It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Monday, January 31, 2022
GUN CONTROL GOOD
Anjum Coffland's Husband Killed Their Twin Girls and Shot Her. Now She's Fighting to Keep Guns from Abusers
The Illinois resident is opening up about her harrowing ordeal in
honor of National Gun Violence Survivors’ Week from Feb. 1-7
At just 16, Anjum Coffland's twin daughters, Brittany and Tiffany, had their career paths already mapped out.
A cheerleader and gymnast, Brittany wanted to work in hospitality — a natural choice for her outgoing, gregarious daughter, says Anjum, 51, of St. Charles, Ill.
"She was a mini-me," Anjum tells PEOPLE in this week's issue. "Very much an 'I want-to-be-friends-with-everyone' kind of girl. Brittany made friends very easily. And she loved life."
Tiffany, a serious student who aced her AP classes, got a job at a local pet store to gain experience for a career working with animals.
"She thought about being a vet, but said, 'I don't want to put animals to sleep, mom,'" Anjum recalls.
"She loved dogs and animals," says Anjum. "I think she loved animals more than people because she could sense that people could hurt her, but animals just love people unconditionally."
Anjum loved her girls unconditionally and then some. But the sisters' dreams — and Anjum's dreams for their futures — were forever shattered by unimaginable tragedy.
On March 10, 2017, just four days before their 17th birthdays, their father, Randall, shot each sister in the head, killing them instantly.
Unhappy that he and Anjum were separating, Randall told her that their daughters were "already dead" before pointing the gun at Anjum's legs.
"I want you to live — and suffer," he sneered at her before pulling the trigger, shooting her with a single bullet that tore through both thighs.
"The second he shot me, I knew my girls were dead," she says.
Randall then turned the gun on himself.
As the sole survivor of that dark day, Anjum has dedicated her life to keeping guns out of the hands of domestic abusers.
"I want people to understand the gun laws are not there to take the guns away from people who need to protect themselves," she says. "They're actually there to stop the guns from getting into people's hands like Randall."
For more on Anjum Coffland's harrowing story of survival and determination to help others,subscribe now to PEOPLE or pick up this week's issue, on newsstands Friday.
Started in February 2019, National Gun Violence Survivors Week honors the 58 percent of Americans who've reported that they've experienced gun violence firsthand — or that someone they care for has personally experienced gun violence, a recent national poll shows, according to Everytown for Gun Safety.
Anjum first joined Moms Demand Action in 2018 while struggling with the gaping hole left behind by her daughters' senseless murders. She later became a member Everytown for Gun Safety's Survivor Network, speaking to other members and publicly about her harrowing ordeal.
Her hope is to strengthen gun laws by extending waiting times to get a weapon, particularly if the purchaser has mental health issues or is in a volatile relationship.
Anjum Coffland with her twin daughters
| CREDIT: COURTESY ANJUM COFFLAND
In the month before Randall killed the girls, he'd been spiraling downward with a potent mix of alcohol and antidepressants.
He bought the gun he used to kill the girls and himself — the first one he ever purchased — about a month before the shooting, she says.
"I had no idea he bought a gun," she says.
Years earlier, she learned, he had gotten his Firearm Owners Identification (FOID) card from the Illinois State Police, which residents must apply for to legally own firearms or ammunition.
"Then all of a sudden," in 2017, "he's asking for a gun," says Anjum.
"Nobody said, 'Why is he getting a gun now?" she asks. "He never got a gun before. No red flags were raised."
She is also pushing for laws that would require anyone buying a gun to present references certifying that they aren't dangerous, like Randall was.
"If he had put me down as a person to contact if he ever bought a gun, guess what I would have told them?" she asks. "I would have said, 'We're going through a divorce. Please do not give him a gun.'"
Anjum relies on her memories of Brittany and Tiffany to help her get through each day.
"I love my girls," she says. "They were sweet, sweet kids. They were good kids. I miss them."
Little has helped ease the pain of their deaths.
"The only way to make me feel like I'm going to be okay is by bringing my kids back," she says. "And that will never happen."
CRIMINAL CAPITALI$M British tech magnate Mike Lynch loses HP fraud case and could be extradited to US in days
Disgraced entrepreneur will be appealing as he faces a potential prison sentence of up to 20 years Mike Lynch was once lauded by academics and scientists, and was even asked to advise the government on technology and innovation. Reuters
Mike Lynch, the British technology entrepreneur, lost a multi-billion-dollar court case against US conglomerate Hewlett-Packard after a London judge ruled he orchestrated an elaborate fraud to inflate the value of his company Autonomy before it was purchased by HP in 2011 for $11 billion.
Mr Lynch's woes were further compounded almost immediately following the long drawn-out legal battle after the British government's interior ministry ordered for him to be extradited to the United States, where he will be facing criminal charges, including wire and securities fraud, that carry a prison sentence of up to 20 years.
High Court Justice Robert Hildyard said HP "substantially succeeded in their claims" against Mr Lynch in a one-hour summary of his much longer judgment, following a nine-month trial and a two-year wait for his decision.
“I have found that both defendants knew that the accounts and the representations they made in this regard gave a misleading picture of Autonomy’s OEM [original equipment manufacturer] business," Judge Hildyard said, referring to both Mr Lynch and Sushovan Hussain, Mr Lynch's finance director who was convicted of fraud in the US and sentenced to five years in prison in 2019.
The duo had fraudulently concealed a "fire sale" of hardware and engaged in convoluted reselling schemes to mask a shortfall in sales of Autonomy's software, the business HP coveted, he added.
That had enabled Autonomy to meet quarterly financial forecasts and maintain its high share price before the HP acquisition.
I have found that both defendants knew that the accounts and the representations they made in this regard gave a misleading picture of Autonomy’s OEM business
High Court Justice Robert Hildyard
The damages will be announced at a later date, although they are expected to be significantly smaller than the $5bn demanded by HP.
Mr Lynch will be appealing, said Kelwin Nicholls, one of his lawyers, who added that the court's ruling was "disappointing".
Another member of Mr Lynch's legal team, Chris Morvillo, said his client "firmly denies the charges brought against him in the US and will continue to fight to establish his innocence".
Mr Lynch was "a British citizen who ran a British company in Britain, subject to British laws and rules and that is where the matter should be resolved", Mr Morvillo added.
"This is not the end of the battle — far from it. Dr Lynch will now file an appeal to the High Court in London."
Fall from grace
The high-profile case surrounding one of the UK's biggest technology deals culminated in a spectacular fall from grace for Mr Lynch, who was considered Britain's most successful technology leader.
The 56-year-old turned ground-breaking research at Cambridge University into the foundation of Autonomy, which would eventually become Britain's biggest software company and a member of the blue-chip FTSE 100 index.
He was lauded by academics and scientists, and was even asked to advise the government on technology and innovation.
Autonomy's "almost magical" capability, as it was once described by HP, was to search and organise unstructured information for clients, a killer application in a world of unlimited data and artificial intelligence.
This is not the end of the battle — far from it. Dr Lynch will now file an appeal to the High Court in London
Chris Morvillo, lawyer for Mike Lynch
It was then bought by HP, described by the judge as being in the doldrums at the time, in a move that was designed to transform the computer and printer maker into a more profitable business focused on software.
But the acquisition turned sour almost immediately. HP wrote down the value of Autonomy by $8.8bn within a year and sought damages from Mr Lynch and Mr Hussain.
Mr Lynch fired back, saying HP did not know what it was doing, and was out of its depth in understanding his technology.
"HPE is pleased that the judge has held them accountable," a spokesman for Hewlett-Packard Enterprise said after the London court ruling.
Mr Lynch was also central to the creation of cyber security firm DarkTrace, which listed on the stock market last year and has a market capitalisation of around $2.8bn today. Mr Lynch and his wife Angela Bacares own nearly 16 per cent of DarkTrace.
HP sold the remnants of Autonomy along with other assets to British company Micro Focus in 2016.
Updated: January 29th 2022, 3:19 AM
Security agency director urges governors to teach cybersecurity basics
By Hannah Schoenbaum, Medill News Service Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson, chairman of the governors' association, called the country’s lack of cybersecurity education a “national security issue.” Photo by Hannah Schoenbaum/Medill News Service
WASHINGTON, Jan. 29 (UPI) -- As the nation's governors consider how to spend funds from President Joe Biden's bipartisan infrastructure law, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency is encouraging investments in cybersecurity education for Americans of all ages, including public officials and their staffs.
"What we want to do is communicate about this topic in a way where people are not scared to death of it," CISA Director Jen Easterly said Saturday at the National Governors Association winter meeting.
"What we need to do is really reclaim that territory and make cybersecurity and, most importantly cyber hygiene, a kitchen table issue."
The $1 trillion bipartisan infrastructure law, signed by the president in November, allocates $1 billion in grant money for states to bolster their cyber defenses. As each state is assessing its individual needs, cybersecurity experts are encouraging partnerships with the private sector and nationwide improvements in cyber literacy.
"We're only as strong as the weakest link in the chain," said Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee, who chairs the governors association Pandemic and Disaster Response Task Force.
According to CISA, more than 99% of all cyberattacks could have been prevented with multi-factor authentication, a simple security measure that requires the user to present two or more forms of identification to gain access to their account.
The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the cybersecurity crisis confronting everyday Americans, Easterly said, noting an uptick in ransomware attacks against businesses and transit systems.
"You had a global health crisis that, in many ways, became a cybersecurity crisis because you saw entrepreneurial cyberthreat actors take advantage of the fact that so many people are now working from home in ostensibly less secure environments," she said.
In Biden's first year in office, hackers also targeted New York City's Metropolitan Transportation Authority, the Steamship Authority of Massachusetts ferry service and the Port of Houston.
CISA released a resource guide Friday that outlines how state government officials can request federal support in response to future cyber threats.
Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson, chairman of the governors' association, called the country's lack of cybersecurity education a "national security issue." He said K-12 computer science education is necessary in every school to equip the next generation of American cybersecurity professionals.
"Either we're going to fall behind in our technology development and our innovation, or we're simply going to acquire all the talent from overseas," Hutchinson told reporters. "And the third option, which I endorse, is to say, 'We're going to lead in the United States of America in training the talent for the digital age.'"
Hell Is a Very Small Place: Voices from Solitary Confinement
The first major trade book on solitary confinement brings together first-hand accounts of life in solitary with analysis by leading experts.
In a book that will add a startling new dimension to the debates around human rights and prison reform, 16 men and women currently and formerly former imprisoned in solitary confinement describe its devastating effects on their minds and bodies, as well as the solidarity expressed between individuals who live side by side for years without ever meeting one another face to face, the ever-present specters of madness and suicide, and the struggle to maintain hope and humanity in the face of crippling isolation and deprivation.
These firsthand accounts are supplemented by the writing of noted experts, exploring the psychological, legal, ethical, and political dimensions of solitary confinement. Solitary Watch’s James Ridgeway and Jean Casella provide a comprehensive introduction, and Sarah Shourd, herself a survivor of more than a year of solitary confinement, writes eloquently in a preface about an experience that changed her life. The powerful cover art is by renowned political artist Molly Crabapple. Reviews:
Kirkus Reviews: “The founders of a watchdog group dedicated to stopping the practice of solitary confinement gather voices from victims of this hellish punishment [and] make their arguments with undeniable efficacy…In collecting essays from prisoners and mental health experts, the editors dig deep into the frailties of the human mind as well as the savagery of the American penal system and its ilk. Many of the men and women whose voices are captured here measure their time in solitary not in years but in decades. Some are soul-deadening…Other writers are startlingly articulate and unnervingly funny, despite the violence and grief spilled out on the page…The stories by people victimized by solitary confinement are followed by articulate essays by medical and legal professionals about the human costs of the practice…A potent cry of anguish from men and women buried way down in the hole.”
New York Review of Books (review by Martin Garbus): “For readers who have no sense of the nature of the punishment that is exacted in their name, this collection offers an unforgettable look at the peculiar horrors and humiliations involved in solitary confinement.”
Los Angeles Review of Books: “Hell Is a Very Small Place is composed of communication and observation that is not supposed to exist: it is a book as a minor act of rebellion…Writing and publishing this book was a form of defiance against repression, and reading and discussing it constitutes a minor form of solidarity with those still inside.” Praise:
“A book that people of conscience must read and share. The stories in it will not simply haunt us. They will inspire us to act.” — HEATHER ANN THOMPSON, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of Blood in the Water, choosing her Favorite Book of 2016 in Publishers Weekly
“We will never achieve justice in this country until we have the courage to look unblinkingly into the hidden corners of our system of mass incarceration, where men and women are locked away and forgotten—stored like meat in a freezer. This book does just that.” —VAN JONES, author of Rebuild the Dream
“An extraordinary collection of testimonials from men and women who have endured solitary confinement and, unlike many others, survived. . . . Hell is a Very Small Place probes the darkest corners of a prison system where, all too often, the urge to punish has prevailed over law, morality, and human decency.” —DAVID C. FATHI, director, ACLU National Prison Project
“A devastating look in the mirror for a society that has hidden the depths of its cruelty behind concrete and steel. Hell is a Very Small Place puts us face with the smells, the sounds, and the profound despair of solitary confinement, and is a call to moral outrage, repentance, and action.” —REV. LAURA MARKLE DOWNTON, former U.S. policy director, National Religious Campaign Against Torture
“Confronts the moral catastrophe of solitary confinement through compelling and courageous testimonies by the world’s premier experts on the matter: the confined themselves.” —GLENN E. MARTIN, founder and president, Just Leadership USA
“This important book leaves no doubt that solitary confinement has no place in a civilized society. The story of each person subject to solitary shows that he or she is somebody and that the life that is thrown away is not beyond redemption. Together they demonstrate the urgency of turning from hatred to understanding and from vengeance to reconciliation if we are doing to have a decent, moral and compassionate society.” —STEPHEN BRIGHT, president and senior counsel, Southern Center for Human Rights
“Please take the time to read these haunting voices of people in solitary, along with experts and activists. It is vitally important.” —RALPH NADER
“The personal accounts by prisoners contained in this book are some of the most disturbing that I have ever read. There were many points throughout the book when my emotions became very overwhelming, and I had to pause and catch my breath.” —CHELSEA MANNING About the Authors:
JEAN CASELLA is co-director of Solitary Watch, a web-based watchdog project, and a Soros Justice Fellow. Her writing on solitary confinement has appeared in The Guardian, The Nation, Mother Jones, and other publications. She is the editor of two previous anthologies and lives in Brooklyn, New York.
JAMES RIDGEWAY has been an investigative journalist for more than fifty years and is the author of eighteen previous books. He is co-director of Solitary Watch and recent recipient of a Soros Justice Fellowship, Alicia Patterson Fellowship, and Media for a Just Society Award. He lives in Washington, D.C.
SARAH SHOURD, a journalist and playwright, was held as a political hostage by the Iranian government, including 410 days in solitary, an experience she chronicled in A Sliver of Light: Three Americans Imprisoned in Iran. She lives in Oakland, California. Publication Information:
240 pages, 5 ½ x 8 ½”
Paperback: September 5, 2017, $17.95, ISBN 978-1620973516
Hardcover: February 2, 2016, $25.95, ISBN 978-1-62097-137-6
Police in riot gear arrest environmental activists at the Line 3 pipeline pumping station near the Itasca State Park, Minnesota, on June 7, 2021.KEREM YUCEL / AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
From the Amazon to Hubbard County, Minnesota, corporations are funding the repression of protesters. In this episode of “Movement Memos,” Kelly Hayes talks with Alex Vitale, author of The End of Policing, about the history and future of corporate collaborations with the police. Kelly also talks with attorney Mara Verheyden-Hilliard about newly exposed documents that reveal the lead prosecutor in Hubbard County sought corporate funding for the prosecution of Line 3 protesters.
TRANSCRIPT
Note: This a rush transcript and has been lightly edited for clarity. Copy may not be in its final form.
Kelly Hayes: Welcome to “Movement Memos,” a Truthout podcast about things you should know if you want to change the world. I’m your host, writer and organizer, Kelly Hayes. We talk a lot on this show about building the relationships and analysis we need to create movements that can win. But in order to do that, we also need to understand the forces of repression that seek to destroy those movements. So today, we are going to talk about what happens when corporations fund the police. We’ll be hearing from Alex Vitale, author of The End of Policing, and Mara Verheyden-Hilliard, with the Center for Protest Law & Litigation, as we revisit the situation in Minnesota, where hundreds of criminal cases against Water Protectors are still pending. We’ve talked previously on the show about how the Enbridge corporation funneled $2.9 million into local police departments in Minnesota to ensure the construction of Line 3, a now fully operational pipeline that moves tar sands oil from Alberta, Canada to Superior, Wisconsin. The movement to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline cost Morton County a reported $40 million. When Enbridge sought a permit for construction work on Line 3, the Minnesota Public Utilities Commission insisted on including a clause that would create a so-called “Public Safety Escrow Fund” to cover municipal costs associated with the pipeline’s construction, including the policing of protests. In short, Enbridge would pay to police the construction of its own pipeline.
These funds reimbursed police for the surveillance, harassment, torture, and violent arrest of Water Protectors working to stop construction of Line 3. We are revisiting this story today because The Center for Protest Law & Litigation has recently obtained documents revealing that Jonathan Frieden, the lead prosecutor in Hubbard County, Minnesota, who is seeking to incarcerate Line 3 protesters, sought to fund those prosecutions using the Enbridge escrow. And having read these documents, I can say this was not a prosecutor who thought he might get compensation — this was a furious and confused official who sunk a lot of public money into prosecuting Water Protectors, believing all the while that Enbridge would foot the bill.
In the documents, Frieden talks about his staff’s overtime hours, and claims the language of the permit clearly entitles his office to these funds. The funds were denied, but when I read the refusal from the Line 3 Escrow Account Manager, Rick Hart, I noticed that he wasn’t arguing that it would be unethical or impossible for Enbridge to fund prosecutions — he said simply that prosecutions did not fit the criteria outlined in the permit clause regarding reimbursement. So, if this model isn’t quashed, the next county considering a pipeline project might try to tweak it to ensure corporations cover the cost of prosecuting protesters. We should definitely expect to see this escrow model recur, as a means of stamping out resistance to corporate harms. Because it worked out well here for Enbridge and for the police. Oil companies also have a history of manipulating prosecutions, so if this entire model isn’t reined in, I have grave concerns about where it will lead.
So we are going to talk about those recently exposed documents, and about the legal fight to eliminate this kind of funding, but first, I wanted us to reflect on this whole corporate escrow situation in the larger context of policing. Because, in some ways, what we are seeing is very consistent with the history and character of U.S. policing, and yet, this funding model could drastically alter how protests are policed in the United States. So, we are going to try to offer a bit of grounding and context for this development.
I also want to be clear that this is not a conversation about why we need public funding, instead of private funding, for the police. Because the money that agencies that policed Line 3 construction received should not have come from taxpayers. That funding should not have existed at all, because there was no need for the drone and helicopter surveillance that Water Protectors experienced, or for the chemical weapons that were unleashed on them. There was no need for the beatings or the rubber bullets. There was no need for the brutal arrests or the police overtime hours cops bragged about to the protesters they brutalized. There was no need for the “field force” training or tactical operations that Enbridge paid for. Like Line 3 itself, none of those things needed to exist or occur. I believe it is essential that we defund the police and reduce their contact with the public, and what’s happening in Minnesota has only reinforced that position. But we do have to examine this corporate funding model, that would allow corporations to become police superfunders anytime people organize resistance to corporate harms, because this is an escalation, and it’s one we need to factor into our analysis and our organizing.
To give us a sense of how this escrow both mirrors the history of policing, and ventures into disturbing new territory, I talked with author Alex Vitale about the relationship between corporations and police. Alex joined me on the show last year to talk about the history and character of policing in the U.S. That episode was called “You Can’t Divorce Policing From Murder“ and I do recommend doubling back if you missed it, because it’s full of essential history. As for the escrow model, Alex had some thoughts to share.
Alex Vitale: So it really raises this whole issue about the functioning of the criminal legal system and policing in particular. So we kind of live with this mythical understanding that police equals public safety, and this obscures a deeper reality about the actual nature of policing. The situation going on in Minnesota, seems like this extreme aberration of a private corporate interest, basically paying for private policing on its own behalf. But this, in fact, is the fundamental origin and nature of policing. Over time, it has tended to take more legitimate forms that obscure this fundamental relationship, but that relationship persists. So what we see in the creation of policing throughout the 19th century, is that it’s driven by the need to create a force that can manage resistance to regimes of exploitation and profound inequality, whether it’s colonialism or slavery or industrial exploitation.
And so early police forces were used to break strikes, suppress slave revolts, to engage in counterinsurgency against anti-colonial forces. And they weren’t necessarily paid by a particular employer to break a particular strike, although that happened, and I’ll talk about that in a second, but that the whole system of policing was a way for corporate interests to create their own force that was capable of managing disorder across a broad front. So a great example of this is that a hundred years ago, there was a movement of labor uprising in Pennsylvania in the coal and iron fields, and employers tried to use local police to break up strikes, but these forces were small and also had some loyalty to the local small town populations. So their first impulse was to create what was called, the coal and iron police, which were basically private security guards, who were deputized at a cost of a dollar a piece, by the employer, and the state of Pennsylvania gave them law enforcement rights.
But this put all of the cost onto the coal and iron producers, and it lacked public legitimacy, so that when they used brutality, shot people down in the streets, murdered people, it was clear that it was the coal and iron companies that were behind it. So instead, they create the Pennsylvania state police, that is independent of local political control, but has the patina of state legitimacy and independence, and is paid for by all taxpayers, not just the coal and iron producers. And this force, which becomes known as the Pennsylvania Cossacks by local miners and industrial workers and union members, engages in a reign of terror that has nothing to do with producing public safety. It has to do with suppressing worker mobilizations. So what we have today is a situation where policing has been created with this patina of serving the public interest, and of course there are times in which they stop a mugger or they prevent some horrible thing from happening.
So, they focus on those things as examples of their public safety function. But when push comes to shove, what remains is this production of a social order that benefits certain people and institutions, over others. And in times of austerity, when local governments lack resources, in part because people with money don’t want to pay any taxes, when there’s a threat to the social order, there can be limits to the ability to respond. And in this case, what we see is a local corporate interest willing to pay some taxes, in essence, but only if those tax dollars go to provide private policing to protect their corporate interests. Essentially they’ve created company towns where they control law enforcement, to serve not a public safety function, but an order maintenance function. And that is really revealing, at the core, what policing has always really been about.
KH: As I told Alex, the escrow funding model also reminded me of what’s happening in countries where there is less ambiguity about the fact that police are the strongmen of fossil fuel corporations. Carceral violence and brutality are escalating against Indigenous land and Water Protectors here in the United States, but in the Global South, things are much worse.
AV: So when we look at policing internationally, we see the same kind of company town phenomena occurring in the Amazon, occurring in the oil fields of Nigeria, where basically police work for the extractive industries, and their primary function is to suppress resistance to extractive functions, whether that’s driving out Indigenous populations, suppressing labor, organizing by the workforce, et cetera. And in those cases, there’s much less need for legitimacy seeking by the institution, because they’re often operating in profoundly undemocratic context, with authoritarian state power behind them. So this raises the question, is what we are seeing in places like Minnesota, a devolving of the legitimacy of the state and the legitimacy of policing, in favor of a more authoritarian and obviously openly corporate controlled state?
KH: Something I have learned about collapse is that people are usually participating in it well before they realize as much. People move through collapsing systems, trying to reproduce conditions and relations that can no longer be reproduced, and they keep doing it, because some changes are very hard to conceptualize. But things are changing. We are living in catastrophic times, and for the powerful, controlling resources and the movements of people will be higher priorities than this country’s myths about the purpose that police and the criminal system serve.
So we have to understand these escalations as they occur, and we have to help people understand what’s happening now. And as Alex told me, we have to take this opportunity to emphasize that these systems lack legitimacy and to name what is actually needed.
AV: You know, there is an interesting contradiction here, which is that elected leaders at all levels are so committed to austerity, to tax cuts for the rich, subsidies for corporations, and the cutting of basic services, that even when they’re presented with a significant political challenge, they have difficulty mobilizing the resources to suppress those movements. And so it’s literally, at times, bankrupting these little towns because the state and federal government has not been quick to come in and provide a robust repressive infrastructure. And that has caused private interest to have to step in on their own behalf. That is a weakness of the state and a kind of contradiction that we could potentially take advantage of, which is to point out that the state is fundamentally lacking in its basic functional legitimacy, that it is unable to provide the kind of most basic services that people need, because it’s so trapped in this ideology of budget cutting, and everyone’s on their own.
And so I think we need to continue to press this idea that the solution to our problems is not constant privatization and budget cutting, it’s solidarity, it’s increasing democracy, it’s providing for people’s basic needs. And so I think it’s really important to point out that when we privatize, what we do is we’re basically just unleashing the power of the richest and most powerful forces in our society, with no real checks, oversight or accountability. And so we don’t just need accountability for the police who are brutalizing us on the picket line. What we need is accountability for a broader system that fails to provide for people’s basic needs.
KH: Crisis distills the character of capitalism. Politically and environmentally, we are on a catastrophic trajectory, here in the United States, and we should expect the character of policing to be further distilled, and expressed more blatantly, as police defend the interests of the ruling class. As Alex outlined, we need to make people understand that what’s happening in Minnesota is not an aberration. In fact, I think we should ultimately expect to see some version of this mechanism anywhere corporate interests are concerned — unless the practice is effectively eliminated.
As a Chicagoan, I’m thinking about the rebellions that occurred here, and in many other cities, back in 2020. On the first night of rebellion here, police raised the bridges downtown, trapping protesters to gas, brutalize and arrest. Why were the police waging war against protesters? Because they were rebelling downtown, which threatened this city’s wealth. Chicago’s corporate interests were imperiled. As violent as the police were that night, I shudder at the thought of corporations creating mechanisms to supercharge police departments with multi-million dollar infusions whenever they feel threatened. Imagine if, anytime a video of a cop killing a Black or brown child went viral, the police got a new corporate infusion, to defend against rebellion. That’s not prognostication, by the way. It’s extrapolation, based on what we are seeing, and the trajectory that we’re on. Because this is a time to understand what present trends portend and to organize people in opposition, so that we can create a different future.
I also spoke with Mara Verheyden-Hilliard, who is a constitutional rights litigator and the co-founder of the Center for Protest Law and Litigation. The Center provides constitutional rights advocacy, criminal defense and other support for movements. The group became involved in the Line 3 struggle in 2020, when they were contacted about a need for attorneys to defend Water Protectors. But in addition to its rapid response work to ensure Line 3 protesters had attorneys, the organization also assumed another mission: to fight the corporate escrow funding model.
Mara Verheyden-Hilliard: We’ve seen hundreds and hundreds of people come to Northern Minnesota, to join with hundreds of people already in Northern Minnesota, Indigenous-led communities and Water Protectors standing up against the extraordinary destruction being caused by this completely needless pipeline. And those folks have been subject to levels of repression, brutality, suppression, surveillance, harassment, torture, and all of this is being funded through this Public Safety Escrow Trust, where Enbridge is able to just pour millions of dollars. The police are able to look at that and know that if they take certain actions or bill for certain time, they can access that money. It incentivizes not only the departments themselves, because the departments of course are inflating their budgets and the documents that we’re able to put together, we can see the significant increase, percentage increase in these small county Sheriff’s department’s budgets, but it incentivizes the individual deputies and sheriffs who are billing overtime to carry out this work in service to the pecuniary interests of the corporation.
And the threat that this poses to democracy overall, and the threat that it’s posed in practice in the immediate to these Water Protectors who have stood up non-violently, peacefully for what they believe in and to protect all of us and to stop a climate catastrophe. This is a danger that I don’t think any of us can turn away from. I believe that it’s crucial that we all stand in support of the Water Protectors who have risked so much at Line 3 and on the larger issue of stopping this structure and making sure that we don’t see it replicated anywhere else.
KH: As I mentioned at the top of the show, Mara’s organization exposed the documents that revealed Jonathan Frieden, the lead prosecutor in Hubbard County, sought to fund Line 3-related prosecutions using the Enbridge escrow.
Mara Verheyden-Hilliard: As part of our investigation into this entity and this structure, we have been demanding and prying out thousands of pages of documents for many months, from many different entities, many counties. And in a batch of documents that we obtained, we could see that the lead prosecutor for Hubbard County, which is prosecuting hundreds of Water Protectors with really astonishing charges, has himself sought money, oil money, from Enbridge through this Public Safety Escrow Trust Fund. Those documents demonstrate that this prosecutor was engaging in prosecution of Water Protectors, these extreme charges, false charges, overcharges that he and his staff were putting in overtime and anticipating overtime pay carrying out these charges, which are completely improper, at a time when he expected that all of that work, all of those hours would be reimbursed by Enbridge.
This raises very significant constitutional due process issues for the defendants in these matters. Because when you have police and prosecutors incentivized to carry out public law enforcement or justice authority to carry out and use that public authority in service to the interests of an entity that is paying them or that, in other words, you only get paid these funds for carrying out work that is “to keep the peace around the pipelines,” which means repressing and prosecuting Water Protectors. That raises these fundamental, constitutional issues that we are addressing.
KH: In one communication, in addition to requesting funds, Frieden expressed concern about the escrow’s reimbursements being limited to costs accrued within 180 days of the pipeline’s completion. Frieden wrote, “I’m wondering whether that might be changed in the future given the significant amount of resources my office will be expending over the next six months in the prosecution of criminal acts associated with Line 3.”
The existence of these documents calls into question whether the prosecution would have pursued some of these charges at all, had they not believed corporate compensation was guaranteed. Those of you who checked out our November episode about the charges Water Protectors are facing may remember that these cases are not typical. Prosecutors have, for example, creatively reinterpreted the state’s theft statute in order to charge protesters who locked themselves to construction equipment with felony theft, because they had shown an alleged “indifference” to the property owner’s rights. Two Water Protectors were also charged with attempted assisted-suicide for crawling into a pipeline to halt construction.
I have seen a lot of excessive charges during my years as an organizer, but even I have been shocked by the way prosecutors have handled these cases, both in terms of the extremity of the charges and the pursuit of so many defendants. With over 1,000 arrests, you would expect a lot more throwaway cases, where the state would either drop the charges or try to deal down to a minor charge.
My first impression upon reading the litany of the felonies and gross misdemeanors Water Protectors in Minnesota are facing was that this was a spectacle, and that spectacle was meant as a warning to others who might attempt to defend the Earth. When I learned that the prosecutor apparently thought corporate money would cover the whole endeavor, it made even more sense. And the thing is, the next prosecutor just might have that stipulation in writing.
But whether or not prosecutors benefit from the next bureaucratic well of oil money, these documents further illustrate why this funding model cannot be allowed to exist. When actors within the carceral system believe they will be rewarded, and accrue more training and resources, and expand the capacity of their departments, by going hard on a particular group of people, they will produce spectacles of carceral violence and judicial cruelty on command. As Mara told me, all of this lends itself to a future we don’t want.
Mara Verheyden-Hilliard: The issue of the Public Safety Escrow Trust is one that extends beyond Northern Minnesota. In Northern Minnesota, we’ve seen county after county become, in essence, company towns for the pipeline corporation, where they have poured so much money into those towns and we can see through the Public Safety Escrow Trust Fund, huge sums of money, millions of dollars, into law enforcement offices for, not only regular time hours, but exceptionally huge overtime hours of the police.
This becomes a model that we are concerned will be implemented across the United States, that anytime a corporation comes to a town and the people are objecting or rising up or opposing what that corporation is doing in their town, be it environmental devastation or destruction of workers’ rights. If this becomes the model, all that the corporation has to do is create a fund through which the police are paid to “keep the peace,” which then means that they can bill for their time repressing the opponents, the political opponents of the corporation. It’s for this reason that our organization, that Center for Protest Law and Litigation is preparing to mount a significant challenge to the legality of the structure, because we believe it portends an extremely dystopian future.
KH: An escrow trust that pays for policing so that a pipeline can be built is a perversion of the concept of public safety. Police are inherently violent and fossil fuel extraction threatens life on Earth. Activists anticipate that this particular pipeline will have the impact of 50 coal-fired power plants. It also threatens the drinking water of millions of people. We need to continue to rally around Water Protectors who are facing charges, and we have to call out these police and prosecutors now, while questions of legitimacy still have the potential to create controversy. Because that condition may not last.
Helping people understand these systems for what they are is deeply important work. So if you have listened to this entire episode about how a police funding structure works and why it’s bad, thank you, and I would also ask that you not keep this information to yourself. If you think this is worrisome or terrifying, tell people about it. This is a time for us to develop a shared, clear-eyed understanding of what we are up against, because we are going to need that analysis as we move forward.
Meanwhile, the Water Protectors who have fought to stop Line 3 still need our support. They took direct action to prevent an environmental atrocity. Even when it became clear that the charges would be steep and excessive, they never stopped fighting. They made choices about who they were going to be in an era of so much death-making, and they took action. We should continue to support them, and we should all contemplate our relationship to atrocity in these times, because we all have to decide how we will live, who we will be, and whether or not we will act, as this system’s violence continues to unfold and people continue to resist.
Fortunately, the collaborative team of attorneys who are representing Line 3 resisters have successfully moved to dismiss the outrageous “felony theft” charges leveled against Water Protectors in Hubbard County. They have also succeeded in a number of other motions to dismiss on behalf of Line 3 protesters. These dismissals are important victories and heartening reminders that sometimes the good guys win. And I hope they keep winning.
I want to thank Alex Vitale and Mara Verheyden-Hilliard for sharing their insights with us, and for all that they do. Please do check out Alex’s book The End of Policing, which is an absolutely essential text on the history and nature of policing in the United States. Everyone should read it. You can learn more about the Center for Protest Law & Litigation at protestlaw.org.
I also want to thank our listeners for joining us today, and remember, our best defense against cynicism is to do good, and to remember, that the good we do matters. Until next time, I’ll see you in the streets.
Music credit: Son Monarcas, Ambientalism, Stefan Mothander, Ebb & Flod and Curved Mirror
Philadelphia man cleared after 37 years in prison, sues city By MARYCLAIRE DALE
January 27, 2022 Willie Stokes walks from a state prison in Chester, Pa., on, Jan. 4, 2022, after his 1984 murder conviction was overturned because of perjured witness testimony. Stokes, whose murder case officially dismissed at a court hearing Thursday, Jan. 27, 2022, said he was not bitter but "just excited to move forward" in life. He was also filing a lawsuit Thursday against the city over the nearly four decades he spent in prison. (AP Photo/Matt Rourke)
PHILADELPHIA (AP) — A Philadelphia man freed after 37 years in prison in a case tainted by perjured testimony accused the city of “outrageous police misconduct” in a lawsuit filed Thursday, the same day his 1984 murder case was dismissed.
Willie Stokes left prison earlier this month, after a federal judge found prosecutors never disclosed that they had charged his chief accuser with perjury after the trial. The witness has said he was offered sex and drugs at police headquarters to frame Stokes in an unsolved 1980 dice-game slaying.
“I’m not bitter. I’m just excited to move forward,” Stokes, 60, told The Associated Press after the brief morning court hearing, when prosecutors announced they would not seek to retry the case.
More than 100 people have been exonerated in recent years in Pennsylvania, according to Marissa Boyers Bluestine of the University of Pennsylvania law school, the former executive director of the Pennsylvania Innocence Project. None served more prison time than Stokes.
The trial witness who identified him as the killer at a preliminary hearing recanted at the murder trial, in what he later called a fit of conscience. Stokes was nonetheless convicted. Prosecutors then charged the witness, Franklin Lee, with perjury over his pretrial testimony, and Lee went to prison for it. Stokes never knew that until 2015.
“I didn’t believe it,” Stokes said in a telephone interview. “I didn’t believe that they would let something like that happen — that they knew, and they didn’t tell me.”
Stokes said his only child, a daughter who was 2 when he went to prison, died about 20 years ago. He was not allowed to attend her funeral. He now lives with his mother.
“She (has) got a beautiful three-story house, so I’m not in the way,” Stokes said Thursday, the joy in his voice evident.
Criminal lawyer Michael Diamondstein, who handled his successful federal court appeal, called the actions of police and prosecutors in the case outrageous.
“They used perjured evidence to convict him and then charged the perjurer, and never told him. And then Willie was warehoused for 38 years,” Diamondstein said
In his view, the official misconduct stemmed from “institutional racism, or pure bias.”
“The cases needed to be closed. The inner city minority were interchangeable, as long as you had someone in the defendant’s chair,” he said.
Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner has championed about two dozen exoneration cases. A supervisor in his office, Matthew Stiegler, said Thursday the office agreed with the federal judge who found that Stokes’ constitutional rights were egregiously violated.
Both detectives who allegedly offered Lee a sex-for-lies deal to help them close the homicide case are now deceased. The lawsuit names their estates as defendants.
“I fell weak and went along with the offer,” Lee told the federal judge in November, recalling his false testimony at the May 1984 preliminary hearing.
Two surviving prosecutors named in the suit, now in private practice, did not immediately return messages seeking comment Thursday. At least one has given a statement saying he doesn’t remember the case, according to court files.
Both the Philadelphia police department and the city declined to comment on the case, citing the pending lawsuit.
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