Friday, August 19, 2022

How a British union leader secretly lobbied for Israel against Lowkey


Despite a history of trade union solidarity with Palestine, rapper Lowkey was de-platformed by the Trade Union Congress after a secret letter from the head of GMB Union, a move that Sohaib Benessa writes betrays the foundations of union organising.


Lowkey addresses the crowd as thousands of people attend a protest and block Whitehall to demonstrate against the Israeli bombing of Gaza and repression of Palestinian people in Jerusalem and the West Bank on May 11, 2021 in London, England. [Getty]

Sohaib Benessa
16 Aug, 2022
Perspectives

Held every year since the 1930’s, the Tolpuddle Martyrs Festival celebrates the six Dorset labourers who formed the first trade union in the United Kingdom in 1834. The festival commemorates their legacy in establishing union movements.

In a shocking move this year, the Trade Union Congress decided to dedicate the Sycamore tree that hosted their secret meetings to the Queen, the same power that deported the Tolpuddle martyrs to a British penal colony in Australia, for her platinum jubilee.

Nigel Costley, the South West regional secretary for the Trade Union Congress, justified the move stating that, “The monarchy played a very different role in the 1800s and this dedication will raise awareness of how far we have come.”

"Lowkey has established his voice as solidly anti-racist and strongly opposed to militarism. The GMB, on the other hand, is a well-documented supporter of the arms trade"

Another strange subtext to this year’s Tolpuddle Martyrs Festival was the decision to disinvite British-Iraqi hip hop artist Lowkey from performing. Lowkey’s de-platforming occurred following a secret lobbying campaign by General Secretary of the GMB Union, Gary Smith, who sent a letter to Costley smearing Lowkey and leading to the rapper being disinvited.

Incidentally, the letter sent by Smith wrongly refers to Lowkey as Raheem, when in fact, his name is Kareem. One wonders why Smith would have such trouble with Arabic names. In the letter, he also falsely claims that Lowkey has "promoted conspiracy theories that allege an Israeli state plot to promote conflict between Ukraine and Russia” with no offer of evidence for this assertion.

Smith then proceeds to declare that the views (which he falsely attributes to Lowkey) "have nothing in common with the proud history of industrial struggle that we commemorate at Tolpuddle.”

Lowkey has established his voice as solidly anti-racist and strongly opposed to militarism. The GMB, on the other hand, is a well-documented supporter of the arms trade and has worked closely with GMB-funded Labour MP Ruth Smeeth to push this agenda in parliament.

Ruth Smeeth was designated as a “strictly protect” informant for the US Embassy in cables revealed by Wikileaks. She was also the director of public affairs and campaigns at Britain’s largest Israel lobby group BICOM, which has a campaign currently pushing to remove Lowkey’s music from Spotify through its ‘We Believe In Israel’ project.

However, aside from these more structural aspects, it is important to examine the record of Gary Smith himself and identify the likely root of these allegations.

There is clear evidence that Gary Smith has a history of weaponising anti-Semitism smears against political opponents; as GMB leader in Scotland he was a key participant in the campaign against Scottish Labour leader Richard Leonard. He also led a campaign against Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon on the same issue.

Smith has also been publicly promoted by the Campaign Against Antisemitism (CAA), a group entwined with the main settlement-building organisation in Palestine, known as the Jewish National Fund (JNF). This wouldn’t be the first time the CAA has got it wrong either. In 2017, the CAA had to remove a false claim about Lowkey from their website, after misquoting his Fire in the Booth performance on BBC Radio 1 in a failed attempt to de-platform him.

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Perspectives
Shareefa Energy

The group also published a dossier to prompt an investigation into anti-Semitism in the NUS, to prevent the new pro-Palestinian president-elect from taking her position. The dossier features Lowkey heavily. Considering these circumstances, it seems likely that the CAA is the source of Gary Smith's false allegations against Lowkey, contained in this secret lobbying letter.

The Chief Executive of the CAA is Gideon Falter, who simultaneously serves as the Vice Chair of the JNF UK. Initially, the director of communications for the CAA was Jonathan Sacerdoti who at the same time worked as director of the Zionist Federation. The CAA is also funded by Natan, an organisation which is chaired by Tony Felzen, a key supporter of Friends of the IDF.

The JNF UK is a key land grabbing and settlement building organisation in occupied Palestine and has stated that it collaborates on projects with “elite IDF units.” It has deep relationships with several Israeli organisations which provide direct passage into the Israeli army.

In 2005, JNF UK was investigated by the UK Charity Commission. The Charity Commission reported that "It is not open for the charity to support the State of Israel, since this does not itself denote a charitable purpose." The Charity Commission report continued to say that, "They should try to ensure that they refrain from indicating moral/political support for the state of Israel, rather explain the focus of their charitable activities.”

"For the Tolpuddle Martyrs Festival to be used to de-platform pro-Palestinian artists, possibly based on a dodgy dossier provided by an organisation complicit in the settler colonial occupation of Palestine, is a travesty against its very foundations"

What’s more, JNF UK Honorary Treasurer Gary Mond was exposed to having made Islamophobic comments online. Earlier this year, JNF UK chair and former Israeli intelligence officer Samuel Hayek was also revealed to have made Islamophobic remarks, which led to the UK Charity Commission opening an investigation into the organisation on January 13th.

For the Tolpuddle Martyrs Festival to be used to de-platform pro-Palestinian artists, possibly based on a dodgy dossier provided by an organisation complicit in the settler colonial occupation of Palestine, is a travesty against its very foundations.

There is a long tradition of solidarity with Palestine among British trade union movements, and the Trade Union Congress must not allow Israeli lobbyists to erode this history.

Sohaib Benessa is a British-born Moroccan writer based in London. His work focuses on social justice for marginalised groups within and without the UK, with specific attention to Africa and the Middle East.

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.
UK
NHS leaders warn energy costs could create public health crisis


The NHS Confederation has written to the chancellor to warn of catastrophic results if the government doesn’t help people with energy costs.
THE BIG ISSUE
19 Aug 2022

Rising energy costs could place a greater strain on the NHS as households cut back on heating and food. 
Image: Li Lin/Unsplash


NHS leaders have warned of a “humanitarian crisis” as the fallout from rising energy costs could impact people’s health.

In a letter to the chancellor, the NHS Confederation outlined concerns that unaffordable household energy bills could lead to a public health emergency, which would increase health inequalities and place a high demand on NHS services.

“The country is facing a humanitarian crisis,”said Matthew Taylor, chief executive of the NHS Confederation, which represents organisations across the UK with more than 1.5 million healthcare staff. “Many people could face the awful choice between skipping meals to heat their homes and having to live in cold, damp and very unpleasant conditions.

“This in turn could lead to outbreaks of illness and sickness around the country and widen health inequalities, worsen children’s life chances and leave an indelible scar on local communities.”

Soaring energy costs have added to a cost of living crisis which is only set to increase in the coming months. Real-terms inflation is predicted to reach nearly 18 per cent for those on the lowest incomes this autumn and energy bills could exceed universal credit payments.

Many of the most vulnerable are already cutting back on essential costs, with disability charity Sense reporting that a third of disabled people skip meals to save money.

A government spokesperson said “we have taken action to help households with £37 billion worth of support, which includes specific support to help people through the difficult winter ahead”. But the rise in household energy costs is expected to outpace government support promised so far when prices rise in October and again in January.

The letter warned of a dramatic upsurge in respiratory conditions, undernutrition, and hospital admissions in children, as well as an increased risk of heart attacks, stroke and falls for older people living in cold conditions.

“These outbreaks will strike just as the NHS is likely to experience the most difficult winter on record,” he continued, as the high demand on health services will coincide with predicted high levels of flu, norovirus and potentially further Covid outbreaks. Rising energy costs could also have a major impact on mental health, wellbeing and social care services.

“Not being able to afford a warm home and healthy food causes untold stress and anxiety,” said Katie Schmuecker, principal policy advisor at the Joseph Rowntree Foundation.

The letter calls for the Westminster government to “set out a more targeted and detailed support package for those households who need it most in advance of the decision on the new energy price cap next week.”

“With bills expected to go up by 82 per cent, we believe the government’s current policy of providing £400 (paid in monthly installments) is not going to be nearly sufficient, even alongside the one-off payments for recipients of universal credit, disability benefits and the winter fuel allowance.

“Failure to go beyond this risks a public health emergency and this must be avoided at all costs.”

Prime Minister Boris Johnson and the two candidates to replace him in September, Foreign Secretary Liz Truss and former Chancellor Rishi Sunak, have all so far refused to detail how they would address the problem.

Earlier this summer, The Big Issue teamed up with former prime minister Gordon Brown to call on the government to take urgent action to prevent a “poverty time bomb” going off in October.

Writing in The Big Issue, Brown said: “With funds for charity starting to dry up, and food banks under pressure, only one group of people can make the difference. Johnson, Truss and Sunak must take time off from holidays and hustings and lead Britain, its regions and nations, away from an autumn and winter of misery.”

Wes Streeting, shadow health and social care secretary, said: “Families are really worried about how they are going to afford soaring energy bills this winter. Many will be plunged into poverty by this cost of living crisis and be forced to make choices between eating and heating.

“NHS leaders are absolutely right to raise concerns about the impact on health. The vaccines minister has admitted that elderly people unable to heat their homes this winter will be at greater risk of flu and other illnesses.

“Labour would freeze energy bills this winter, saving households £1,000. We will pay for it with a windfall tax on the excess profits of oil and gas companies, who are making more money than they know what to do with.”

A government spokesperson said: “We know that rising prices are affecting how far people’s incomes go, which is why we have taken action to help households with £37 billion worth of support, which includes specific support to help people through the difficult winter ahead.

“Eight million of the most vulnerable households will see £1,200 extra support, provided in instalments across the year, and everyone will receive £400 over the winter to help with energy bills. That’s on top of action earlier this year including a record fuel duty cut and a National Insurance cut worth up to £330 a year for the typical employee.

“We are also working closely with the NHS at pace to ensure we are ready for the pressures ahead by increasing capacity, boosting NHS 111 and 999 support, tackling delayed discharge and using new innovations such as virtual wards.”
PATRIARCHY; FEMICIDE, MYSOGYNY 
Papua New Guinea fails to end ‘evil’ of sorcery-related violence

Brutal torture and assault of women accused of witchcraft go unpunished while initiatives to end crime make little progress.

Papua New Guinea continues to see cases of women accused of sorcery
 and subjected to brutal torture 
[Courtesy of Dickson Tanda]

By Ian Neubauer
Published On 16 Aug 2022

Reports of machete-wielding men slashing innocent bystanders, arson attacks, sexual violence against girls, and the displacement of thousands of people during last month’s election in Papua New Guinea have drawn international condemnation.

But an even more insidious form of violence continues to plague the country: sorcery-accusation-related violence (SARV), the public torture and murder of women accused of witchcraft.

The most recent high-profile case followed the unexplained death, most probably from a heart attack or stroke, of trucking magnate Jacob Luke while bushwalking in Enga, a rugged, poorly-developed province in the highlands of Papua New Guinea, whose body was discovered by telecommunication workers on July 21.

The following morning, members of Luke’s tribe at Lakolam village in Enga Province singled out nine women, including two in their sixties and one who was pregnant, and accused them of ‘kaikai lewa’ – secretly removing the victim’s heart and eating it to gain their virility.

After one of the women admitted to the allegation because she was so scared, the group was splashed with petrol and burned.

Five of the women were then singled out for torture which consisted of being tied naked between two poles and assaulted vaginally with hot irons while being watched by a mostly male crowd that also included some children and members of the victims’ families.

When news of the torture spread through the province, six police officers and a layman representative of the Catholic Church travelled to Lakolam village to rescue the women. But after a tense standoff involving hundreds of angry armed villagers convinced beyond doubt of the women’s guilt, police backed off.

A second attempt the following day also failed, but police later managed to rescue five of the women. The others had already died.

“They were tortured from Friday morning until midnight and lost a lot of body tissue and blood, so only five of them survived. They were giving off a bad smell from their wounds when we met them,” Dickson Tanda, the Catholic Church’s SARV coordinator in Enga, told Al Jazeera.

Dickson, who has helped rescue more than 600 women and children accused of sorcery since 2015, says witch-hunting in the province is becoming more barbaric and more frequent. “That rescue was last weekend,” he said on August 2. “This weekend just past we rescued another woman accused of sorcery. They tortured her, cut her with a machete all over her body and burned her skin off.”

Horrifying trends

Research from the Australian National University (ANU) published in 2020 found the attention on witchcraft and the torture and killing of women alleged to be involved in sorcery was “not only warranted but also urgent considering the apparent increase in number and the brutality with which the witch hunters operate”.

In a paper published a year earlier, the same authors found it was “very clear it is entering new geographical areas” like Enga, where they had found no records of such attacks taking place before 2010

.
After torturing those accused of sorcery, the perpetrators burn down the homes and evict them from the village [Courtesy of Dickson Tanda]

Enga Province police chief George Kakas agrees.

“In the past, the violence here was culturally oriented. We fought over land and property, pigs and women” he told Al Jazeera. “But now it is changing in the modern era. We see trends like robberies, rape and accusations of sorcery because the youths are confused.”

Another clear pattern that has emerged is the impunity enjoyed by those who carry out SARV attacks on women.

An ANU study published in 2017 found just 91 out of 15,000 perpetrators had been imprisoned for their crimes.

A follow-up study published 12 months later found that in 2018 some 121 individuals were given harsh sentences for SARV violence in relation to six cases of wilful murder.

In all those cases, the victims were men.


The researchers concluded misogyny was a factor not just in SARV itself but in the response to the crimes.

“Notably the gender trend in these judgements we have observed earlier continues, in that all the victims of these cases were men, suggesting that cases involving male victims are more likely to proceed,” the authors concluded.

Kakas says the problem of impunity begins with police, who are poorly resourced and educated, but also because few witnesses are willing to take the risk of helping law enforcement when there is no form of witness protection in Papua New Guinea.

“In the most recent case, no arrests have been made. We went into the village looking for suspects, but they had decamped. We asked the leaders of the village to surrender them but as several of them are also implicated in the atrocities committed, they did not cooperate. And we have no evidence because not a single person in the village is willing to be an eyewitness to the torture and murders as they fear for their own lives,” Kakas said.

“Another problem is many policemen don’t take these events too seriously. I remember one case where I sent two officers to arrest some people involved in torture and instead they started interrogating the victims, pressuring them to confess they were sorcerers. I had them disciplined but they got off the charges,” he said.


Kakas says he can recall only one case in the past eight years where someone accused of a sorcery-related attack was successfully prosecuted and sentenced in his jurisdiction.
‘Just evil’

Various initiatives have been introduced to stamp out the violence, but none has been successful.

A victim of SARV is treated for their wounds [Courtesy of Dickson Tanda]

In 2015, the government announced the Sorcery National Action Plan (SNAP), a holistic initiative focusing on counselling, awareness, health advocacy, protection and research, but which had no solid targets.

Then there was Inap Nau! (Enough Now!), a 2018 campaign by Oxfam that looked at the problem from a gender-based perspective. Some 70 percent of women in Papua New Guinea experience rape or assault in their lifetime.

The Prime Minister’s Office in Papua New Guinea did not respond to Al Jazeera’s enquiries about the apparent failure of SNAP, while Oxfam PNG said it did not have time to respond to questions about Inap Nau! at “short notice”.

Kakas, who set up an anti-sorcery unit in 2016 within the police force to carry out awareness programmes and arrest offenders, says he knows why the initiatives did not work.

“Whenever there is a big case like this one there is a public outcry and some money is put into tackling the problem,” he said. “But when the hype fades, the funding disappears.”


A Catholic priest with the missionary Society of the Divine Word and a Professor of Social Research at Divine Word University in Papua New Guinea, Philip Gibbs, corroborates the claim.

“The government was supposed to fund the Sorcery National Action Plan, but that never happened,” Gibbs was reported as saying by The National newspaper in the capital Port Moresby last week.

Anton Lutz, an activist in sorcery-related crimes who has rescued several women and children from torture, accuses church groups of seeding the violence.

About 96 percent of people in Papua New Guinea identify as Christians, according to government statistics, while many combine their Christian faith with traditional Indigenous beliefs like animism and sorcery.

“The Catholic Church is one of the few actively fighting it. They have strong leaders who have excommunicated individuals and entire congregations that have aided and abetted torture, and they run some safe houses for survivors,” he told Al Jazeera.

“Other church denominations are neutral while others are complicit with preachers who actually advocate the violence. Many Christians are told that demons are real and that it is therefore plausible that there are evil people in the community who do Satan’s bidding. I think it goes back to their theology, where they believe in incarnate spiritual evil, which makes it hard to take a stance against witch-hunting because they could be accused of defending witches.”

Tanda, who in addition to rescuing women runs a privately-funded safe house for victims, is beyond trying to figure out the causes of sorcery-accusation-related violence or why it continues to be tolerated in Papua New Guinea.

“I don’t know. [The perpetrators] are just evil,” he said.


SOURCE: AL JAZEERA

NO CHEMICAL-PROOF PPE
Women working inside an Afghan chemical lab face uncertain future

At a fertiliser plant in Afghanistan’s north, women work to support their families amid changes after Taliban’s return.

Women working as lab technicians in a factory in northern Afghanistan support their families as the country's economic crisis deepens [Kern Hendricks/Al Jazeera]

By
Kern Hendricks
Published On 19 Aug 2022

Mazar-i-Sharif, Afghanistan – Arzoo Noori holds two glass vials, carefully pouring a clear liquid from one to the other. As she holds one beaker up to the light of the window, swirling it slowly, the solution begins to turn a shade of translucent pink.

In the high-ceilinged room behind her, Noori and six of her colleagues – all women clad in spotless white laboratory coats and latex gloves – make notes on clipboards, adjust bunsen burners, and handle antiquated-looking measuring devices. Amidst the delicate clinking of glassware and the scribble of pencils, the room has an air of calm, quiet productivity.

Noori, aged 30, is a lab technician at Afghanistan’s largest chemical plant, located outside the northern city of Mazar-i-Sharif in Balkh province. Slight of build and softly spoken, she exudes an air of confident professionalism as she moves between workbenches, deftly measuring out chemicals from bottles with peeling Russian labels.

The factory, which produces urea fertiliser for Afghanistan’s agricultural sector, is a vestige of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan from 1979 to 1989. Today the fertiliser comes packaged in freshly designed bags marked: Product of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Towering above lush green fields, the factory smokestacks, cooling towers, and rusting industrial facades are a stark contrast to the simple, single-story mudbrick homes that dot the surrounding landscape.
The factory on the outskirts of Mazar-i-Sharif in Afghanistan’s north dates back to the Soviet occupation starting in the late 1970s [Kern Hendricks/Al Jazeera]

Noori began working at the factory when she was 23 years old after graduating with a bachelor’s degree in chemical engineering from Balkh University. She started as a lab assistant and quickly worked her way up to become manager of the entire urea production laboratory. It was a position that she studied hard for and was proud to earn.

Yet soon after the Taliban retook control of the country last August, Noori was stripped of her role and the female staff were separated from their male colleagues.

On an afternoon in March, Noori, engrossed in her work, is for the moment less interested in talking about these changes than in explaining the test that she and her colleagues are conducting.

“This is a test to assess the pH balance of the water we use here at the factory,” she says without looking up from the beaker in front of her. “It’s a simple task – we only have to add a few chemicals to the water – but if we don’t monitor the pH balance, other processes in the factory will be affected.” Noori – one of nearly 200 women working in the factory – takes immense pride in her work. She knows she is a vital part of the factory.

But now, working under the supervision of a man far less qualified than herself, Noori and many of her female colleagues wonder what the future holds for them – and for their careers – in the Taliban’s Afghanistan.

Settling ponds are used as part of the factory’s water purification process 
[Kern Hendricks/Al Jazeera]


Changes to women’s jobs


One year since the Taliban regained full control of Afghanistan, the country remains in a fragile and impoverished state despite significant improvements to security.

Climate change is wreaking havoc across the country – Afghanistan faces its worst drought in 27 years, and now has the highest level of emergency food insecurity of any nation on earth. A recent World Food Programme report projected that 22.8 million Afghans – roughly half of the country – faces severe food insecurity in 2022. Hundreds of thousands of families are now entirely reliant on the food provided by NGOs and the United Nations.

Battered by the lasting effects of conflict, climate change, and international sanctions, Afghans also struggle to find any means of consistent income. Women have been hardest hit, with female employment expected to fall by 28 percent this year, according to the United Nations International Labour Organization.

Against the backdrop of a humanitarian and economic crisis, the rights of Afghan women have also begun to erode. Many girls’ high schools around the country remain closed, locking thousands out of an education that seemed within their grasp only 12 months ago.

Across the country, many women, particularly those working outside the healthcare and education sectors, have lost their jobs, and now find themselves unable to secure any form of employment. Some remain at home simply out of fear of interacting with the Taliban. Others continue to attend their jobs but find their workplaces are now gender-segregated. Demonstrations in support of women’s rights have, on several occasions, been violently repressed, and many women remain fearful that advocating for their rights will result in harassment, arrest, or worse.

Noori and her colleagues at the factory live in one of Afghanistan’s least socially conservative cities and many of the women of Noori’s generation had some access to education and families who encouraged them to pursue their own careers as independent women. But when the Taliban returned to power in 2021, several of Noori’s older female colleagues worried that they might be barred from working at the state-owned plant.

Zia Omar has worked at the plant for 35 years. When the Taliban were previously in power, she was forced to stop working [Kern Hendricks/Al Jazeera]

Previous Taliban rule

Zia Omar, 50, has worked as a lab technician at the factory for 35 years. Like many women of her generation at the factory, she was hired and trained by the Soviets during their decade-long occupation. A gentle woman with a ready laugh, Omar wears a pink hijab draped loosely over her hair and shoulders. With decades of experience, she can easily hold a conversation as she carries out her tasks.

Omar says that she was forced to stop working under the previous Taliban government from 1996 to 2001. “They didn’t allow any women to work in the factory,” she says. “For almost six years I was stuck at home with no job.”

When her husband’s wage as an engineer at the factory proved too small to support the whole family, Omar decided she could contribute from home. She bought a sewing machine and spent the rest of the Taliban’s first rule tailoring clothes which her husband would then sell in the local bazaar.

After living and working through multiple upheavals and authorities, one thing is clear to Omar.

“I am tired of war,” she says, with a mix of sadness and anger. “I just want peace and stability for my country, I don’t think that’s too much to ask.”

Under the new Taliban government, the plant’s workplace at first stayed the same and men and women kept working alongside one another. “My male colleagues treated me like a sister or a daughter and everyone was very professional and respectful,” says Noori.

Bags of urea are filled at the urea plant in Balkh province.
 The fertiliser is made from ammonia and carbon dioxide 
[Kern Hendricks/Al Jazeera]

Then about three months after the Taliban retook the country, representatives from the Ministry for Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice came to the factory, Noori recalls.

At the mention of this infamous ministry – known for administering brutal punishments including lashings and beatings for playing music, watching films, and other “morality” infractions under the previous Taliban government – her colleagues in the lab exchange nervous glances, but Noori does not miss a beat.

“They said that it was not appropriate for a woman to be in charge of the lab, to be managing other staff,” says Noori softly. “So they removed me from my position as lab manager and installed a man instead. Technically he doesn’t have the same job title that I did, but practically he’s in charge now.”

Gender segregation was implemented across the offices and laboratories, preventing women from accessing some parts of the factory.

Arzoo Noori, aged 30, conducts a water-quality test in the lab where she was formerly a manager [Kern Hendricks/Al Jazeera]


‘That job is my right’


Although Noori’s work has remained largely the same – she still manages the day-to-day logistics of the lab – she no longer receives the pay or recognition she worked so hard to earn.

While Noori is frustrated by her downgraded role, it is her replacement’s qualifications – rather than his gender – that bothers her the most. “He’s a civil engineer, not a chemical engineer,” she says, throwing up her hands. “This is a chemical laboratory – he doesn’t have the right credentials. I have a degree in chemical engineering, and I sat special exams just to get that job. I earned it through hard work – that job is my right.” Working at their benches, the other women nod in agreement.

Earning less money also has serious repercussions in a country gripped by an economic crisis. Noori gestures out the window towards the city in the distance. “I’m responsible for all four members of my family,” she says. “My mother is dead, my father is retired, and my sister studies political science at university, so I’m the only one earning money for all of us.”

Under a programme implemented by the government headed by former President Ashraf Ghani, some skilled professionals and government employees were offered subsidised boosts to their monthly salary based on their level of higher education.

Noori says that when the Taliban took control of wage distribution for the factory workers, her bonuses disappeared. “Under the previous government, I used to receive a monthly bonus of 2,000 afghanis (about $22) because I graduated high school and also hold a bachelor’s degree,” she says.

Noori also worries that cuts to these bonuses remove incentives for the next generation of women to seek higher education. “If someone with no education earns the same as someone with a bachelor’s degree, why would anyone bother?”

Even though her wage is higher than most Afghans, things are still tight. “I used to earn 11,000 afghanis (about $124) per month, but now I only receive 9,000 afghanis ($100).” She turns her palms towards the sky. “That doesn’t go very far between five people. Food, clothing; we have to count every afghani now. And basic items are getting more expensive all the time.”

Shayma Momin been working at the factory for more than 35 years. 
‘I’m proud to support my family with what I do,’ she says 
[Kern Hendricks/Al Jazeera]

‘Focus on food and water’


Lab technician Shayma Momin, 52, furrows her brow as she delicately adjusts the dial on a Soviet-era pH meter, following the machine’s wavering indicator needle with concentration. As she spins the dial further, a few gold bracelets jangle at her wrist.

Momin has worked at the factory for more than 35 years, and, like Zia Omar was trained in her work by chemical engineers from the former USSR. She says that keeping her family afloat is an increasingly difficult task. Momin lives with her husband – a retired electrical engineer – along with two of her sons, her stepdaughter, and several grandchildren.

Momin is, like many of the other women at the factory, the sole earner for her household.

“My husband is retired, my daughters are married, and there is no one else to work except me,” she says. “My sons are graduated from university but they are jobless. One of my sons is married and has children but he is jobless too. It’s hard, but we survive.”

She says they do not buy new clothes, shoes or any “needless things”, adding that “we just focus on food and water.”

Momin’s husband, who used to work at the factory, used to receive a pension because of his decades of service. But now, under the new government, that is gone too, victim to cost-cutting measures.

Still, she remains optimistic. “People in Afghanistan are jobless right now,” she says, shaking her head. “I feel lucky to have my work here at the factory. It’s not easy, but I’m proud to support my family with what I do.”

Momin’s colleague Omar, is relieved about one change in particular.

“There was fighting between the previous government forces and the Taliban all around the factory, and our homes, for a long time,” she says.

“Even before the Taliban took control of the province, they had already taken control of this area. When they came, they took the area without violence,” she says, referring to the outskirts of the city where the factory is located. “I’m glad that the fighting is over now.”

Much of the lab equipment is a holdover from the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan
LONG PAST ITS BEST BEFORE DATE
[Kern Hendricks/Al Jazeera]

‘Many women have stopped’


The women in the lab count themselves lucky to be able to continue working. But elsewhere in Afghanistan, others have not been so fortunate.

Before last August, Razia Omar, 30, worked as a social activist promoting women’s rights and access to education in Qalat, the capital of Zabul province in Afghanistan’s southeast. She says once the Taliban entered the provincial government, the changes to women’s lives came swiftly.

Razia says that because of Zabul’s inherent cultural conservatism, women were already more restricted than in other provinces. But when the Taliban arrived, public places became even more gender-segregated and new countrywide rules such as women only being able to travel with a male guardian were more strictly enforced in Zabul.


She says she was scared by the new provincial government. “Mostly because of the uncertainty. We really didn’t know how they would act towards us, especially towards women,” says the mother of three young children in a soft voice.

“Many women have stopped going to their offices here in Zabul,” she says, “Including me.” Razia stopped working last August, fearing that publicly advocating for women’s education would bring negative attention to her and her family.

Those fears of a backlash have come to pass for other female activists. In January, following protests in Kabul, some activists had their homes raided. On August 13, a women’s rights march in Kabul was suppressed when Taliban fighters beat female protesters and began firing over their heads.

But Razia says she still holds out hope for positive change. “Girls are still allowed to go to university here, so I’m hopeful that the government will also allow the girls to return to high school classes too. Luckily, I have already finished high school, but now I feel much more nervous about what the future holds for me, and especially my children,” she says. “I’m still hopeful that the government has the best interests of the Afghan people at heart, but I feel like I have been deprived of some of my rights and hopes for the future.”

For Razia, jobs and educational opportunities are critical. “My family is in a bad economic situation now,” she says. “If they [the Taliban] could provide more jobs for women in government offices, it would help many families. We all need more work opportunities … the Taliban have made lots of promises about building this country up again, so I hope they will not let us down.”
Noori says believes in a brighter future and sees her field of chemical engineering as one that can help her country grow 
[Kern Hendricks/Al Jazeera]


‘I want to help my country’


Back in the lab, Noori says that the situation for women at the factory is far from black and white.

“It’s true that some things in my life remained the same since the Taliban took power,” she says, adjusting the fabric around her face. “I’m still working now. I wore my chador in the same way as I do now. My sister still attends her university classes, although they’ve now been gender segregated.”

Noori says that she still believes in a brighter future.

“I want to complete my master’s and PhD and then come back to continue working in this factory,” she says, looking towards the city and the distant horizon. She points to the importance of manufacturing fertiliser for Afghanistan’s agricultural sector amidst the country’s widespread food insecurity. “Chemical engineering is an important field, and I want to help my country develop and grow,” she says.

“For now, my goal is to regain my old position and continue my work here.”

Noori looks up at the ageing wall clock on the laboratory wall. The afternoon is passing, and there is work to do. She begins to turn back to her tests but pauses for a moment.


“Things aren’t easy for women in Afghanistan – they have never been. I do what I can in my own life to follow my ambitions; that’s all I can do. I’d never marry a man who told me to stop my career, and I won’t let anyone else stop me either. I try to stay optimistic.”

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA

‘Cannot justify what happened’: Ex-Pak PM Imran Khan on attack on Salman Rushdie

Published on Aug 19, 2022 

British author Salman Rushdie was stabbed by a 24-year-old New Jersey resident

 - identified as Hadi Matar - on stage in western New York state on August 12.

FILE PHOTO: Pakistan's former Prime Minister Imran Khan.(REUTERS)
FILE PHOTO: Pakistan's former Prime Minister Imran Khan.(REUTERS)
Written by Manjiri Sachin Chitre | Edited by Swati Bhasin

Former Pakistan prime minister Imran Khan on Friday said that the attack on British author Salman Rushdie was “unjustifiable”. In an interview to the Guardian, Khan termed the assault as “terrible and sad” and indicated that while the “anger in the Islamic world at the Mumbai-born author’s controversial novel ‘The Satanic Verses’ was understandable”, the attack, on the other hand, was “unjustifiable”.

“Rushdie understood because he came from a Muslim family. He knows the love, respect, and reverence of a prophet that lives in our hearts. He knew that. So, the anger I understood, but you can’t justify what happened,” Khan told the British daily.

Notably, in 2012, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) chief had refused to attend a media conclave in New Delhi after learning about Rushdie's participation. He had reportedly said that he could not “think of participating in an event that included Rushdie - who had caused immeasurable hurt to Muslims across the globe.”

Also read: 'Can finally exhale': Padma Lakshmi, Salman Rusdhie's ex wife, on recovery

British author Salman Rushdie was stabbed by a 24-year-old New Jersey resident - identified as Hadi Matar - on stage in western New York state on August 12. The Indian-born writer suffered three stab wounds to his neck, four stab wounds to his stomach, puncture wounds to his right eye and chest, and a laceration on his right thigh, the police had said.

Rushdie has been receiving threats since his book 'The Satanic Verses' was published in 1988. The book had led to a fatwa - a religious decree - by the then Iranian leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. According to some reports, a bounty of around USD three million was declared earlier for anyone who kills Rushdie.

(With inputs from agencies)

Travelling while black: A first-hand account of the restrictive visa system impacting diversity at nuclear policy conferences

Olamide Samuel |Research Associate in Nuclear Politics at the University of Leicester
Commentary | 8 August 2022

“So glad we finally got you here!”

I recall hearing numerous iterations of this statement on the first day of the Nuclear Ban Forum this June in Austria. As I acclimated my sleep deprived self with the Vienna heat, and wandered around the Aula der Wissenschaften, I felt relief knowing that I wasn’t going to miss the panel discussion I was slated to speak at the following day. Even though I had accepted the kind invitation to speak three months earlier, I couldn’t confirm with any degree of certainty that I would be able to physically take the main stage. At least not until I obtained a visa that authorised me to be in Austria – a visa I eventually received 5 days prior to the event.

To obtain the eight-day single-entry visa to Austria, I boarded four trains, spent the night in the city of Manchester, printed just under 40 pages of accompanying documents -including three months of bank statements and payslips, as well as all sorts of cover letters provided by my employer, and ICAN. I also paid £130 in application fees. In addition, I corresponded with everyone from those tasked with ban forum travel logistics at ICAN, to senior diplomats in Vienna. All to ensure that I could be granted an appointment, and that my visa application was not rejected. You see, regardless of the fact that I had provided all the information required for a successful visa application, there was no legal requirement for the Austrian embassy in London to guarantee the issuance of a visa to a Nigerian.

To obtain the eight-day single-entry visa to Austria, I boarded four trains, spent the night in the city of Manchester, printed just under 40 pages of accompanying documents -including three months of bank statements and payslips, as well as all sorts of cover letters provided by my employer, and ICAN. Olamide Samuel

In recounting the visa ordeal with ICAN members of staff, I quickly became aware of the number of participants and speakers who were not issued visas in time to attend the ban forum. I listened to stories of individuals for whom the Austrian Visa was simply out of reach, despite the tireless efforts of ICAN staffers to ensure their in-person participation. Of course, many (if not all) of these individuals were young people from the global south. I quickly became reminded of my privilege – I reside in a western country (the UK) and my journey to the visa application centre was comparatively hassle-free. I travelled to Manchester, whilst others residing in Africa had to travel to neighbouring countries to be able to receive consular services. And all of this happened against the backdrop of an Austria that was rapidly attempting to (albeit momentarily) dismantle systemic barriers they erected to keep people that look like me, out of their country. Afterall, it would have been embarrassing to host the very first meeting of state parties to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW 1MSP), without any global south civil society representatives present. For context, global south states currently account for at least 58 of the 66 TPNW state parties.

Yet, from the point of view of civil society participation and representation in nuclear conferences, the Nuclear Ban Forum and the TPNW 1MSP were unique. The sheer presence of young vibrant activists and academics furnished diplomatic deliberations with immersive testimonies, presentations, and statements. Their participation also noticeably interfered with the traditional diplomatic decorum in a positive way – 1MSP was the first time I ever witnessed rounds of applause after each and every statement given at a diplomatic conference. Diplomats from the global south were noticeably surprised and pleased to see young representatives from their respective countries at a nuclear conference. And many of these young representatives benefited from the generous sponsorship provided by ICAN, which included flights, hotels, and logistical support. Without this, we would have witnessed a similar lack of diversity that has accompanied other nuclear conferences this summer.

As soon as I returned to the UK on the 25th of June, it was time for me to repeat the entire visa process again. I needed a US visa to be able to attend the August NPT Review Conference (RevCon) and the October Carnegie International Nuclear Policy Conference. My trip to 1MSP meant that my passport was only available for submission, with less than 7 weeks left to obtain a US visa. It should have been sufficient time, I thought, relying on my experience with European visas. I had never applied for a US visa before, but I’ve heard stories from other Nigerians about how daunting and invasive the process is. After booking the flights, hotels, travel insurance (as required), I was finally ready to schedule an appointment with the US embassy in London. To book such an appointment, I had to fill in around 12 pages of forms, which included invasive requirements to declare every single social media account, phone number and email address I have ever owned for the past 5 years – amongst other things. Only after all this information was submitted, would I be able to even see the next available appointment date.

“First available appointments: 5 January 2023”

I stared at my computer screen in disbelief. I had not realised that I would need at least 7 months, not weeks, to be able to attend a visa interview. It quickly dawned on me that I never had a realistic shot at attending the repeatedly postponed NPT RevCon. Even if I had applied for a US visa on the same day as RevCon president-designate Zlauvinen’s announcement of the confirmed dates (which he made on March 11, 2022), I still would have been unable to make it. I guess 1MSP in Austria wasn’t that bad afterall?

I never had a realistic shot at attending the repeatedly postponed NPT RevCon. Even if I had applied for a US visa on the same day as RevCon president-designate Zlauvinen’s announcement of the confirmed dates, I still would have been unable to make it. Olamide Samuel
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I cut my losses, vented on twitter, and decided to move on. Afterall, I still needed to apply for a Swedish visa, as I was invited to speak at the inaugural conference of the Alva Myrdal Centre for Disarmament a few months down the line. I promptly snapped up a visa interview a day later, due to a prior cancellation. A stroke of good luck, given that one usually has to wait weeks to secure an appointment. However, this meant that I had to withdraw from another speaking engagement at a York University conference on the same day, an opportunity-cost most academics in nuclear policy never have to calculate.

The reality is that nuclear politics affect all people, yet not all voices are given equitable access to the spaces where crucial deliberations and decisions are made. Despite the fact that much of the negative human and environmental impacts are borne by people of colour across the global south, the spaces where decisions are made remain exclusively in western capitals – and the conversations remain limited to a select few. The structural barriers erected to limit participation (such as visas, accreditation, the costs of registering, accommodation in Western capitals and flights), remain more diverse than the individuals who are ‘authorised’ to exist in these limited and shrinking spaces. My reflection on the restrictive visa system merely highlights one of many such barriers. Annual statements of sympathy and solidarity with black and brown people will not change the fact that most conference planning committees fail to account for the logistical barriers to entry, faced by people from the global south who are primarily people of colour.

Despite the fact that much of the negative human and environmental impacts are borne by people of colour across the global south, the spaces where decisions are made remain exclusively in western capitals - and the conversations remain limited to a select few. Olamide Samuel
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Given that neither the US, Austria, nor any other western countries appear to be revising their visa regimes any time soon, here are a few recommendations for nuclear conference organisers, all centred around paying attention to the visa regimes governing proposed conferences:

First, the prevailing assumption that invitees enjoy equal mobility privileges, perpetuates this very inequality. In simply inquiring about invitees’ visa challenges, conference planners will become aware of the kind of assistance which might be required by the invitee. It could be as simple as drafting invitation letters, or providing a dedicated point of contact for consular purposes. Inquiring about invitees’ visa challenges should not be any less common than inquiring about dietary restrictions – yet this is not currently the case.

Inquiring about invitees’ visa challenges should not be any less common than inquiring about dietary restrictions. Olamide Samuel

Second, conferences need to be planned well enough in advance, accounting for the time required to obtain entry permits. Three months might seem like a long time to begin logistical preparations for conferences but the reality is that the estimated average waiting time for a US visa appointment, for example, is 244 days. For many other western countries, waiting times are around two to three months. I’ll take this opportunity to point out that even the UN’s accreditation procedures for civil society representatives neither considers extended visa waiting times as relevant, nor does it offer invitation letters – a visa requirement for every western country within which UN conference centres are situated.

Many of these barriers to entry are not as invisible as many would have you believe but by characterising them as invisible it excuses the privileged (and those capable of lowering them) from having not noticed them in the first place.

As I write this, having received reports of “the striking lack of [diversity]” at the 2022 NPT RevCon, I can only imagine the accessibility implications of hosting TPNW 2MSP in New York in 2023 and I already dread the thought of having to go through the US visa hurdle, just so I can stay connected to the TPNW review cycle. For some of us, the Atlantic is not just a pond that can be skipped, it’s a bloody vast ocean.

The opinions articulated above represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the position of the European Leadership Network or all of its members. The ELN’s aim is to encourage debates that will help develop Europe’s capacity to address the pressing foreign, defence, and security policy challenges of our time.
In Ukraine's martyred Bucha, more victims are buried without a name

Agence France-Presse
August 19, 2022

In Ukraine’s martyred Bucha, more victims are buried without name © France 24

In March, during the early days of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, numerous atrocities were committed in small towns north of Kyiv – horrors that are still being documented today. In Bucha, an estimated 458 prisoners of war and civilians were slaughtered under Russian occupation, at least fifty of whom are yet to be identified.

The victims are now being buried in the local cemetery while the investigation into their identities continues. A truck arrives from the Bucha town morgue — inside, the remains of 20 unidentified bodies. It's the third such burial at the town cemetery in the last week. Father Andriy stands alone among the dead — there are no relatives here to mourn their passing. As they are lowered into the ground, he is here to ensure they will not be forgotten.

"It is very important for us to bury them with dignity, not just to bury them as bodies, but to bury them as people with the hope of resurrection from the dead," says the Orthodox priest.

Six months after the massacre in Bucha, the scene at the cemetery is the beginning of a process of closure. However, it won't be complete until every last body has been identified and the relatives informed
The war in Ukraine and the nuclear consequences of the new arms race

Carlos D. Sorreta |Former Philippine Ambassador to the Russian Federation

Commentary | 19 August 2022

The six months of Russia’s ‘special military action’ in Ukraine have produced many images of Russia’s military shortcomings. The image of a Ukrainian farmer and his tractor towing away a Russian armoured vehicle quickly turned viral. It morphed into dozens of memes that include one where the farmer and his tractor was towing away for scrap the stricken Moskva, the flagship of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet.

Throughout the conflict, we have been inundated with images of military blunders with equipment losses and Russian soldiers dead or in captivity. Russian armoured vehicles breaking down and falling by the wayside even before reaching the frontlines. Russian tanks destroyed by foot soldiers wielding man-portable weapons and drones. Russian aircraft being blown out of the sky by the same foot soldiers and their shoulder-fired missiles. Russian communications easily intercepted. Captured equipment once feared as highly technical and advanced, turning out to be packed with antiquated or even missing components. Russian soldiers stealing food, bulletproof vests, and even boots. Russian logistics struggling to keep their troops and supplies through mud and adverse conditions. Russian generals dying on the frontlines.

Another prevalent image, particularly in the early part of the conflict, was comparisons between the militaries of Russia and Ukraine, showing an immense advantage on the part of Russia. These images were accompanied by commentaries that Russia, with its vast number of troops and equipment, should have easily overrun Ukraine. Often left out of these analyses is the fact that in any armed conflict, it would be difficult for Russia to focus all its forces on one front. Though its military is massive, Russia is a huge country and must defend all its vast territory, which requires that the majority of its defensive forces must stay in place and cannot be brought to bear on a single front in any offensive capacity.

There is an inescapable conclusion from these qualitative and quantitative aspects of Russia’s military power: it is hardly capable of attacking and defeating NATO. It does not have the true offensive capability to challenge and defeat NATO, or even some of its individual members. Russia’s military capabilities, though formidable, are sufficient largely for its own defence to guard and secure its rather substantial territory. In 2021, Russia accounted for just 3.2% of world military spending. For the same year, the rest of NATO – excluding the US, the UK, France and Germany – already amounted to 8.3% of the world’s total. Combined with these four states, NATO collectively accounts for 57.1% of world defence spending.

In 2021, Russia accounted for just 3.2% of world military spending. For the same year, NATO collectively accounts for 57.1% of world defence spending. Carlos D. Sorreta
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Russia’s thinly stretched military could validate what it has been claiming all along: that its armed forces, huge and substantial though they may be, are for defensive purposes only. It has very little true offensive capability in terms of waging conventional war against NATO and having any hope of victory. What then is the reason for NATO’s very existence? If Russia is unable to defeat and conquer Ukraine, whose military power is below that of at least seven or eight individual NATO members, then how much of an existential threat is Russia to NATO and its members?

The Russian military failure could provide a historic opportunity to reassess the security situation in Europe. Hopefully, a narrative emerges where NATO realises – and acknowledges – the true limited military capabilities of Russia. Russia is not the Soviet Union with its Eastern Bloc. There is no longer a Warsaw Pact. Warsaw is now helping Ukraine wage war against Russia. Just as importantly, for this narrative to have any chance of success, Russia itself must take every effort to be less of a threat.

However, the narrative is heading in the opposite direction. NATO seems to have decided to ignore Russia’s diminished military capabilities and instead place its faith in stronger defence – a decision which will inevitably lead to a new conventional arms race and increased tensions. The emerging narrative is that NATO must increase its defence spending to build and produce more and better arms – whatever the outcome of the current conflict.

NATO seems to have decided to ignore Russia’s diminished military capabilities and instead place its faith in stronger defence – a decision which will inevitably lead to a new conventional arms race and increased tensions. Carlos D. Sorreta
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The question is, will Russia be able to keep up with NATO’s arms build-up?

As mentioned above, NATO collectively has more resources available for defence than Russia does. Though the reporting period covered by the IISS Military Balance 2022 indicates that much of the spending goes towards recapitalisation of airpower, improving readiness, and increasing capabilities for the Indo-Pacific, the conflict in Ukraine has led to the reprioritisation of resources to face the Russian threat, as evidenced by the German decision to commit 100 billion euros for its 2022 defence budget, almost double the 2021 budget. Russia would have to divert huge amounts of capital, source high technology, address the issue of corruption and redirect civilian industries in order to make up for its shortfalls in critical items like precision munitions and sustain the conflict. Though Russia reports that it has gained a budget surplus in January-July 2022, being able to spend that money may be a challenge due to the sanctions regime in place.

Trying to keep up with the West and its military spending is one of the reasons the Soviet Union no longer exists. This is a lesson that President Putin, who was there at its collapse and who had to pick up the pieces of a dismembered power, understood very well. There is a very real danger here. If Russia cannot keep up with the West’s conventional arms build-up, how can it feel truly secure? How can it match NATO’s military capabilities without defaulting on its debts? Although Russia could just try to spend more on its military industries (it has already spent double its planned spending in the first four months of 2022) heedless of long-term costs, doubts remain about whether it can sustain its forces. In the long-term, it seems possible that the only choice for Russia is to rely more heavily on its nuclear force, including tactical nuclear weapons. That choice might appear to Russia as the most cost-efficient way to match any NATO arms build-up.

This concern is reinforced by the fact that throughout the conflict, Russia has never hesitated to bring the spectre of nuclear weapons into the political discourse. This stance is consistent with its 2014 Military Doctrine, which states that: “The Russian Federation shall reserve the right to use nuclear weapons in response to the use of nuclear and other types of weapons of mass destruction against it and/or its allies, as well as in the event of aggression against the Russian Federation with the use of conventional weapons when the very existence of the state is in jeopardy.”

NATO’s leaders are certainly aware of this dire possibility. All their actions in support of Ukraine have been carefully calibrated to prevent an escalation as there is an unspoken fear of triggering a wider, and even a nuclear, conflict. While their rhetoric has been forceful, NATO leaders have gone to great lengths to emphasise that they will not intervene directly in the conflict and will limit their help to sanctions, specific weapons, development assistance, and intelligence. However, there are always those who only need the slightest excuse to push for unrestrained defence spending, and Russia’s armed action in Ukraine is certainly far from being slight.

This month, diplomats in nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation gather at the United Nations in New York for the 10th Review Conference of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. It is an important venue to influence the discourse on the possible nuclear consequences of NATO’s plans to dramatically increase defence spending. The continuous, unrestrained growth in defence spending promotes self-reinforcing “cycles of insecurity”, which will further negatively impact international security. The immediate priority for all parties involved in the conflict is to agree on terms for an effective ceasefire and find a workable diplomatic solution to the war.

The opinions articulated above represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Philippine Government, the European Leadership Network or all of its members. The ELN’s aim is to encourage debates that will help develop Europe’s capacity to address the pressing foreign, defence, and security policy challenges of our time.

Image: Wikimedia, Міністерство внутрішніх справ України