danger of the virus. He subsequently contracted the illness but maintained that his "wise orders helped him to save the economy of the country" by avoiding a costly lockdown. Families of victims of the illness have played a part in the opposition movement, accusing the government of sacrificing the lives of their loved ones.
The country's economy has traditionally been heavily reliant on Russia, which has helped to insulate it from fluctuations in the global economy with subsidies on imported gas and oil. However, those benefits are being withdrawn, posing questions over how the country can replace the lost revenue.
Belarusian Authorities' Crime 'Will Not Be Erased From Memory,' Says Opposition Leader Svyatlana Tsikhanouskaya
August 28, 2020 By Irina Peters
Alexander Lukashenko lost the August elections in Belarus, and new polls must be held immediately. Anything else should be treated no differently from a coup d’etat, writes Andrius Kubilius.
Andrius Kubilius is a Member of the European Parliament, Co-President of the Euronest Parliamentary Assembly, and a former Prime Minister of Lithuania.
In Belarus, people continue to defend their 9 August victory, and Lukashenko continues to target the protests with violence and relies on support of Putin. But nothing will change the fact that Lukashenko lost the election on 9 August. He knows that if free and fair elections were to take place, he would lose even more.
In responding to the “Belarus crisis”, two essential things must be in focus: Lukashenko has lost the election; and new elections must be held immediately, not “later on”.
5 November and Lukashenko
According to the Constitution, adopted under Lukashenko, his current term will end on 5 November – currently, Lukashenko is the President who lost 9 August elections and whose term in office expires on 5 November.
After 5 November, Belarus will not have a President. According to Article 81 of the current Constitution, “when the office of the President is vacant” extraordinary Presidential elections must be held no earlier than 30 days and no later than 70 days after the vacancy has occurred.
After 5 November, Lukashenko will be an ordinary Belarusian citizen that can be referred to as “the former President of Belarus”. If Lukashenko tries to organize “new inauguration” before 5 November, it will be nothing more than an illegal usurpation of power, possibly even with the use of military force. This should be treated as a coup.
After 5 November there will be no ‘President Lukashenko’ also from the international law perspective. He will either be “the former President” or “the coup d’etat chief Lukashenko”. This means that any dialogue or engagement with Lukashenko will no longer be possible. The international community will have to negotiate with the Prime Minister of Belarus, who will hold the office of President until the new elections are held, to ensure that genuinely democratic and transparent new Presidential elections are held no later than 70 days after 5 November.
Brussels, Berlin, Washington – and Moscow
Western democracies are showing solidarity with the Belarusian civic nation, while Putin does not hide his support for the regime of Lukashenko. Putin’s support is becoming the only factor allowing Lukashenko to hold on to the post.
Putin holds the keys to the door of Lukashenko’s withdrawal. That is why Western leaders call Lukashenko’s “boss”, Putin, to negotiate his withdrawal, rather than directly addressing Lukashenko himself. It is also quite clear that Putin is using these discussions to draw his own “red lines” on the geopolitical future of post-Lukashenko Belarus.
Nevertheless, the revolutionary changes in Belarus are turning into a trap for Putin. A dictator himself, Putin has many reasons to support Lukashenko, but his long-term support for the “toxic” Lukashenko may leave him just as “toxic” in the eyes of the Belarusians. And there is no good way out for him.
The role of the OSCE
The OSCE may be best placed to take action to address the current “Belarus crisis”. Primarily because its members are both in the West and in the East. OSCE is the only political organization on the European continent of which Belarus is a member. Also, the OSCE election observation body ODIHR does its job effectively.
Russia, also a member of the OSCE, will try to use the role of the OSCE to Lukashenko’s advantage to buy time. Therefore, the West, together with Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, representing the democratic society of Belarus, should have a clear position: the role of the OSCE in resolving the “Belarus crisis” is solely needed to ensure transparent and democratic elections. It would be a mistake to enter into an indefinite OSCE-led negotiation process regarding any loosely defined “transitional period”.
No! – To the Lukashenko-Lavrov Plan: A new constitution, instead of new elections
One of the questions to be addressed immediately, in particular, by Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and the Coordinating Council, is the plan announced by Lukashenko and promoted by Lavrov and Putin – to draft a new Constitution for Belarus, and postpone the new elections to after it has been adopted. Lukashenko makes no secret that the process could take a few years. It is quite clear that the Kremlin will seek to turn this procrastination plan into an OSCE-backed process.
The Western community should not fall into this trap. Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya recently have said very clearly – no discussions about constitutional changes before new transparent elections will be held.
Marshall Plan for Democratic Belarus
Economy of Belarus will pose some of the most difficult challenges, as it is deeply integrated into the Russian economy and thus highly dependent on the Kremlin. As a result, one of the top priorities for EU in the near future will be to help diversify the Belarusian economy at the same time reducing its dependency on Russia. For that, we need a much larger support package of EUR 3.5-4 billion, which we could call the Marshall Plan for Democratic Belarus.
Spreading the news already now about such a Plan would help counter the propaganda and fear spread by the Lukashenko regime, predicting the detrimental effects that new elections and real democracy in Belarus would have on the Belarusian economy.
******************
The fate of the Belarusian democracy is being decided on the streets of Minsk. The victory of democracy will prevail. My optimism stems not only from faith in and admiration for the new civic Belarusian nation but also from a clear understanding that change in Belarus is driven by objective historical processes: the continued collapse of the Soviet/Russian Empire and its post-imperial spheres of influence as well as the end of the era of post-Soviet authoritarian leaders.
Irina Peters is a correspondent in Lithuania for RFE/RL's Russian Service.
Belarusian opposition leader Svyatlana Tsikhanouskay
VILNIUS, Lithuania -- Now in its 19th day, Belarus's political crisis has slipped toward a potentially more phase with President Vladimir Putin signaling the possibility of deploying a Russian security force to help buttress Alyaksandr Lukashenka's grip on power.
Deploying Russian forces in her country would be a mistake, said Svyatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the self-exiled former presidential candidate who has become an unlikely leader of the Belarusian opposition.
"This is our internal problem, an internal issue that Belarusians must resolve with the Belarusian government," Tsikhanouskaya told RFE/RL.
Tsikhanouskaya spoke with RFE/RL on August 28 from the Lithuanian capital Vilnius, where she fled amid threats to her family.
Her husband Syarhey, a potential challenger to Lukashenka in the August 9 presidential election, had been arrested before the vote and remains in police custody, reportedly in a jail on Minsk's outskirts. A proficient English speaker who previously was a stay-at-home mother, Tsikhanouskaya took up the mantle from her husband after he was jailed.
Then, with opposition protests mounting over allegations the vote was rigged in Lukashenka's favor, Tsikhanouskaya joined with prominent cultural figures to create the opposition Coordin
VILNIUS, Lithuania -- Now in its 19th day, Belarus's political crisis has slipped toward a potentially more phase with President Vladimir Putin signaling the possibility of deploying a Russian security force to help buttress Alyaksandr Lukashenka's grip on power.
Deploying Russian forces in her country would be a mistake, said Svyatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the self-exiled former presidential candidate who has become an unlikely leader of the Belarusian opposition.
"This is our internal problem, an internal issue that Belarusians must resolve with the Belarusian government," Tsikhanouskaya told RFE/RL.
Tsikhanouskaya spoke with RFE/RL on August 28 from the Lithuanian capital Vilnius, where she fled amid threats to her family.
Her husband Syarhey, a potential challenger to Lukashenka in the August 9 presidential election, had been arrested before the vote and remains in police custody, reportedly in a jail on Minsk's outskirts. A proficient English speaker who previously was a stay-at-home mother, Tsikhanouskaya took up the mantle from her husband after he was jailed.
Then, with opposition protests mounting over allegations the vote was rigged in Lukashenka's favor, Tsikhanouskaya joined with prominent cultural figures to create the opposition Coordin
Time is running out for Lukashenko
By Andrius Kubilius
04-09-2020 (updated: 04-09-2020 )
Belarus people attend a protest rally against the results of the presidential elections, in Minsk, Belarus, 30 August 2020. Opposition protests in Belarus continue against alleges poll-rigging and police violence at protests following election results claiming that president Lukashenko had won a landslide victory in the 09 August elections. [EPA-EFE/STRING
By Andrius Kubilius
04-09-2020 (updated: 04-09-2020 )
Belarus people attend a protest rally against the results of the presidential elections, in Minsk, Belarus, 30 August 2020. Opposition protests in Belarus continue against alleges poll-rigging and police violence at protests following election results claiming that president Lukashenko had won a landslide victory in the 09 August elections. [EPA-EFE/STRING
Alexander Lukashenko lost the August elections in Belarus, and new polls must be held immediately. Anything else should be treated no differently from a coup d’etat, writes Andrius Kubilius.
Andrius Kubilius is a Member of the European Parliament, Co-President of the Euronest Parliamentary Assembly, and a former Prime Minister of Lithuania.
In Belarus, people continue to defend their 9 August victory, and Lukashenko continues to target the protests with violence and relies on support of Putin. But nothing will change the fact that Lukashenko lost the election on 9 August. He knows that if free and fair elections were to take place, he would lose even more.
In responding to the “Belarus crisis”, two essential things must be in focus: Lukashenko has lost the election; and new elections must be held immediately, not “later on”.
5 November and Lukashenko
According to the Constitution, adopted under Lukashenko, his current term will end on 5 November – currently, Lukashenko is the President who lost 9 August elections and whose term in office expires on 5 November.
After 5 November, Belarus will not have a President. According to Article 81 of the current Constitution, “when the office of the President is vacant” extraordinary Presidential elections must be held no earlier than 30 days and no later than 70 days after the vacancy has occurred.
After 5 November, Lukashenko will be an ordinary Belarusian citizen that can be referred to as “the former President of Belarus”. If Lukashenko tries to organize “new inauguration” before 5 November, it will be nothing more than an illegal usurpation of power, possibly even with the use of military force. This should be treated as a coup.
After 5 November there will be no ‘President Lukashenko’ also from the international law perspective. He will either be “the former President” or “the coup d’etat chief Lukashenko”. This means that any dialogue or engagement with Lukashenko will no longer be possible. The international community will have to negotiate with the Prime Minister of Belarus, who will hold the office of President until the new elections are held, to ensure that genuinely democratic and transparent new Presidential elections are held no later than 70 days after 5 November.
Brussels, Berlin, Washington – and Moscow
Western democracies are showing solidarity with the Belarusian civic nation, while Putin does not hide his support for the regime of Lukashenko. Putin’s support is becoming the only factor allowing Lukashenko to hold on to the post.
Putin holds the keys to the door of Lukashenko’s withdrawal. That is why Western leaders call Lukashenko’s “boss”, Putin, to negotiate his withdrawal, rather than directly addressing Lukashenko himself. It is also quite clear that Putin is using these discussions to draw his own “red lines” on the geopolitical future of post-Lukashenko Belarus.
Nevertheless, the revolutionary changes in Belarus are turning into a trap for Putin. A dictator himself, Putin has many reasons to support Lukashenko, but his long-term support for the “toxic” Lukashenko may leave him just as “toxic” in the eyes of the Belarusians. And there is no good way out for him.
The role of the OSCE
The OSCE may be best placed to take action to address the current “Belarus crisis”. Primarily because its members are both in the West and in the East. OSCE is the only political organization on the European continent of which Belarus is a member. Also, the OSCE election observation body ODIHR does its job effectively.
Russia, also a member of the OSCE, will try to use the role of the OSCE to Lukashenko’s advantage to buy time. Therefore, the West, together with Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, representing the democratic society of Belarus, should have a clear position: the role of the OSCE in resolving the “Belarus crisis” is solely needed to ensure transparent and democratic elections. It would be a mistake to enter into an indefinite OSCE-led negotiation process regarding any loosely defined “transitional period”.
No! – To the Lukashenko-Lavrov Plan: A new constitution, instead of new elections
One of the questions to be addressed immediately, in particular, by Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and the Coordinating Council, is the plan announced by Lukashenko and promoted by Lavrov and Putin – to draft a new Constitution for Belarus, and postpone the new elections to after it has been adopted. Lukashenko makes no secret that the process could take a few years. It is quite clear that the Kremlin will seek to turn this procrastination plan into an OSCE-backed process.
The Western community should not fall into this trap. Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya recently have said very clearly – no discussions about constitutional changes before new transparent elections will be held.
Marshall Plan for Democratic Belarus
Economy of Belarus will pose some of the most difficult challenges, as it is deeply integrated into the Russian economy and thus highly dependent on the Kremlin. As a result, one of the top priorities for EU in the near future will be to help diversify the Belarusian economy at the same time reducing its dependency on Russia. For that, we need a much larger support package of EUR 3.5-4 billion, which we could call the Marshall Plan for Democratic Belarus.
Spreading the news already now about such a Plan would help counter the propaganda and fear spread by the Lukashenko regime, predicting the detrimental effects that new elections and real democracy in Belarus would have on the Belarusian economy.
******************
The fate of the Belarusian democracy is being decided on the streets of Minsk. The victory of democracy will prevail. My optimism stems not only from faith in and admiration for the new civic Belarusian nation but also from a clear understanding that change in Belarus is driven by objective historical processes: the continued collapse of the Soviet/Russian Empire and its post-imperial spheres of influence as well as the end of the era of post-Soviet authoritarian leaders.
DISCLAIMER: All opinions in this column reflect the views of the author(s), not of EURACTIV Media network.ation Council.
Its stated aim is to negotiate with Lukashenka's government on a new election, the release of detained protesters, and, potentially, the president's departure from power.
SEE ALSO:
What Exactly Is The Coordination Council And What Are Its Plans To Oust Belarus’s Leader?
But Lukashenka has dug in his heels. In recent days, prosecutors have announced a criminal investigation of the council -- jailing two of its leaders who remained in Minsk and calling in other members for questioning -- including the Nobel laureate Svetlana Alexievich.
In towns and cities across Belarus, the streets have been packed with tens of thousands of protesters – and possibly hundreds of thousands at the largest gathering in Minsk. The outpouring of opposition has become the biggest challenge to Lukashenka's 26-year rule.
Mass Protests And An Armed President As Standoff In Belarus Enters Third Wee
In her RFE/RL interview, Tsikhanouskaya again called for Lukashenka to step aside, calling it a "worthy" decision to close out his tenure.
"It would be very worthy for him to be just the first president, who ruled for a long time and then resigned at the request of the people, and not to turn his departure into bloody massacres, not to cause hatred of his people," she said.
While defying the popular calls for a new election that is free and fair, Lukashenka has also signaled the possibility of a harsher approach toward demonstrators.
Russia, Belarus's most important economic and strategic partner, has been closely watching the upheaval. Kremlin planners are wary of a repeat of what happened in Ukraine in 2014 when mass protests led to the ouster of the pro-Russian president there.
Underscoring the Kremlin's potential involvement in the crisis, Lukashenka and Putin have held at least five phone calls since the election.
In an interview broadcast by Russian state TV on August 27, Putin revealed that Russia has set up a special security force at the request of Lukashenka -- the strongest signal to date that Moscow might physically intervene in Belarus.
"We also agreed that it will not be used unless the situation gets out of control," Putin said.
SEE ALSO:
Putin Backs Minsk's Response To Protesters, Says Russian Troops Prepared To Deploy
Tsikhanouskaya suggested that Putin's message was clear. But she insisted bringing in Russian forces would be unnecessary. And she warned of the possibility of "provocations" -- with authorities trying to intentionally provoke violence in order to create a pretext for imposing harsh measures.
"There will be no reasons for bringing in some kind of 'help', riot police or someone else, because we have purely peaceful protests," she said. "Among the Belarusian people, no one wants a violent resolution to the issue."
Lukashenka, she said, should leave office willingly and without violence. But she also suggested that there will be consequences for the officials who directed the violence and repressions that targeted protesters.
"Unfortunately, the authorities have committed a crime that will not be erased from memory," she said.
"Belarusians are not vindictive," she said. "If, it seems to me, it's possible to leave with dignity, then perhaps this will be a very great mitigating circumstance for [Lukashenka's] fate."
"I would like it all to end beautifully," Tsikhanouskaya said. "I do not want to plunge into the abyss."
Its stated aim is to negotiate with Lukashenka's government on a new election, the release of detained protesters, and, potentially, the president's departure from power.
SEE ALSO:
What Exactly Is The Coordination Council And What Are Its Plans To Oust Belarus’s Leader?
But Lukashenka has dug in his heels. In recent days, prosecutors have announced a criminal investigation of the council -- jailing two of its leaders who remained in Minsk and calling in other members for questioning -- including the Nobel laureate Svetlana Alexievich.
In towns and cities across Belarus, the streets have been packed with tens of thousands of protesters – and possibly hundreds of thousands at the largest gathering in Minsk. The outpouring of opposition has become the biggest challenge to Lukashenka's 26-year rule.
Mass Protests And An Armed President As Standoff In Belarus Enters Third Wee
In her RFE/RL interview, Tsikhanouskaya again called for Lukashenka to step aside, calling it a "worthy" decision to close out his tenure.
"It would be very worthy for him to be just the first president, who ruled for a long time and then resigned at the request of the people, and not to turn his departure into bloody massacres, not to cause hatred of his people," she said.
While defying the popular calls for a new election that is free and fair, Lukashenka has also signaled the possibility of a harsher approach toward demonstrators.
Russia, Belarus's most important economic and strategic partner, has been closely watching the upheaval. Kremlin planners are wary of a repeat of what happened in Ukraine in 2014 when mass protests led to the ouster of the pro-Russian president there.
Underscoring the Kremlin's potential involvement in the crisis, Lukashenka and Putin have held at least five phone calls since the election.
In an interview broadcast by Russian state TV on August 27, Putin revealed that Russia has set up a special security force at the request of Lukashenka -- the strongest signal to date that Moscow might physically intervene in Belarus.
"We also agreed that it will not be used unless the situation gets out of control," Putin said.
SEE ALSO:
Putin Backs Minsk's Response To Protesters, Says Russian Troops Prepared To Deploy
Tsikhanouskaya suggested that Putin's message was clear. But she insisted bringing in Russian forces would be unnecessary. And she warned of the possibility of "provocations" -- with authorities trying to intentionally provoke violence in order to create a pretext for imposing harsh measures.
"There will be no reasons for bringing in some kind of 'help', riot police or someone else, because we have purely peaceful protests," she said. "Among the Belarusian people, no one wants a violent resolution to the issue."
Lukashenka, she said, should leave office willingly and without violence. But she also suggested that there will be consequences for the officials who directed the violence and repressions that targeted protesters.
"Unfortunately, the authorities have committed a crime that will not be erased from memory," she said.
"Belarusians are not vindictive," she said. "If, it seems to me, it's possible to leave with dignity, then perhaps this will be a very great mitigating circumstance for [Lukashenka's] fate."
"I would like it all to end beautifully," Tsikhanouskaya said. "I do not want to plunge into the abyss."
Irina Peters is a correspondent in Lithuania for RFE/RL's Russian Service.
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