Tuesday, January 19, 2021

UCI researchers: Climate change will alter the position of the Earth's tropical rain belt

Difference by the year 2100 expected to impact global biodiversity, food security

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA - IRVINE

NEWS RELEASE 

Research News

Irvine, Calif. -- Future climate change will cause a regionally uneven shifting of the tropical rain belt - a narrow band of heavy precipitation near the equator - according to researchers at the University of California, Irvine and other institutions. This development may threaten food security for billions of people.

In a study published today in Nature Climate Change, the interdisciplinary team of environmental engineers, Earth system scientists and data science experts stressed that not all parts of the tropics will be affected equally. For instance, the rain belt will move north in parts of the Eastern Hemisphere but will move south in areas in the Western Hemisphere.

According to the study, a northward shift of the tropical rain belt over the eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean will result in future increases of drought stress in southeastern Africa and Madagascar, in addition to intensified flooding in southern India. A southward creeping of the rain belt over the eastern Pacific Ocean and Atlantic Ocean will cause greater drought stress in Central America.

"Our work shows that climate change will cause the position of Earth's tropical rain belt to move in opposite directions in two longitudinal sectors that cover almost two thirds of the globe, a process that will have cascading effects on water availability and food production around the world," said lead author Antonios Mamalakis, who recently received a Ph.D. in civil & environmental engineering in the Henry Samueli School of Engineering at UCI and is currently a postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Atmospheric Science at Colorado State University.

The team made the assessment by examining computer simulations from 27 state-of-the-art climate models and measuring the tropical rain belt's response to a future scenario in which greenhouse gas emissions continue to rise through the end of the current century.

Mamalakis said the sweeping shift detected in his work was disguised in previous modelling studies that provided a global average of the influence of climate change on the tropical rain belt. Only by isolating the response in the Eastern and Western Hemisphere zones was his team able to highlight the drastic alterations to come over future decades.

Co-author James Randerson, UCI's Ralph J. & Carol M. Cicerone Chair in Earth System Science, explained that climate change causes the atmosphere to heat up by different amounts over Asia and the North Atlantic Ocean.

"In Asia, projected reductions in aerosol emissions, glacier melting in the Himalayas and loss of snow cover in northern areas brought on by climate change will cause the atmosphere to heat up faster than in other regions," he said. "We know that the rain belt shifts toward this heating, and that its northward movement in the Eastern Hemisphere is consistent with these expected impacts of climate change."

He added that the weakening of the Gulf Stream current and deep-water formation in the North Atlantic is likely to have the opposite effect, causing a southward shift in the tropical rain belt across the Western Hemisphere.

"The complexity of the Earth system is daunting, with dependencies and feedback loops across many processes and scales," said corresponding author Efi Foufoula-Georgiou, UCI Distinguished Professor of Civil & Environmental Engineering and the Henry Samueli Endowed Chair in Engineering. "This study combines the engineering approach of system's thinking with data analytics and climate science to reveal subtle and previously unrecognized manifestations of global warming on regional precipitation dynamics and extremes."

Foufoula-Georgiou said that a next step is to translate those changes to impacts on the ground, in terms of flooding, droughts, infrastructure and ecosystem change to guide adaptation, policy and management.

###

Other collaborators of this study, which was funded by NASA and the National Science Foundation, included Jin-Yi Yu, Gudrun Magnusdottir and Michael Pritchard and Padhraic Smyth at UCI; Paul Levine at NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory, and Sungduk Yu at Yale University.

About the University of California, Irvine: Founded in 1965, UCI is the youngest member of the prestigious Association of American Universities. The campus has produced three Nobel laureates and is known for its academic achievement, premier research, innovation and anteater mascot. Led by Chancellor Howard Gillman, UCI has more than 36,000 students and offers 222 degree programs. It's located in one of the world's safest and most economically vibrant communities and is Orange County's second-largest employer, contributing $5 billion annually to the local economy. For more on UCI, visit http://www.uci.edu.

Media access: Radio programs/stations may, for a fee, use an on-campus ISDN line to interview UCI faculty and experts, subject to availability and university approval. For more UCI news, visit news.uci.edu. Additional resources for journalists may be found at communications.uci.edu/for-journalists

Oxygen-starved city in Brazil’s Amazon starts immunization
By MARCELO SILVA DE SOUSA

1 of 6

Health worker Vanda Ortega, from the Witoto Indigenous group and dressed in traditional clothing, is the first woman to receive the COVID-19 vaccine produced by China's Sinovac Biotech Ltd, during the start of the vaccination program in Manaus, Amazonas state, Brazil, Monday, Jan. 18, 2021. (AP Photo/Edmar Barros)

RIO DE JANEIRO (AP) — The Amazonian city of Manaus in Brazil began administering vaccines against the coronavirus, providing a ray of hope for the rainforest’s biggest city whose health system is collapsing amid an increase in infections and dwindling oxygen supplies.

Amazonas state Gov. Wilson Lima led a ceremony that kicked off the vaccination campaign Monday night in Manaus, an isolated riverside city of 2.2 million people.

Vanda Ortega, 33, a member of the Witoto ethnicity and a nurse technician, received the first dose of CoronaVac, a vaccine developed by Beijing-based biopharmaceutical company Sinovac.

“I want to thank God and our ancestors,” said Ortega, who is also a volunteer nurse in her Indigenous community.

Family members of patients hospitalized with COVID-19 line up with empty oxygen tanks in an attempt to refill them, outside the Nitron da Amazonia company, in Manaus, Amazonas state, Brazil, Friday, Jan. 15, 2021. Doctors in the Amazon rainforest’s biggest city are having to choose which COVID-19 patients can breathe amid dwindling oxygen stocks and an effort to airlift some of the infected to other states. (AP Photo/Edmar Barros)


Brazil on Monday began rolling out its national immunization program with 6 million doses of CoronaVac in almost a dozen states, and hopes to receive 46 million doses up to April to distribute among states. Amazonas received 256,000 doses.

The state government on Tuesday started distributing the doses to municipalities. The priority in the first vaccination phase will be health workers, elderly people above 80 years old, and Indigenous people in about 265 villages.

Amazonas has recorded at least 232,000 cases of the virus since the start of the pandemic, according to official figures. The state is in the midst of a devastating resurgence of infections and a lack of oxygen supplies.

Hospitals in Manaus have admitted few new COVID-19 patients, causing many to suffer from the disease at home and some to die. And many doctors in Manaus have had to choose which COVID-19 patients can breathe while desperate family members searched for oxygen tanks for their loved ones.

The city is receiving an average of four Brazilian air force flights per day to bolster oxygen stocks, along with one shipment per day from the city of Belem near the mouth of the Amazon river, according to officials.

The government of Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, which Bolsonaro regularly criticizes, authorized the dispatch of a caravan of trucks loaded with 107,000 cubic meters (3,78 million cubic feet) of oxygen that will arrive in Amazonas on Tuesday, according to the state government.


A health worker stands in front of an empty oxygen tank station, the only station at Joventina Dias Hospital, a small clinic in Manaus, Brazil, Friday, Jan. 15, 2021. Hospital staff and relatives of COVID-19 patients rushed to provide facilities with oxygen tanks just flown into the city as doctors chose which patients would breathe amid dwindling stocks and an effort to airlift some of them to other states. (AP Photo/Edmar Barros)



Even as Amazonas welcomed the support, Bolsonaro lobbed critiques at Maduro.

“If you want to offer us oxygen, we will receive it without a problem,” Bolsonaro said Monday. “But he (Maduro) could give emergency aid to his people too, right? The minimum wage there doesn’t buy half a kilo of rice.”

Amazonas’ government transferred 18 patients by plane to Goiás state on Monday. The state has already transferred 112 patients to be treated in the Federal District, Brasilia, and other states, according to the state’s health secretariat.

———- Video journalist Fernando Crispim contributed to this report from Manaus.

During lockdowns, women took on most of burden of childcare

#WAGESFORHOUSEWORK #UBI POSTPANDEMIC ECONOMICS


HEALTH NEWS
JAN. 18, 2021 / 11:50 AM


Thirty-seven percent of couples surveyed relied on the wife to provide most or all childcare, 44.5% used more egalitarian strategies and nearly 19% used strategies that were not gendered or egalitarian. File Photo by John Angelillo/UPI | License Photo



Despite being locked down during the pandemic, childcare responsibilities often fell on women's shoulders, a new study shows.

"Most people have never undergone anything like this before, where all of a sudden they can't rely on their normal childcare, and most people's work situation has changed, too," said researcher Kristen Shockley, an associate professor of psychology at the University of Georgia. "We thought this would be a chance for men to step in and partake equally in childcare, but for many couples we didn't see that happen."

In mid-March, as schools and day care centers shut down, Shockley's team surveyed couples, both of whom worked and had at least one child under the age of 6. The team researchers first surveyed 274 couples and followed up with 133 of the same couples in May.

"When the wife does it all, not surprisingly, the outcomes are bad for the couple," Shockley said in a university news release. "It's not just bad for the wife, it's also bad for the husband, including in terms of job performance although his work role presumably hasn't changed. When one person's doing it all, there's a lot of tension in the relationship, and it's probably spilling over into the husband's ability to focus at work."

Although about 37% of couples relied on the wife to provide most or all childcare, 44.5% used more egalitarian strategies and nearly 19% used strategies that were not gendered or egalitarian.

Co-parenting strategies included alternating workdays, planning daily shifts that included both work and childcare for husband and wife, and alternating schedules that changed based on the couple's work needs. These strategies actually increased the productivity of both parents.

"When you look at the more egalitarian strategies, we found the best outcomes for people who were able to alternate working days," Shockley said. "The boundaries are clear. When you're working, you can really focus on work, and when you're taking care of the kids, you can really focus on the kids. But not everybody has jobs amenable to that."

The paper doesn't include qualitative quotes, but Shockley clearly remembers the participants' comments.


"People were saying, 'I'm at my breaking point,' and this was just two weeks in. A lot of people said, 'I'm just not sleeping.' You could feel people's struggle, and there was a lot of resentment, particularly when the wife was doing it all," she said.

"This really highlights some infrastructure issues we have with the way we think about child care in this country," Shockley said. "The default becomes, 'Oh well, the wife is going to pick up the slack.' It's not a long-term solution."

Shockley noted that the couples surveyed had relatively high incomes.

The report was published in the January issue of the Journal of Applied Psychology.More information

For more on coping during the pandemic, see the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Copyright 2020 HealthDay. All rights reserved.

  • The History of the Wages for Housework Campaign - Louise ...

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    The Wages for Housework perspective was a completely original school of thought, and a toolbox for action, at the beginning of second-wave feminism. It was accused of being a simple demand for money, partial and reformist – even reactionary – that went counter to the objective of women’s equality in society. But it was much more than that.

  • Wages for housework - Wikipedia

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    The International Wages for Housework Campaign (IWFHC) is a grassroots women's network campaigning for recognition and payment for all caring work, in the home and outside. It was started in 1972 by Selma James who first put forward the demand for wages for housework at the third National Women's Liberation Conferencein Manchester, England. The IWFHC state that they begin with those with least power internationally – unwaged workers in the home (mothers, housewives, domestic workers de…

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  • WAGES FOR HOUSEWORK CAMPAIGN

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    INTERNATIONAL WAGES FOR HOUSEWORK CAMPAIGN Since 1972, the International Wages for Housework Campaign (IWFHC), a net­ work of Third World and metropolitan women, has been organizing to get rec­ ognition and compensation by govern­ ments for the unwaged work women do in the home, on the land and in the com­ munity, to be paid by dismantling the

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    18 Oct 2018. Features. 'The goal was to get wages for housework in order to raise the level of our struggle, not to end it,' says Silvia Federici. (Photograph by Luis Nieto Dickens) In 1972, Silvia Federici participated in founding the Wages for Housework campaign of the International Feminist Collective, which formed chapters in Italy, the United Kingdom and the United States to demand wages from their …

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    2018-03-14 · From the gathering in Padua, Italy, that launched the international campaign in 1972 to the spin-off groups like the New York Committee, the women of Wages for Housework 






  • The digital marketplace should be a public good

     Regulating pandemic profiteers like Amazon is not enough.

     We need public ownership of essential digital infrastructure

    By Daniel Kopp | 17.12.2020
     
    Reuters
    Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos is making about USD 321 million a day in 2020


    As a turbulent year draws to a close, Covid-19 infections are again on the rise. In response, most European countries have entered another lockdown. And like earlier this year, politicians are trying to cushion the immediate social and economic fallout with furlough schemes, financial support for business and other massive state interventions. But despite governments deploying the fiscal bazooka to keep economies afloat, it's still impossible to fully grasp the long-term economic damage, let alone how the post-pandemic economy will look like.

    One thing is clear though: the shutdown of the local brick-and-mortar economy has exacerbated pre-pandemic trends towards market concentration and monopolisation. It's the Big Tech companies in particular – such as Google, Microsoft, Facebook and Amazon – that have profited and further entrenched their dominance.

    Take the example of Amazon. As global protests on Black Friday have underscored, the tech giant has become ever more powerful since the start of the pandemic. As local retailers — from clothing shops to household supply and electronic stores — had to close their doors during the first and second wave (and many of them since went bust), Amazon’s e-commerce business flourished and its profits skyrocketed.

    This year alone, the tech giant has increased its profits by a whopping 53 per cent compared to 2019, while its stock prices have risen by 65 per cent. Amazon founder and CEO Jeff Bezos has seen his personal fortune balloon by more than USD 73bn since the start of the crisis to a record of around USD 200bn — making him the richest man in human history.

    For progressives then, the battle over who rules our economy will become ever more urgent in the near future. With a few companies having cemented their market dominance over the course of this pandemic, progressives need to put forward a vision that speaks to questions of ownership — and build up alternative, more democratic ways of organising our (digital) economies.
    The starting point

    Amazon was in such a uniquely powerful position when the pandemic hit because of its giant e-commerce platform and delivery infrastructure – built up over years with the explicit goal to not just monopolise one sector of the market, but to “become the market”. This was made possible by huge investments into its platform, powered by aggressive tax avoidance, almost unlimited access to global capital markets for its ‘growth before profits’ strategy, as well as its monopolisation of other sectors entirely – most notably web services. Naturally, notorious anti-worker and union-busting policies also add to the mix.


    If total control over the marketplace in which it competes is the company’s ultimate goal, then this must also be the starting point of any meaningful left-wing response to rein in Amazon’s power.

    In the political arena, this problem has been increasingly acknowledged. Amid Big Tech’s efforts to disrupt the EU’s regulatory efforts through an unprecedented lobbying network, Competition Commissioner Margarethe Vestager recently concluded that ‘Amazon illegally abused its dominant position as a marketplace service provider’ through collecting data on third-party retailers to cement its own retail ambitions. With a new set of rules on data usage unveiled this week, Amazon and other tech giants could face a massive fine of up to 10 per cent of its turnover.

    If total control over the marketplace in which it competes is the company’s ultimate goal, then this must also be the starting point of any meaningful left-wing response to rein in Amazon’s power. While the Commission aims to ensure ‘free and fair’ competition within Amazon’s marketplace, it falls short of questioning whether one private company should be allowed to control an entire marketplace to begin with.

    A recent anti-trust report in the US also recognised that ‘by controlling access to markets,’ tech giants such as Amazon ‘can pick winners and losers throughout our economy.’ But both initiatives fail to go beyond established competition measures. They don’t point towards an alternative, more democratic way of organising our increasingly digitalised economies.
    Building up a local alternative

    Luckily, a few hundred metres away from Vestager’s office, local politicians in Brussels’ regional government seem to have understood this. In early December, and just in time for the Christmas shopping period, the region’s Ministry for Economic Transition and Research — in partnership with two local NGOs — launched mymarket.brussels, an initiative taking aim specifically at Amazon’s usurpation of the digital marketplace.

    Mymarket.brussels is essentially the digital equivalent of your weekly market. It allows local stores in the Brussels region to register on its platform — for an initial period free of charge — and promote their products to shoppers online at a price of their choice. Home deliveries are taken care of by the local bike delivery cooperative Urbike, ensuring a sustainable delivery model and decent working conditions alike.

    Where small local shops often don’t have the necessary skills or financial resources to build their own online store, mymarket.brussels offers them a public digital infrastructure instead. This way, they can advertise and sell their products even if storefronts need to close during lockdown. And for consumers it creates one — surprisingly well-designed and accessible — digital space to shop more locally and sustainably.

    Instead of then having a private company like Amazon dictate the terms of a monopolistic online marketplace, the digital marketplace itself could become public infrastructure.

    What the initiative then realises is that, in itself, the digital infrastructure Amazon has built is not the problem. In fact, such platforms can be enormously useful, even essential, allowing for an easy and — as the pandemic has shown — safe connection between people and goods and services. It’s just that a corporate, unaccountable platform like Amazon has become a tool of economic domination — with all its negative effects on workers, small businesses and society at large. So the problem is really one of ownership.
    A digital public good

    To counter this, mymarket.brussels applies the idea of the public good to the digital world. In doing so, it doesn’t just show what a progressive local government — staffed with young, tech-savvy and ambitious policymakers — can do. It also points towards a bigger vision of publicly owned digital resources, focussing on social and environmental goals as opposed to pure profit maximisation. Instead of then having a private company like Amazon dictate the terms of a monopolistic online marketplace, the digital marketplace itself could become public infrastructure. Another digital world is possible.

    Of course, mymarket.brussels is not perfect. Its governance model seems to not be inclusive — it’s not offering a clear way for store owners and consumers to have influence over how the platform is run. And we will have to see whether the model turns out to be successful. Even though it comes at just the right time, the odds are certainly stacked against it. But if it succeeds in establishing itself, one could easily imagine it being scaled up. Over time, it could replicated in other European cities to durably support value remaining within each local economy.

    With the Covid-19 vaccination drive having just started, there’s an end to the wave of infections and lockdowns in sight. Yet it’s unclear how the post-pandemic economies we inherit will look like. Big Tech’s increasing power gives urgency to a political response that revolves around questions of ownership and the public good. One day then, perhaps, public ownership of digital infrastructure could become as normal as public ownership of the physical infrastructure that hosts our weekly markets.

    Daniel Kopp
    Daniel Kopp

    Brussels

    Daniel Kopp is the Executive Editor of International Politics and Society.

    ips-journal.eu | IPS Journal (ips-journal.eu)

    Who will foot the bill?

    Global tax havens are still siphoning off vast sums of money. As Covid-19 continues to wreak havoc, the EU needs to step up

    By Eva Joly | 22.12.2020
    Reuters

    Did anyone really think that the club of rich countries, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), would come up with solutions to the tax abuses of multinational companies? Seven years after the G20 – the 20 leading global economies – tasked the OECD with revising the international tax system, it finally issued a series of proposals. They are as complex as they are disappointing.

    At the beginning of the year, optimism reigned. For the first time, countries had agreed that companies should pay tax where their customers, production sites and employees are – and not in tax havens where they merely rent a letterbox. But as the negotiations came to a close, it all seemed to have come to nothing. That shouldn’t surprise anyone though.

    The OECD tried to back up its claim to speak for everyone by including developing countries in an ‘inclusive framework’. Nevertheless, of the 137 nations with a seat at the negotiating table only the G7 countries – home to the big multinationals and their lobbyists – had a voice. As a result, notwithstanding the OECD’s proposals, tax havens continue to absorb financial flows almost unchecked. The meagre tax revenues that can be retrieved largely benefit rich countries.

    It's time for the EU to step up


    This situation was already scandalous. But as the corona pandemic continues to wreak havoc worldwide, it has simply become intolerable. After decades of financial austerity, government institutions are finding it hard to get on top of the situation. According to the report ‘The State of Tax Justice 2020’, recently published by the Tax Justice Network, Public Services International and the Global Alliance for Tax Justice, states are losing more than USD 427bn to tax havens every year.

    Hospitals need more money. The education system needs more money. Small businesses on the brink of bankruptcy need more money.


    Besides estimating financial losses resulting from tax abuses by companies and private persons country by country, the report also considers the appalling effects on healthcare spending. Worldwide, the tax revenues siphoned off in this way amount to 9.2 per cent of health care budgets. This would pay the wages of 34 million nurses and carers. Even more destructive are the effects in developing countries, where the shortfall represents 52.4 per cent of healthcare spending. The United Kingdom haemorrhages almost USD 40bn a year, an annual per capita loss of USD 607. This represents 18.72 per cent of the UK healthcare budget or the wages of around 840,000 care workers.

    Hospitals need more money. The education system needs more money. Small businesses on the brink of bankruptcy need more money. And someone has to foot the bill. These revenues therefore need to be recovered from where they’ve been stashed, namely tax havens. And because the OECD is not up to the job, the European Union needs to step up to implement reforms. One example would be a minimum effective tax rate on company profits.
    Ursula von der Leyen has a choice

    The Independent Commission for the Reform of International Corporate Taxation (ICRICT), whose members include, besides myself, economists such as Joseph Stiglitz, Thomas Piketty and Gabriel Zucman, sets out from a minimum tax rate of 25 per cent. Even US President-elect Joe Biden is calling for a global minimum of 21 per cent. A lower level – some states favour 12.5 per cent – would trigger a downward spiral in corporate taxation, causing tax revenues to fall even further.

    Naturally there is strong opposition even in the EU – for a simple reason. Pointing the finger at small Caribbean islands diverts attention from the tax havens right here in Europe. According to the State of Tax Justice report, the United Kingdom and its overseas territories – aptly described as a ‘spider’s web’ – are responsible for 29 per cent of the USD 245bn global shortfall because of corporate tax abuses. There are other examples in the EU, such as the Netherlands, which pockets around USD 10bn from its EU neighbours. Luxembourg, Ireland, Cyprus and Malta do the same.

    For years, these states have blocked every proposed reform by exploiting the unanimity requirement on tax matters. Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, however, has a formidable weapon at her disposal. Article 116 of the EU Treaty requires the same competition rules for all member states – and tax dumping is clearly a violation. That would make it possible to bypass the unanimity requirement and prevent culpable states from siphoning off tax revenues. Ursula von der Leyen has the requisite political influence and also the support of Germany, which holds the Council presidency until the end of the year and is one of the countries hardest hit by tax abuses. And if it runs out of time, Portugal, which assumes the presidency in January, can take up the baton.

    Ideally, the Commission would launch a global initiative. Europe is a key market for multinational companies. If that fails, France, Germany, Spain, Italy and other countries could use the ‘enhanced cooperation’ mechanism. This requires that at least seven member states work in tandem. The European Public Prosecutor, for example, was created this way. In the teeth of the second wave of the Corona pandemic, not to mention the danger that Brexit could foster an even mightier tax haven, inaction is just not an option.

    Eva Joly
    Eva Joly

    Eva Joly is a member of the Independent Commission on International Company Tax Reform (ICRICT). A former Member of the European Parliament, Eva Joly was Vice-Chairwoman of the Committee of Inquiry into Money Laundering, Tax Evasion and Fraud.

     

    Closing the representation gap

    Centre-left parties have become too bourgeois. The ensuing representation gap lies at the heart of democratic dissatisfaction

    By Sheri Berman | 07.01.2021
    Pixabay
    What would Karl Marx say?

    Over the past decades dissatisfaction with democracy has risen dramatically. The most recent Global Satisfaction with Democracy report, for example, notes: ‘In the mid-1990s, a majority of citizens … were satisfied with the performance of their democracies. Since then, the share of individuals who are “dissatisfied” with democracy has risen … from 47.9 to 57.5%. This is the highest level of global dissatisfaction since the start of the series in 1995.’

    Perhaps the most common way of understanding democratic dissatisfaction is ‘bottom-up’ — examining citizens’ economic and/or socio-cultural grievances. But it is also necessary to examine the ‘top-down’ sources—those stemming from the nature or functioning of democratic institutions themselves.

    Perhaps the most influential modern statement of this perspective is Samuel Huntington’s Political Order in Changing Societies. Huntington argued that political decay and disorder was the result of a gap between citizens’ demands and the willingness or ability of political institutions to respond to them. Although Political Order focused on developing countries during the post-war period, its framework can help us understand democratic dissatisfaction in Europe today.

    Over recent decades a representation gap has emerged in Europe — a disjuncture between voters’ preferences and the policy profiles and political appeals of mainstream parties. And, as Huntington would predict, when citizens view political institutions as unwilling or unable to respond to them, dissatisfaction, and along with it political disorder and decay, is the likely result.

    Shifted profiles


    Mainstream centre-left and centre-right parties in Europe have shifted their policy profiles and political appeals in ways that have moved them away from the preferences of many voters. The shift on the part of centre-left parties is well-known.

    During the post-war period, European centre-left parties had relatively clear economic profiles, based on the view that it was the job of democratic governments to protect citizens from the negative consequences of capitalism. Concretely, this entailed championing the welfare state, market regulation, full-employment policies and so on. Although centre-left parties tried to capture additional votes outside the traditional working class, their identities and appeals remained class-based.

    In the late 20th century this began to change, as centre-left parties moved to the centre economically, offering a watered-down or ‘kindler, gentler’ version of the policies peddled by their centre-right competitors. By the late 1990s, as one study put it, ‘Social Democracy … had more in common with its main competitors than with its own positions roughly three decades earlier’. As centre-left parties diluted their economic-policy positions, they also began de-emphasising class in their appeals and their leaders increasingly came not from blue-collar ranks but from a highly educated elite.

    Although less pronounced and universal, at around the same time as centre-left parties moved to the centre economically, many centre-right parties moderated their positions on important social and cultural issues, including ‘traditional’ values, immigration and other concerns related to national identity.

    In short, while examining changing economic, social and technological conditions and the grievances they have generated is crucial for understanding democracy’s contemporary problems, it is also necessary to explore why existing democratic institutions have not responded to many citizens’ concerns.

    Centre-right parties had generally taken conservative stances on these issues. Christian-democratic parties, for example, had viewed religious values as well as traditional views on gender and sexuality as crucial to their identity. In addition, many of these parties understood national identity in cultural or even ethnic terms and were suspicious of immigration and multiculturalism. But during the late 20th and early 21st centuries many shifted to the centre on national-identity issues, tempering or abandoning the communitarian appeals they had made previously.

    Cumulatively, these shifts by centre-left and centre-right parties left many voters, particularly those with left-wing economic and moderate to conservative preferences on immigration and so on, without a party representing their interests. Such voters were heavily concentrated among the less well-educated and the working class, comprising about 20-25 per cent of the electorate in Europe (as well as in the United States).

    Representation gap

    To use categories popularised by Albert Hirschman, when a representation gap emerges and voters are dissatisfied with the political choices offered to them, they have two options: exit and voice. And indeed, over recent decades, less-educated and working-class voters have increasingly exited by abstaining from voting and other forms of political participation or exerted voice by shifting their votes to right-wing populist parties. They did so because these parties shifted their profiles as well, offering a mix of welfare chauvinism, conservative social and cultural policies and a promise to give voice to the ‘voiceless’—precisely to appeal to them.

    The French writer Édouard Louis described how his uneducated, working-class father’s dissatisfaction with mainstream parties, and in particular with the traditional left, led him down this path:

    'What elections [came to mean for] my father was a chance to fight his sense of invisibility … My father had felt abandoned by the political left since the 1980s, when it began adopting the language and thinking of the free market … [and no longer] spoke of social class, injustice and poverty, of suffering, pain and exhaustion … My father would complain, "Whatever—left, right, now, they’re all the same." That "whatever" distilled all of his disappointment in those who, in his mind, should have been standing up for him but weren’t.'

    'By contrast, the National Front railed against poor working conditions and unemployment, laying all the blame on immigration or the European Union. In the absence of any attempt by the left to discuss his suffering, my father latched on to the false explanations offered by the far right. Unlike the ruling class, he didn’t have the privilege of voting for a political program. Voting, for him, was a desperate attempt to exist in the eyes of others.'

    In short, while examining changing economic, social and technological conditions and the grievances they have generated is crucial for understanding democracy’s contemporary problems, it is also necessary to explore why existing democratic institutions have not responded to many citizens’ concerns. A defining feature of democracy, after all, is that government is supposed to be responsive to citizens. This implies some correspondence between what voters want and what politicians and parties actually do.

    In particular, when a representation gap emerges—when a significant section of the population feels its interests are no longer represented by traditional politicians and parties — we should expect dissatisfaction and support for anti-establishment politicians and parties to rise. Avoiding this requires closing the representation gap — which means either traditional parties will need to shift back towards voters or they will have to convince voters to shift towards them.

    This article is a joint publication by Social Europe and IPS-Journal.


    Sheri Berman
    Sheri Berman

    New York City

    Sheri Berman is a professor of political science at Barnard College and author of Democracy and Dictatorship in Europe. From the Ancien Régime to the Present Day(Oxford University Press).