Why Iran is threatening a ground operation into Iraqi Kurdistan

Analysis:

 Iran has sought to blame external Kurdish groups for the wave of anti-government protests sweeping the country following the death of Jina Mahsa Amini.

Paul Iddon
18 October, 2022

Iran has threatened to launch a cross-border ground offensive into Iraqi Kurdistan against Iranian Kurdish opposition groups. The threats follow intensive artillery, drone, and missile strikes against these groups across the autonomous region.

On 8 October, Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) declared that the "armored and special forces units of the Islamic Republic of Iran's armed forces are ready to be deployed to free this region (Iraqi Kurdistan) of these evils forever".

Earlier in October, a senior Iraqi Kurdish official told Voice of America that "Iran has gathered forces near Kurdistan Region and through a delegation of Iraqi military officials, sent a message to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) that it may conduct a ground operation if forces of East Kurdistan (Iranian Kurdish fighters) do not evacuate the area".

"The Iranian regime has a vested interest to 'ethnicise' and 'securitise' the current events by portraying the unrest as having a secessionist character and driving a wedge between the Kurdish minority and broader Iranian society"

These threats are significant since they come in the wake of large-scale Iranian bombardments, the most serious being the 28 September attack that simultaneously struck targets belonging to the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK), and Komala in various parts of Iraqi Kurdistan.

The attacks killed 18 and injured at least 62, many of them civilians. They were the most significant Iranian attacks against Iraqi Kurdistan in years.

The deadly strikes coincided with the enormous demonstrations across Iran, ignited by the 16 September death of 22-year-old Iranian Kurdish woman Mahsa Amini, known as Jina Amini in Kurdish, in the custody of the country's so-called morality police. Tehran has sought to blame external Kurdish groups for this internal upheaval.

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"The IRGC and the Iranian regime at large have been adamant that Kurdish dissident groups based in Iraqi Kurdistan should be proclaimed as primary perpetrators in leading the country into chaos ever since the popular uprising began in Iran," Ceng Sagnic, Chief of Analysis of TAM-C Solutions, a multinational geopolitical intelligence and consultancy firm, told The New Arab.

"One could argue that the regime hopes to recondition public opinion on the protest movement by pointing the finger at Kurdish dissidents, disapproval of which is a common denominator for Iranians," he said.

"Airstrikes on KDPI positions last month did carry a similar message to Iranians while simultaneously delivering a threatening message to Kurdish groups," Sagnic added.

"Therefore, in my opinion, Iran's threats of cross-border operations against Kurdish groups serve the purpose and are serious threats."

The current protests in Iran mark the largest civil disobedience that the country has encountered since the early 1980s. [Getty]

Gunes Murat Tezcur, a professor at the University of Central Florida, where he holds the Jalal Talabani Endowed Chair, pointed out that even though most Iranian Kurds "feel double marginalised given the deprivation in their homelands as well as ethno-sectarian discrimination they experience," there is "no robust Kurdish insurgency confronting the Iranian regime".

Tezcur added that "the extant Kurdish parties are fragmented and lack strong military capacities".

One “partial exception” is the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK), which is essentially the Iranian wing of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). PJAK also maintains a presence in Iraqi Kurdistan but doesn't seem to have been targeted by Iran's recent strikes.

The PKK is unlikely "to activate their forces given the complicated web of interests they share with Iran in northern Syria (Rojava)," Tezcur said.

"The [Iranian] regime hopes to recondition public opinion on the protest movement by pointing the finger at Kurdish dissidents"

"Given this situation, the Iranian regime has a vested interest to 'ethnicise' and 'securitise' the current events by portraying the unrest as having a secessionist character and driving a wedge between the Kurdish minority and broader Iranian society," he added.

"That explains its aggressive posture vis-a-vis Kurdish dissent groups based in Iraqi Kurdistan," Tezcur pointed out. He added that it is unlikely that the Iranian regime would undertake a major ground offensive, but that “the US backing of the KRG will be a balancing factor in this regard".

While Iran could pose a serious military threat to these groups in Iraqi Kurdistan, a ground offensive also risks backfiring and destabilising Iran's western Kurdish frontier region.

"Iran has the capability to launch a major, ground-based military operation into Iraqi Kurdistan, supported by helicopters, drones, and short and intermediate-range missiles," Nicholas Heras, Director of Strategy and Innovation at the New Lines Institute, told The New Arab.

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"What the Iranians cannot afford, and what is playing into Iran's calculations, is that military activities inside Iraqi Kurdistan could metastasise into an armed insurgency among the Kurds in Iran," he said.

"The Iranians are already on the edge of a potential armed uprising in the Kurdish areas inside their country, and there runs the risk of inspiring a multi-front conflict with an invasion of Iraqi Kurdistan," Heras added.

The Iranian leadership is feeling "totally besieged right now" and are "sort of pre-emptively lashing out in all directions, with the KRI (Kurdistan Region of Iraq) taking a particularly heavy beating," Alex Almeida, an Iraq security analyst at the energy consultancy Horizon Client Access, pointed out.

"A limited cross-border incursion penetrating into the KRI is certainly possible," Almeida told The New Arab. "I wouldn't expect heavy armoured forces to be involved - that would be too big of an escalation and the terrain in the area is totally unsuitable."

Smoke billows following an Iranian cross-border attack in the area of Zargwez, where several exiled left-wing Iranian Kurdish parties maintain offices, around 15 kilometres from the Iraqi city of Sulaimaniyah on 28 September 2022. [Getty]

Almeida does, however, believe Iran might use "heliborne special forces along with drone and helicopter strikes" against these groups.

"The Iranians could pattern their cross-border ground strike on the grounds ops Turkey has been running along their border with Kurdistan since 2015, which have been pushing deeper and deeper into the KRI," he said.

"It also wouldn't surprise me if the Iranians conduct additional deep strikes inside Kurdistan during the coming weeks - the recent set of strikes already hit three separate target complexes, including Koya with over seventy tactical ballistic missiles and long-range drones, already making this Iran's biggest cross-border strike since the 1990s," he added.

Iranian cross-border operations into Iraqi Kurdistan have remained relatively "limited in their geographical scope since the late 1990s" because "Tehran wisely decided to avoid potential unwanted encounters with the US or other Western forces," Sagnic pointed out.

"Turkey's ongoing border violations and the US' inaction in the face of attacks orchestrated by Iran deep in KRG territories are factors that could encourage Tehran to take such unprecedented and drastic action"

"That being said, playing a sensitive game of maintaining political influence in Iraq while conducting cross-border operations, Iran often refrained from severing relations with the KRG and Baghdad by keeping the scope of its operations limited," he said.

However, that could all change since the current protests mark the largest civil disobedience that Iran has encountered since the early 1980s.

"As drastic moments require drastic actions, Iran's possible cross-border incursions may manifest as unprecedented as the current uprising was," Sagnic said. "One should also note that Turkey's ongoing border violations and the US' inaction in the face of attacks orchestrated by Iran deep in KRG territories are factors that could encourage Tehran to take such unprecedented and drastic actions as it seeks a way out of this crisis."

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Without US intervention, there is little any Iraqi party or armed force, including the KRG, could do so long as Iran still has the upper hand in Iraqi politics and security.

"Iran's possible cross-border incursions are likely to remain limited to the countryside and away from major cities in a similar fashion to Turkey's," Sagnic said. "The Iraqi Kurdish government and its components would avoid conflict with Iran as long as no direct threats are posed to Erbil, Sulaymaniyah or Dohuk," he added.

"In a doomsday scenario, Kurdish forces in Iraq should be expected to outsource encountering Iran to the US and Baghdad as it will be far beyond their military and diplomatic capabilities."

Paul Iddon is a freelance journalist based in Erbil, Iraqi Kurdistan, who writes about Middle East affairs.

Follow him on Twitter: @pauliddon

Forced ethnic displacement in Afghanistan: Talibanisation or a continuation of social engineering?

Natiq Malikzada
18 October, 2022

The Taliban's return to power has intensified efforts to make the country more ethnically homogenous. But this trend is not new and is reflective of the Pashtun's continued demographic and political dominance in the embattled state.

On 15 August 2021, the Taliban usurped power in Afghanistan.

This violent seizure of power was followed by the creation of a non-inclusive – both ethnically and gender-wise – government.

Now, it has been over a year since the establishment of the Taliban’s ‘Islamic Emirate’ but, to date, no country has recognised it as the legitimate government of the country.

But for the people of Afghanistan, the legitimacy, and exclusivity of the Taliban's government is not the primary concern. Rather, there are dozens of illegal matters that the Taliban exercise daily to suppress non-Pashtun ethnic groups.

"The Taliban are not only facilitating settlements of Pashtuns and their supporters from within Afghanistan but they are also helping Pashtuns from the other side of the Durand line – from Pakistan – to usurp lands of other ethnic groups in the country"

One of the major concerns is the intensification of land grabbing and forced displacement of non-Pashtun ethnic groups from their ancestral lands, replaced by the Pashtun tribes sympathetic to the Taliban.

Forceful land grabbing and forced displacement is not a novel phenomenon in Afghanistan. This brutal strategy dates back to Afghanistan’s Pashtun monarchy as part of their nation-building effort.

For centuries, the Pashtun Kings grabbed lands of non-Pashtun ethnic groups forcefully and redistributed them among their loyalists – mainly Pashtuns.

A Pashtun bride wearing a traditional costume for her marriage is pictured inside a beauty parlour in Kabul [Getty Images]

Until 1885, the Pashtun tribes from eastern and southern parts of Afghanistan were relocated to northern and central parts of the country as punishment, but King Amir Abd Ur Rahman started relocating Pashtun tribes from the south and southeast parts of Afghanistan to the north, northeast, west, and central parts of the country for political and economic purposes.

The political objectives behind these forced displacement policies were to dilute the populations of Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras through the 'Pashtunization' of the north, west and centre of Afghanistan. Pashtun rulers wanted to effectively control those parts of the country through their loyalists which, due to its many marginalized non-Pashtun populations, were at odds with the central government. And the economic motive was to benefit the Pashtun settlers through the provision of fertile lands in the north and central parts of the country.



In 1922, King Amanullah Khan institutionalized the policy by issuing ‘The Settlers to Qataghan Act’. The policy of forced displacement remains intact from 1885 until the end of the monarchy in 1973.

As a consequence of this biased policy, the Pashtun population rose significantly into the lands of Tajiks, Uzbeks and Hazaras in northern, western, and central parts of the country, where many of the residents of latter ethnicities were forced to leave their lands and migrate into the neighbouring countries.

It can be argued the same policies continued during Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani's rule under the guise of repatriation and returnee policies funded by the international community.

Afghanistan Land Authority (ARAZI) was identifying land to be distributed to ‘returnees’ mostly from Pakistan. But this was not as intense as it was before.


"By June 2022, the United Nations estimated that the number of internally displaced [in Afghanistan] had grown to more than 820,000"

The Taliban – a Pashtun militant group – has once again intensified settling the Pashtun population in non-Pashtun lands of the country.

Amnesty International in one of its reports revealed that “within weeks of the Taliban taking power, non-Pashtun began being forcibly evicted from their homes and farms so that the Taliban could reward their followers with land taken from other groups, particularly Hazaras, Turkmen, and Uzbeks. These forced evictions were reported across the country, including in Balkh, Helmand, Daikundi, Kandahar, and Uruzgan provinces, contributing to already huge numbers of internally displaced people.”

Halim Hussaini – a Hazara resident of the Gizab district of Uruzgan – is one of the victims of forced evictions. He narrated the distressful event in an exclusive interview with The New Arab.

“After the Taliban rose to power, we were informed by the local government that we had to surrender all our lands and properties to the Taliban within a week as they now belong to the Islamic Emirate," he revealed. "A week later, the Taliban forces came to our district, attacked people's homes, and beat every man, woman, and child. We tried to stop them but to no avail. Finally, we all were kicked out of our homes.”



Halim’s family are not the only one to leave their home. Hundreds of Tajik, Uzbek, and Hazara families met the same fate. These unfortunate displaced families lived terrible life for they were left with no shelter to spend during the approaching harsh winter.

“Along with thirty to forty other displaced families, we took refuge in a mountain with dozens of children, women, and elderly people accompanying us. We stayed in the mountains for more than three months, without food or water. For several nights, our children slept hungrily. After three months, some of our relatives called us and offered our family a place to live in Kabul,” Halim added.

Though Halim's family was rescued by their relatives those without any external help continue to suffer.

Afghani boys from the Pashtun tribe react to a Western photographer 

[Getty Images]

The Taliban are not only facilitating settlements of Pashtuns and their supporters from within Afghanistan but they are also helping Pashtuns from the other side of the Durand line – from Pakistan – to usurp lands of other ethnic groups in the country.

For instance, Taliban authorities are helping Pashtun nomads from North Waziristan of Pakistan to grab the lands of sedentary people in the Takhar province.

Besides facilitating Pakistani nomads, the Taliban has also helped nomads from south and eastern Afghanistan to settle in Takhar, a northern province.

Shogufa, a Tajik, is one of the victims of nomads’ land usurpation. She is a widow with three daughters and a toddler son. This unfortunate family of five had a house in Lala Zar Village of district Khwaja Bahauddin, Takhar, which was snatched by the Pashtun nomads with help of the Taliban.

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“Three months ago, Kuchis (nomads) with the Taliban came and directed the villagers to leave the village within a week," she tells The New Arab. "After a week, the Kuchis came back with a letter from the Taliban authorities. In the letter, the Taliban once again directed the villagers to evacuate the entire village. And after another week, the Kuchis along with the Taliban came and tortured the villagers. After witnessing the torture, I left my house as I was not having any male guardian to protect my children.”

Shogufa left her home and shifted to Rustaq – Takhar's Capital – to her relatives' house. But many villagers and other residents of Takhar province are still struggling against this illegal settlement of nomads in their native lands.

By June 2022, the United Nations estimated that the number of internally displaced had grown to more than 820,000.

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The apparent purpose of these forced evictions may be to dilute armed resistance against the Taliban and have an absolute Pashtun government in the northern regions and other non-Pashtun areas.

Moreover, this forced displacement will also help the Taliban to pursue the Pashtunization policy of the state with little or no resistance in the future.

Afghanistan is a country of minorities. Though not all Pashtuns agree with the Taliban policies, the Taliban are an absolutist Pashtun group, and they have taken a dangerous step by resuming the forced eviction of non-Pashtun and uprooting their communities.

Other ethnicities that make up more than 60% of the country's population have a bitter memory of forced displacements.

The fresh wave of forced evictions by the Taliban for side-lining 60% of Afghanistan's population will surely draw an intense reaction from non-Pashtun groups. And any such reaction will prove detrimental to Afghanistan's territorial integrity and indeed to peaceful coexistence between the diverse communities.

Natiq Malikzada is a freelance journalist and holds a master’s degree in International Relations and Middle Eastern Affairs.

Follow him on Twitter: @natiqmalikzada

When the pen is mightier than the sword: Supporting Iran's feminist uprising through art

Alessandra Bajec
18 October, 2022

On an unprecedented scale, the feminist-led Iranian uprisings have galvanised Iranian public opinion like never before. To ensure that the protests continue in momentum, artists in Iran and in the diaspora are using their pens to take down the sword.

As protests sweep across Iran for more than four weeks, Iranian artists are finding inspiration to create work in support of the women-led movement.

When Iranian women started to rise up following the shocking death of 22-year-old Jina (Mahsa) Amini in custody, Forouzan Safari, a Los Angeles-based animator and illustrator, rejoiced in seeing her countryfolk protest against her country's strict hijab rules.

“We’ve been waiting for this for a long time,” the digital artist told The New Arab. “A couple of years ago, I was drawing images of Iran imagining a free, democratic nation where women were free to wear (or not) the headscarf,” hinting that both Iranian men and women had rebelled against their clerical leaders many times in the past but had been crushed each time.

"Using art to bring attention to the Iranian people’s struggle for freedom is fundamental as it keeps the conversation going and allows ideas to be exchanged"

When Forouzan draws about Iranian society, she wishes to counter widespread perceptions that the Iranian people and the clerical establishment are on the same page.

After moving to the US nine years ago after a long ordeal to leave Iran, Forouzan has since established herself as a prominent digital creator, with her main inspirations sourced from Iranian social media.

One of her creations is dedicated to Minoo Majidi, who was shot by security forces during a protest on 20 September in the Kurdish city of Kermanshah in north-western Iran.

Readapting a striking image that has gone viral on Iranian social media channels, it shows one of Majidi's daughters standing on Azadi (Freedom) Square, in Tehran, unveiled and holding in both hands the long locks of hair she cut from her head, dressed in black with a white scarf around her neck.

Forouzan Safari's artistic tribute to Mahsa Amini 

[photo credit: Forouzan Safari]

Two days after Amini’s death, Forouzan paid tribute to the young Kurdish woman in a picture which was altered so to show the girl holding a bottle of water with her eyes closed and her body burning to represent the last moments of her life.

Well before protests hit Iran last month, Safari was picturing her fellow citizens, especially females, revolting against the Islamic Republic regime.

In one piece Forouzan drew women bareheaded, in black bodysuits, standing in front of Tehran’s iconic Azadi Tower – associated with freedom from the regime after the 1979 revolution. Her wish was to see someday Iranian women out in public raising their voices.

“This is happening today," the artist said. “It’s so heart-warming to see my dreams being materialised."

For Forouzan, using art to bring attention to the Iranian people’s struggle for freedom is fundamental as it keeps the conversation going and allows ideas to be exchanged. “This revolution is really powerful. We artists naturally got inspired and keep creating,” the animator added. “We can produce so much more now thanks to the digital age we live in.”

Demonstrations across Iran have raged for a month since Mahsa died after being detained by Iran’s “morality police” for not wearing the mandatory headscarf properly. The ongoing wave of anger has seen women at the forefront taking off and burning their hijabs, cutting their hair, and shouting slogans against the regime in an act of unprecedented defiance.

These weeks of unrest have seen a flow of protest art coming out of Iran and by Iranian artists in the diaspora.

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Touraj Saberivand, a design strategist who runs his own company in Tehran, was prompted by the tragic incident to put his skills to work. He has made use of images from Persian book paintings to blend traditional images with contemporary visuals, inviting viewers to reflect on Iran’s history.

Pointing to his work, Touraj explained that one sketch, made in the first week of protests, uses a viral news image of a masked woman protester on top of a car during one rally in Tehran, with her hair uncovered, raising one hand in the peace sign and the other displaying a stick that holds her headscarf set on fire, surrounded by images of demons from old texts.

In another sketch, a small broken mirror appears in the middle reflecting ancient images of Persian warriors holding spears who are positioned all around.

Using ancient Persian portraits, Touraj Saberivand's artwork holds the current Iranian establishment accountable for its brutality 

[photo credit: Touraj Saberivand]

Depicting women and men in his artworks, he noted that the main message to take away is that “the movement” matters. “This is an important moment in the history of feminism with men and women fighting together for women's liberation,” the graphic designer told The New Arab.

Earlier in July, he posted online a portrayal representing Vida Movahed, known as “The Girl of Enghelab Street”, who, in December 2017, stood on an electricity box in the centre of Tehran without a veil.

Photos of the young woman ​holding out her white scarf to a stick in protest of Iran’s compulsory hijab law went around the world then. The piece illustrates Movahed in her well-known pose, surrounded by Persian horsemen knights carrying swords, bows and arrows.

"Art should trigger people’s minds and raise questions,” Saberivand argued. His sketch of Vida Movahed came out at a time of increasing pressure over hijab compliance from Iranian authorities and much discussion generated by women’s rights campaigners and social-network activists.

“Artists are playing a vital role in the current uprisings," he said.

'Zan, Zindagi, Azadi' by Rashid Rahnama 

[photo credit: Rashid Rahnama]

Despite the Iranian government’s widespread Internet blackouts and frequent blocking of social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, a number of artists inside the country have been able to stay digitally active by using VPN connections and continue to support the protest movement by sharing their pieces, even anonymously.

Many of them have turned to existing symbols of protest and freedom to express their solidarity.

Iran-based graphic designer Rashid Rahnama created a digital piece inspired by the protest slogan in Persian “Zan, Zindagi, Azadi” (or “Woman, life, freedom”) with hair filing the letters and in the background to send the message that women have the right to choose to cover their hair or not.

He also produced a graphic with the statement “All women have the right to be free” before the uprising, which he posted on Instagram after the street rallies began.

“As artists, we are creating work in solidarity with our people to keep the movement alive,” the graphic designer told The New Arab.

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Following the police crackdown on protesting students at Sharif University two weeks ago, Iranian theatre director Bahrām Beyzāêi wrote a poem supporting the student rally.

Rahnama took one of the poem’s verses, translating to “Iran’s mother has risen. She asked to get her country back from the demons” and turned it into a typographic post which he then shared on his Instagram account. “I’m using my art as a tool to show the world what’s going on.”

The artist also recently posted a graphic made from a line from a song by popular Iranian singer Dariush which translates to: “We have not lived how we want so we are not afraid of dying anymore.”

The Iranians’ artistic production in the past month has witnessed an abundance of protest artworks.

Among them, an anonymous artist turned several public fountains across Tehran red, last week to reflect the Iranian regime’s crackdown on the demonstrators.

Bahadur Hadizadeh created an animation of Tehran’s Azadi Tower adorned by dark hair blowing in the wind, in solidarity with Iranian women.

Meanwhile, New York-based prominent artist Shirin Neshat unveiled a digital art piece in London’s Piccadilly Circus and Los Angeles’ West Hollywood, highlighting Iran's deteriorating human rights situation.

Alessandra Bajec is a freelance journalist currently based in Tunis.

Follow her on Twitter: @AlessandraBajec

Sudan protester shot dead as coup anniversary looms

An anti-government protester has been shot dead by security forces in Sudan, reportedly the first since August

The New Arab Staff & Agencies
23 October, 2022

118 demonstrators have been killed over the past year by security forces in Sudan 

[Getty/archive]

Security forces shot dead a protester in Sudan's capital on Sunday, medics said, two days ahead of the first anniversary of a military coup that derailed the country's transition to civilian rule.

The latest death - the first of a protester since August 31 - brings to 118 the number of demonstrators killed over the past year, according to the Central Committee of Sudan Doctors.

The demonstrator was killed "by a bullet fired by the security forces," the committee said.

Tuesday marks one year since the October 25 coup led by army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, a year marked by near-weekly anti-coup rallies and a crackdown on protests by the authorities.

The coup upended a transition to civilian rule that was launched after the 2019 ouster of strongman Omar al-Bashir, who ruled the northeast African country for three decades.

In July, Burhan pledged in a televised address to step aside and make way for Sudanese factions to agree on a civilian government.

However, civilian leaders dismissed his move as a "ruse".

Pro-democracy protesters have since held fast to their rallying cry of "no negotiation, no partnership" with the military, and have pledged a show of force for Tuesday's anniversary.

On Friday, thousands of people took to city streets across Sudan to demand a return to civilian rule in one of the world's poorest countries as it sinks even further into political and economic crisis.

Despite international mediators trying to get the army and civilian factions to negotiate, no end seems in sight to the impasse.

The economic situation is only getting worse, with three-digit inflation and a third of the country's 45 million people suffering from food shortages.

Moroccans protest against cost of living crisis

The New Arab Staff & Agencies
23 October, 2022

Protesters in Morocco rallied outside parliament over the country's worsening cost of living crisis

The rally outside parliament came after several protests already this week across Morocco [Getty]

A trade union close to the main Moroccan Islamist party on Sunday mobilised several hundred supporters in the capital to protest against the high cost of living.

The rally, outside parliament and witnessed by AFP journalists, came after several protests already this week in Rabat and other Moroccan cities.

It was organised by the country's main trade union, the UNTM, which is close to the Justice and Development Party (PJD).

The PJD was routed in legislative elections in September 2021, when the liberal RNI party - led by Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch - performed well.

"Prices are rising and the government is asleep!" protesters chanted, before dispersing peacefully after about 90 minutes.

Consumer price inflation was 8.3 percent year-on-year in September, due in large part to surging food prices, which were up 14.7 percent.

Fuel prices have also risen sharply, making Akhannouch a particular target of ire, given that he is a billionaire local oil distribution baron.

Airline hired for UK’s Rwanda deportations pulls out of scheme

Exclusive: Privilege Style causes problem for Home Office as it bows to pressure from campaigners

A Spanish-registered Privilege Style Boeing 767 at Boscombe Down, Wiltshire, in June when it was due to take seven asylum seekers to Rwanda. 

Photograph: Anadolu Agency/Getty Images


Rajeev Syal 

Home affairs editor

THE GUARDIAN

Fri 21 Oct 2022

A charter airline hired to remove people seeking refuge in the UK to Rwanda has pulled out of the scheme after pressure from campaigners.

A plane operated by Privilege Style first attempted to fly asylum seekers to the east African country in June but was grounded by an 11th hour ruling by the European court of human rights.

The Mallorca-based carrier had become known as the UK government’s “airline of last resort” for its willingness to conduct deportation flights that other airlines refused.

But after an email campaign by torture survivors and refugee organisations, Privilege Style has said it will no longer operate flights to Rwanda.

The development will leave the UK government in a fix. Two other charter airlines that previously conducted deportation flights, Titan Airways and AirTanker, have already ruled themselves out of the scheme.

In a letter to the charity Freedom from Torture, which has led the campaign under the hashtag #StopTheFlights, Privilege Style said it “hereby wishes to communicate the following: that it will not operate flights to Rwanda in the future. That it has never flown to Rwanda since the one flight scheduled for June 2022 (which is the reason for this controversy) was suspended.”

The UK signed a £120m deal with the Rwandan government in April to outsource the UK’s asylum system as it sought to find a solution to a growing number of refugees entering the UK via small boats in the Channel.

The deal meant people who had arrived in the UK by irregular means, such as by small boat, could be forced on to charter planes and flown to the east African country.

It was criticised by human rights organisations because of Rwanda’s record as an authoritarian state that repeatedly imprisons, tortures and murders alleged political opponents.

Privilege Style’s statement followed an escalation in public protests against it by campaigners. Last week, activists from Freedom from Torture presented the firm with “worst airline of the year” award at the carrier’s headquarters in Palma in front of the media.

According to the carrier, its VIP customers include several Spanish companies and top Spanish football clubs.

Campaigners targeted Privilege Style outside the Real Madrid v Barcelona match last week in Madrid, holding banners reading: “Don’t fly with Privilege Style while they profit from refugees’ pain.”

No flights have taken off yet to Rwanda because of legal challenges in the high court.

On 14 June, a Privilege Style Boeing 767 was due to take seven asylum seekers to Kigali from a military airport at Boscombe Down, Wiltshire. The day before it had taken tourists from Tenerife, Spain, to Düsseldorf.



But the flight, which cost the UK taxpayer about £500,000, was cancelled at the last minute following a decision by the European court.

Liz Truss, the outgoing prime minister, had pledged to continue the scheme. Candidates considering running to be prime minister – including Rishi Sunak, Penny Mordaunt and Boris Johnson – are expected to support the deportations.

Last month, a detailed review by the charity Medical Justice found many asylum seekers threatened with removal to Rwanda may have been tortured or trafficked into the UK.

Kolbassia Haoussou, a torture survivor and a director at Freedom from Torture, said: “This is a victory for people power – for thousands who took action and for the torture survivors who stood up against the UK government’s cruel ‘cash for humans’ Rwanda scheme.

“When I fled torture and persecution in central Africa, the UK gave me sanctuary and a chance to rebuild my life. It breaks my heart to see the government turning their back on people like me in their hour of need, and that private companies are profiting from their suffering.

“Privilege Style’s decision to no longer fly torture survivors to Rwanda sends a message to the aviation industry: if you try and cash in on the pain of refugees, you will be held to account.”

A Home Office spokesperson said: “We remain committed to our world-leading Migration Partnership with Rwanda, which will see those who come to the UK through dangerous, illegal and unnecessary routes relocated to Rwanda to rebuild their lives there.

“Rwanda is a safe and secure country with a strong track record of supporting asylum seekers and we will continue to robustly defend the partnership in the courts. We do not comment on operational matters.”

GEMOLOGY

AUSTRALIA

Rains reveal 834-carat sapphire the size of 'small child's fist' in Queensland Gemfields

ABC Capricornia / By Jasmine Hines
Posted Yesterday 

Matt Betteridge recorded his find on video.

(Supplied: Betteridge Sapphires)

Matt Betteridge was on an evening walk when his eye caught a "glimmer sticking out of the dirt".

Key points:

Matt Betteridge found an 834-carat sapphire while specking in the central Queensland Gemfields


Gem hunters often look for stones after rain because it washes away some of the topsoil


The Gemmological Association of Australia said keeping the stone in one piece could make it more valuable

He quickly learnt it was not a random rock but a sparkling sapphire the size of a "small child's fist".

"The rain unearthed it that little bit … I thought it was going to be an average-sized stone until I couldn't pull it out," Mr Betteridge said.

"It seemed very heavy, popped out a nice ball, like a small child's fist, but very heavy like a lump of lead."

Mr Betteridge found the stone about 100 metres from the mining claim he lives on at the Reward fossicking land near Rubyvale in Queensland's Gemfields.

The region is one of the largest sapphire-bearing areas in the world.

Mr Betteridge found it late last month while out specking, the practice of walking around scanning the ground for stones.

After getting it valued, he realised it was an 834-carat sapphire, which he described as "very, very rare".

Footage of Mr Betteridge finding the sapphire, and repeating the term "holy dooley" in surprise, had by Saturday amassed more than 260,000 views on TikTok .

Matt and Amber Betteridge moved their family from the Burdekin to the Gemfields last year.

(ABC Capricornia: Erin Semmler)
Rain unearths gems

Gem hunters believe they have a better chance specking after rain because it washes away some topsoil.

The Central Highlands and Coalfields region has been inundated in recent days, with widespread rain and flash flooding hitting some communities.

Mr Betteridge was pleasantly surprised by the find. (Supplied: Matt Betteridge)

The Bureau of Meteorology (BOM) said it recorded 194 millimetres of rain in Sapphire from October 16 to October 21.

Rubyvale recorded 182mm during the same period.

BOM said Rubyvale and Sapphire broke 13-year records for the amount of rainfall they received in the 24 hours to 9am on Wednesday.

Mr Betteridge said that, while Reward was only accessible by 4WD, people were still out searching for sapphires after the rain.


"All the speckers are out covering ground, even in-between the showers," he said.
Stone to be retained

Mr Betteridge sent the stone to a local gem cutter for an approximate valuation.

It is estimated to be worth $12,500.

While it contained some crystal that could be cut into jewellery, Mr Betteridge was keeping the stone in one piece to display its full size.

Matt Betteridge mines precious gems on his claim in the Gemfields with his wife and son.

(ABC Capricornia: Erin Semmler)

The Gemmological Association of Australia's Helen Levonis, a jewellery valuer, said collectors often avoided cutting into large stones to produce smaller sapphires.

She said receiving anything more than a five-carat gemstone, "which is only a gram", was very rare in sapphires.

"When you get something … like an 830-carat sapphire, that's phenomenal," Ms Levonis said.

She said it would be a "shame" to cut it up.

"It could have far more value as the crystal than it will as cut-up pieces of sapphire," Ms Levonis said.

Ms Levonis said people were increasingly interested in conserving specimens like Mr Betteridge's stone.

"These sapphires grew hundreds of thousands of years ago," she said.

"There are no more coming … and we need to respect that when you see something that's 800 carat."
'Try your luck'

Mr Betteridge said the stone would be kept as a family heirloom and would be displayed during the region's annual Festival of Gems.

Mr Betteridge previously found this parti sapphire while specking.

(Supplied: Betteridge Sapphires)

He also encouraged others interested in gem-hunting to visit the Gemfields.

"It was found on general fossicking grounds … everyone can have a go," Mr Betteridge said.

"Grab a fossicking ticket and camping permit and try your luck."

 

Queensland Gemfields communities in limbo 10 months on from mining moratorium

ABC Capricornia / By Jasmine Hines and Erin Semmler

Posted Fri 30 Sep 2022

Amber and Matt Betteridge quit their jobs and packed up their lives to mine, cut and sell precious stones in central Queensland's Gemfields.

They set up a business on a small piece of land in 2021 and went about hand mining sapphires with a pick and shovel.

But six weeks later, the state government announced a 12-month ban on new small-scale mining claims as part of the draft Queensland Resources Industry Development Plan (QRIDP) – meaning the Betteridge's could not explore further afield.

"I left a quite high-level job to come out here and do this for a living and then the rug was pulled out from under our feet with that," Ms Betteridge said.

Mr Betteridge mines precious gems on his claim in The Gemfields.

(ABC Capricornia: Erin Semmler)

What is the mining moratorium?

The November 2021 suspension was part of a Queensland Government proposal to remove mining claims from the Mineral Resources Act (1989) to introduce "a more effective" regulatory system for small-scale mining.

While the moratorium continues, no new mining claim applications are being processed but existing claims are still operating.

For The Gemfields, one of the largest sapphire-bearing areas in the world, an ongoing ban could have devastating impacts on the economy, culture and history of their towns, according to the Rubyvale Progress Association.

The Gemfields is one of the largest sapphire bearing areas in the world.

(ABC Capricornia: Erin Semmler)

The state government has given no guarantee the ban will lift in November, and miners who rely on the industry said they still feel in the dark about their future.

"It's been a difficult time because we don't actually know how long we can live in this lifestyle for and we gave everything up to come out here and do it," Ms Betteridge said.

While the relaxing atmosphere of the Gemfields has been a welcome change from their busy north Queensland lifestyle, the Betteridge family is frustrated their plans to expand have been halted.

"Nothing can happen now," Mr Betteridge said.

Mr and Mrs Betteridge moved their family from the Burdekin to The Gemfields in 2021.(ABC Capricornia: Erin Semmler)

A Queensland Government spokesman said it had "consulted extensively" since the moratorium was introduced but a decision on whether it will continue "has not yet been made".

"While the government continues to refine options for small-scale mining reform, the moratorium will remain in place," it said.

If a decision is made to change legislation, it said options "may" be presented on paper in 2023 for public consultation.

Murray Ungerer says the 12-month mining moratorium has "thrown fear into the community". (ABC Capricornia: Erin Semmler)

An uncertain community

Hand miner Murray Ungerer pegged his first claim in the region in 1986.

"[The temporary ban] has thrown a bit of fear into the community, we don't know where it's going with this," he said.

Last year, the Queensland Sapphire Miners Association said many thought the moratorium was introduced to crack down on people living on claims without mining them.

"At the moment we've got a major housing crisis, and a rental crisis, so to come in and say, 'Everyone go' – that's just not going to happen," Mr Ungerer said.

A Department of Resources spokesman said it had looked at more than 200 written submissions and met with several small-scale mining associations since the moratorium was introduced.

Mr Ungerer pegged his first mining claim in 1986. (ABC Capricornia: Erin Semmler)

It has committed $200,000 to a planning study with the Central Highlands Regional Council.

"The department is currently finalising its next steps and will provide further advice to the small-scale mining sector, and the communities that host them, in the coming months," he said.

Rubyvale Progress Association vice president Mitchell Brown said he understood changes needed to be made to ensure miners were fulfilling the obligations of their resource authority.

"There's nothing wrong with putting in some things in our framework to help enhance what we're doing, not diminish it," he said.

"They probably are realising now that they may have completely underestimated how much we value this lifestyle and protecting small scale mining."

Mr Brown wrote a submission to the state government on behalf of the Rubyvale Progress Association.(ABC Capricornia: Erin Semmler)

'Living mining culture'

Mr Ungerer said a decision to remove small scale mining claims from the Act would have dire consequences.

"If we do that, a mining lease, that still puts us in the same as oil and gas and petroleum and everything else," Mr Ungerer said.

"That would be absolutely cost prohibitive to any of these people and people would just leave in droves because they just couldn't afford to be here any longer.

"They need to come up with some sort of a tenure arrangement where it allows us security as to where we live, and to keep on mining."

Mr Ungerer hand mines precious gemstones in Queensland's Central Highlands.

(ABC Capricornia: Erin Semmler)

Mr Brown is hopeful the outcome will consider all the communities' concerns.

"We're working very hard to make sure that our voices get heard to protect our way of life here, it's so important," he said.

"In Australia we have historic mining towns and the tourism associated with that – this is living mining culture right now and if it's done right we can continue that for hundreds of years."

AUSTRALIA
CSIRO accused of failing to disclose GISERA gas industry links in fracking information

 sheets

By Jack Hislop

TODAY

ABC.NET.AU

Research division GISERA receives one third of its funding from gas companies, including Santos and Origin Energy.

The CSIRO is being accused of failing to disclose that fracking information sheets for Indigenous communities were written by one of its research division's partially funded by gas companies.

Key points:

An inquiry recommended "independent" information about fracking be distributed to affected Indigenous communities


Although stamped with a CSIRO logo, the information sheets were authored by a section of the science agency partially funded by gas companies


Language used in the information sheets about climate change has been edited following concerns about its accuracy

Information included a statement that methane "may play a role" in climate change, which independent Senator David Pocock said was "straight out of the fossil fuel industry misinformation guide".

A moratorium on fracking in the Northern Territory was lifted in 2018 and, since then, information about the extraction process has been distributed to affected Aboriginal communities.

That information was included in a series of documents with the peak science agency’s logo on top, and translated by the Northern Territory government’s Aboriginal Interpreter Service into audio files in traditional languages.

However, a search of data embedded in the online versions of the information sheets showed they were drafted by a section of the CSIRO, called the Gas Industry Social and Environment Alliance (GISERA).

Gas companies are ramping up exploratory drilling in the Beetaloo Basin, about 500 kilometres south-east of Darwin.(ABC News: Hamish Harty)

Inquiry recommended 'independent' fracking information

GISERA receives one third of its funding from gas companies, including Santos and Origin Energy, with the remainder sourced from governments and the CSIRO itself.

Is Australia emitting a huge undisclosed cloud of methane?

Satellite imagery is raising questions over whether Australia has been accurately reporting its emissions to international bodies.


While the GISERA website discloses its funding sources, the information sheets make no reference to the alliance.

Senator Pocock told the ABC he would raise the issue in senate estimates.

"The CSIRO is basically pimping themselves out to the gas industry," he said.

Senator Pocock said the issue was part of a wider debate the country needed to consider.

"Should we be allowing fossil fuel companies to use the extraordinary profits that they're making … to fund sponsorships, to use that money to influence politics?

"And, in this instance, to influence our peak science body, which we should be able to have full trust in the work that they're doing."

The fact sheets were developed as part of the Northern Territory government's commitment to adopt all 135 recommendations of an independent inquiry into fracking in 2018.

One of those recommendations stated that "an independent, third-party" develops "trusted and accurate information" for Indigenous communities, whose land lies over gas deposits.

David Pocock has accused the CSIRO of "pimping themselves out to the gas industry".(ABC: Australian Story/Matt Roberts )

CSIRO stands by independence of documents

The CSIRO confirmed the documents were prepared by GISERA but said the research division had "strict governance arrangements to ensure the independence and integrity" of all its work.

Senator Pocock said he was concerned about language used in one of the documents, relating to a sentence which, until earlier this month, stated that methane "may play a role" in climate change.

"To see that language on a CSIRO letterhead is really disappointing and troubling,” Pocock said.

“[I’m] very concerned, if this is the kind of independent third-party information that First Nations communities are receiving, we've got to seriously look into this and rethink how this is being done.”

The Beetaloo Basin sits near cattle country and Indigenous land.

(ABC News: Hamish Harty)
Methane comment an 'error' not picked up in review

In a response to questions, the CSIRO said the sentence about methane was "an error not picked up in the review process" and was rectified on October 11 this year.

CSIRO fracking research 'doesn't pass the pub test'

The CSIRO is accused of having a conflict of interest after releasing a report on coal seam gas that says fracking has little-to-no impact on the environment, while critics also question the sample size and location of sites studied.


"It should have stated that methane is a greenhouse gas and plays a role in climate change," a spokesperson said.

The CSIRO also said the audio files were not translated word-for-word from the information sheets.

Instead, the information sheets were first adapted into a "plain English" version, before being translated into First Nations languages.

In relation to the document in question, the CSIRO said the "plain English" version stated: "Methane gas is a greenhouse gas. Like carbon dioxide. It can make the earth too warm. This is what they call climate change."

The Australian Petroleum Production and Exploration Association — which represents the gas industry — told the ABC it was not involved in the scripting or production of the information sheets.

The Northern Territory government told the ABC that, since 2021, information about fracking has been delivered through the CSIRO's Darwin Branch and not through Brisbane-based GISERA.

'Renting out the CSIRO brand'

The details about GISERA's involvement in the information sheets comes as companies ramp-up exploratory drilling in the Beetaloo Basin, about 500 kilometres south-east of Darwin.

Marion Scrymgour, the Labor Member for Lingiari — a federal seat that covers the Beetaloo Basin — said information given to Indigenous communities should not have any links back to the fracking sector.

Marion Scrymgour says the gas industry shouldn't influence fracking information provided to Indigenous people.

(ABC News: Xavier Martin)

"I do not support the gas industry influencing information that will help traditional owners and Native Title holders make informed decisions about their country," Ms Scrymgour told the ABC.

She said she was notified of the information sheet "error" earlier this month.


"This did concern me, and I raised this with the Minister for Science Ed Husic. It was great to see this quickly rectified," Ms Scrymgour said.

Earlier this month, Mr Husic voiced his own concerns about gas companies trying to use the CSIRO to support their claims of reducing their impacts on the climate.

"I do wonder why we need to have gas firms renting out the brand — [for] CSIRO to do decarbonisation work — that I'm sure they could get a lot of others to do."
Posted 4h ago4 hours ago, updated 2h ago

AUSTRALIA (APPLIES TO CANADA TOO) Census reveals migrants tend to be more highly educated. So why do they find it harder to land jobs?

By Tracey Shelton
abc.net.au

Amin Niazai was a leading forest ecology and climate change scientist from Afghanistan but in Australia, he is forced to work as an intern. (Supplied)

Few people have a CV as impressive as Amin Niazai.

Key points:New census data reveals that migrants have an average higher level of education than people born in Australia
Many migrants struggle to find work or are employed well below their education levels
Skilled professional migrant training courses are not widely available in Australia

The 35-year-old Afghan-born Melburnian is a forest ecology and climate change scientist with a master's degree and a PhD from Kyoto University in Japan.

He led climate change adaptation and natural resource management in Afghanistan and headed projects for international groups including the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organisation, the US Department of Agriculture and AusAid.

He is fluent in four languages.

But in Australia, Dr Niazai has struggled to find work in his field.

New census data released this month revealed that on average, migrants like Dr Niazai have a higher level of education than people born in Australia, but many are employed well below their education levels or struggle to find work at all.

The census results released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics showed more Australians than ever were continuing their studies with more than 11 million holding vocational or tertiary qualifications. That's a 20 per cent increase since 2016.

While 56 per cent of people born in Australia had post-school qualifications, this number jumped to 63 per cent for those born overseas and 82 per cent for Australians born in India and Bangladesh.

Educated migrants face a 'frustrating' search for work

In Afghanistan, Dr Niazai's dream was to stop the degradation and desertification of Afghan forests and transform landscapes ravaged by years of drought to replenish food resources and livelihoods of local communities.

But that dream was destroyed in October last year when the Taliban takeover forced him to flee to Australia.
Mr Niazai's dream was to transform Afghan landscapes ravaged by years of drought to replenish food resources and livelihoods.(Supplied: Muzafar Ali)

His family has settled well, the children have started school and they have made a lot of friends in the local community.

But after seven months of searching for work, Dr Niazai is about to start a three-month internship with the Department of Environment, Land, Water and Planning.

Dr Niazai said he was excited by this opportunity, but it was a big step down in his career.

"It's kind of frustrating for a person like me when you were working in top management positions with many years of important research and work that has been published in one of the top-quality journals in the world," Dr Niazai said.

"But still, I think it's a great opportunity. It can help me get some rewarding experience, build networking and professional connections and learn about workplace customs, workplace culture.

"I think this opportunity will help me to reignite my professional career."
Barriers skilled migrants face

Eddy Ng, a professor of organisational behaviour, led a study that interviewed skilled migrants on their experience in Australia for James Cook University.

He identified some key barriers that made finding a job difficult.

First, there was a general distrust of overseas qualifications.

"Despite vetting and the government saying this qualification is equivalent," Professor Ng said employers were more likely to consider candidates who had studied at universities they were familiar with.

Secondly, "word of mouth is important", so without a network of "social capital", it was hard to find opportunities, Professor Ng said.

The COVID-19 pandemic has also shifted employment opportunities, creating a greater need within service and hospitality industries rather than skilled jobs.

However, Australia's skilled worker visa program means that many migrants are searching for higher levels of employment, creating a "mismatch in the labour market", Professor Ng said.

The federal government has announced an additional 35,000 permanent skilled migrants will be able to apply for visas this year in an attempt to address critical skills shortages.


Most employees will also favour applicants that have similar interests to their own, often without even knowing it.

"When you volunteer information that is not required [such as hobbies and interests] it may actually put you out of the contest by virtue of perceived lack of fit, even though you may have the qualifications," Professor Ng told the ABC.

He said electronic screening systems that only extract information pertinent to the job can give migrants a much better opportunity to demonstrate their skills.

Training and education about the job search process and cultural nuances —such as handshakes or eye contact that can give vastly different impressions from one culture to another — are also crucial.

"Knowing how to engage in a job search process, knowing what to put on your resume, even how we search for jobs, all those things matter," Professor Ng said.

He said migrants that arrive at a younger age have advantages in this area. They have time to be "socialised" to Australian ways and often gain at least one local qualification.

Younger migrants often gain at least one Australian qualification.

(Reuters: Jason Reed)
Volunteer work can help bridge the gap

Professor Ng said opportunities to gain that Australian experience, such as volunteering or joining local community groups, can make a big difference.

While looking for work, Dr Niazai did just that.

Volunteering with a group called Wyntree at Wyndham, he helped create a "tiny forest" — densely-packed native bushland the size of a tennis court.

Built in urban areas, tiny forests work as carbon sinks, helping to combat climate change and increase greenery.

Despite restarting his career well below his skill level, Dr Niazai was very positive about his future in Australia and hopes he can help to "integrate science into our projects, policies and strategies".

But he also dreams of one day being able to help people struggling with drought and poverty in Afghanistan.

"I still dream that one day we will go back when we have peace and stability and we will rebuild the country," he said.

Drought has ravaged much of Afghanistan, leaving millions starving and living in poverty.(AFP: Hoshang Hashimi)

While Mr Niazai said the resettlement process in Australia was good, there was a lack of specialised employment transition assistance.

"There are agencies here that can mentor you but not for people that are a little bit higher level," he said.

He said there are programs that help with CV preparation and interviews but there was nothing to help migrants connect with potential employers.
Managing expectations

Settlement support agency AMES Australia do run such a program, but, with limited funding, numbers of participants are also limited.

The Skilled Professional Migrant Program is a short course, which includes mentoring, coaching, career counselling and networking, explained AMES chief executive Catherine Scarth.

Ms Scarth said the AMES Australia programs have been successful for many migrants.(ABC News: Erwin Renaldi)

The four-week course pairs people with a mentor from their chosen profession.

They also partner with corporate organisations that conduct role-playing for interviews, look over CVs and help jobseekers understand what Australian employees are looking for.

"It gets fantastic results, something like 80 per cent of people find work after the program," Ms Scarf said, adding that ideally such courses should be made available to all arriving skilled migrants through government programs.

But Ms Scarth said it was also important to manage expectations.

"When people first arrive they probably have a kind of over-optimistic view about getting a job at the same level that they left home at very quickly," she said.

"So it's also just helping people to understand and think about what pathways there might be to get into those professions again, not necessarily thinking that the only way is to start at where they left off."

For refugees, who often flee their homes overnight with few if any possessions, there are other layers of complexity, Ms Scarth said, including barriers around qualification recognition and language levels.

"This is where you get the old adage of the doctor or the engineer driving the taxi, and we see that all the time," she said.

The dark side of the skilled sponsorship scheme

Many onshore skilled migrants who have experienced exploitation at work are urging the government to provide them better protections.


In such cases, it can be helpful to find jobs in related fields, such as medical professionals finding jobs in aged care.

"At least in that case, they can see a pathway to getting back into the medical profession, rather than working in a factory or driving a taxi or whatever it might be."

Ms Scarth said it was also important for employers to recognise the benefits diversity can bring to their businesses.

"If you want to build up your export market, or you're wanting to start to do business with other countries, then clearly you're going to not only have an incredibly skilled and dedicated resilient worker, but you're potentially getting a whole series of additional skills around language and cultural understanding," she said.

"If we employ people who all think the same, then we're only going to look at the problem in the same way."