Saturday, January 21, 2023

WAR CRIME
Firing an anti-ship missile at a regular building is a chaotic strategy Russia may regret, expert says


Sophia Ankel
Fri, January 20, 2023

Rescuers use special equipment to rescue people from damaged apartments after a missile strike in Dnipro, Ukraine, on January 15, 2023.Yurii Stefanyak/Global Images Ukraine via Getty Images

Russia fired an anti-ship missile into an apartment complex in Dnipro, Ukraine, last weekend.


Its use is an illustration of Russia's "kitchen sink approach," a missile expert told Insider.


Moscow is using a mix of missiles to overwhelm the Ukrainian airspace, the expert added.

Russia blew up an apartment complex in central Ukraine last weekend, killing 40 people and injuring 80 more.

The strike was notable for its brutality, but also for the choice of weapon: an old, Soviet-style missile designed to demolish buildings but to sink aircraft carriers.

Yuriy Ihnat, a Ukrainian military spokesman, told local media that the strike used a Kh-22 anti-ship missile. The supersonic munitions have a 2,000-pound warhead, and are designed to destroy aircraft-carrier groups at sea, Ihnat said.

Russia denied responsibility for the attack, repeating its assertion that it only strikes military targets — despite months of evidence to the contrary.

The strike is a sign that Russia is resorting to a "kitchen-sink approach," said Ian Williams, deputy director of the Missile Defense Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, in a call with Insider.

"We're seeing everything at the moment, we're just seeing a blend, we're seeing newer missiles, older missiles ... they really just want to hit something," Williams said.

He said the Kh-22 missiles are "basically being used as terror weapons," totally removed from their actual military purpose.

The Russians are using all kinds of projectiles to "flood the Ukrainian air space with a lot of crap, kind of confusing the air defenses a little bit, and overwhelming them," Williams said.

Ukraine's air defense, bolstered by Western equipment, has so far been notably successful in blunting Russia's attacks, other experts previously told Insider. But it can't stop everything.

The attack in Dnipro was not the first time Russia used a Kh-22 in a civilian attack, and will most likely be the last, Williams said.

Short-term thinking


Williams said using an anti-ship missile like this betrayed a "short-term approach" by Russia, which is degrading its ability to fend off other threats.

He said the Kh-22 missile is among "some of best things [the Russians] have to fend off the US Navy or a NATO naval force, yet they're using them up hitting apartments and warehouses."

"It's very short-term thinking. It's almost like: 'Throw whatever we can at them right now in whatever mode you want, and we'll deal with it later,'" he said.



Here are the victims of Russia's brutal strike on apartment building in Dnipro



Daria Shulzhenko
Thu, January 19, 2023

A Russian missile killed 46 people after smashing straight into an apartment building in the city of Dnipro on Jan. 14.

It was one of the deadliest single Russian attacks on Ukraine and the deadliest one for Dnipro, a central Ukrainian city with a pre-war population of nearly 1 million.

The strike was part of Russia's recent massive attack across Ukraine that targeted multiple cities, including Kyiv, Odesa, Kharkiv, Vinnytsia, and Kryvyi Rih.

President Volodymyr Zelensky said about 1,700 people lived in the high-rise building that was hit; 230 apartments were damaged, and 72 were completely destroyed by Russia's Kh-22 missile, which is designed to destroy aircraft carriers

On Jan. 17, three days after the strike, the search and rescue operation was completed at the site. Among those 46 killed were six children. Eleven bodies are still unidentified as of Jan. 19, and 11 people are still missing, according to Dnipropetrovsk Oblast Governor Valentyn Reznichenko.

Here's what we know about the victims of Russia’s brutal strike.
Remembering the victims

The Kyiv Independent has previously reported about the family of Yevhen Frantsev, 61, whose 39-year-old daughter Oksana and his two granddaughters, Mykhailyna and Leila, aged three and 13, were killed by the attack.

They lived on the fifth floor of the building. Several days after the tragedy, Frantsev's son identified Oksana and her two children in the city's morgue.

Read the full story here: Hopes for a miracle die at Dnipro morgue, as relatives line up to identify victims of Russian attack.

Reporting from Dnipro, the Kyiv Independent has also spoken with a colleague of the killed father of Anastasiia Shvets, 23, whose photograph sitting on the ruins of the building went viral on social media.

Shvets survived the attack, but her parents were killed.

Another victim already reported by the Kyiv Independent was Mykhailo Kurenovskyi, a well-known local boxing coach who lived on the top floor of the apartment building.

Read the story here: Russian missile attack on Dnipro destroys families as death toll rises.

Among the other victims were two friends, dentists Iryna Salamatenko and Olha Usova.

A friend of Salamatenko, Alina Abgarian, confirmed the woman's death to the Kyiv Independent. Though she has known Salamatenko only for two years, she says she will remain in her heart forever.

"She was an incredible woman. I have never met such people," Abgarian said.

According to her, Salamatenko "loved her family and friends very much." "She loved life and was very afraid of missiles."

Salamatenko and Usova were walking past the building when the Russian missile hit it.

"This should not have happened," says Abgarian. "This was not the building in which she lived. This was not her workplace."

"She just happened to be (there) at the wrong moment," she adds.

Just three days before she was killed, Salamatenko celebrated her 39th birthday. According to Abgarian, Salamatenko is survived by her six-year-old daughter and her 14-year-old son.



Olha Usova (L) and Iryna Salamatenko. (Yuliia Dmytrova/Facebook)

A man who knew Usova, Andrii Biliak, wrote on Facebook that she was "an extremely kind woman, intelligent, sincere, who helped Ukraine's Armed Forces and everyone else as much as she could." She also had a little son and a husband, according to Biliak.

Their colleague, Artem Pohil, said Usova and Salamatenko were best friends and “will remain best friends forever.”

"This is difficult to understand,” Pohil wrote on Facebook. "The entire stomatological community of Ukraine will remember the doctors whose lives were taken away by (the Russian strike) just because they were Ukrainians."


Iryna Shevchuk and Maksym Shevchuk. (Tanya Mishurenko/Facebook)

The attack also killed Iryna Shevchuk and Maksym Shevchuk, a married couple who, six months ago, relocated to Dnipro from the city of Nikopol, which endures heavy shelling and is located not far from the occupied town of Enerhodar, the epicenter of Russian blackmail in Ukraine.

Valeriia Marchenko, Iryna's sister-in-law, told Ukrainian media outlet Ukrainska Pravda that the couple's two children, 14-year-old Karolina and nine-year-old Tymur, survived the attack. They have been hospitalized. Marchenko told journalists that Karolina's leg was broken, and Tymur's arm was injured.

"The children went outside and were waiting for their parents when the (Russian missile) flew right into their house," Marchenko wrote on Instagram.

She also wrote that their apartment was located on the eighth floor and that now, one could "easily see the color of the wallpaper in their living room" from outside.

In her latest post, Marchenko wrote that she "has no words to describe what their family is feeling."

"A terrible tragedy took the lives of two beautiful, loving parents," she wrote.

Two days after the attack, the city's department of humanitarian policy confirmed the death of two teenagers, 17-year-old Maksym Bohutskyi and 15-year-old Mariia Lebid.


Maksym Bohutskyi (Evgeny Gendin/Facebook)

Bohutskyi was a first-year student at the Dnipro University of Technology. The institution also confirmed his death on Jan. 16.

"Today, the hope of finding him alive has faded," the university wrote on Facebook.

"Maksym, forever a student, will be remembered as a bright, active, and intelligent person, our excellent student."

Supposedly a colleague of Maksym's mother, Tetiana Bohutska, wrote on Twitter that he was her only son.

The death of Mariia Lebid was reported by her relative, Alisа Fridman: "My 15-year-old, super-smart, super-talented, insanely funny sister-in-law is gone," Fridman wrote on Instagram.


Mariia Lebid. (Dance shcool Kaskad/Facebook)

Evgeniya Bondarenko, who knew the girl and her family, wrote on Facebook that Lebid was at home when the Russian missile hit the building "while her mother was at work and did not know what had happened."

According to Bondarenko, Lebid's brother Pavlo was the first one to arrive at the site of the tragedy, "but there was no home anymore."

"Our student, a very bright girl, was killed yesterday during a missile attack," wrote the dance school Lebid was attending.

The youngest victim of the vicious strike was one-year-old baby boy Mykyta Zelensky. His mother, 27-year-old Kateryna, was rescued from under the rubble some 20 hours after the attack happened, Ukrainska Pravda reported.

"She could not call for help because she has been deaf since childhood," Kateryna's sister, Alina, wrote on Instagram.

The family's hopes that rescuers would also find little Mykyta and his 28-year-old father, Oleksiy Zelensky, alive faded away three days after the deadly attack. On Jan. 17, their bodies were retrieved from under the rubble, reported Ukrainian media outlet Suspilne.


Kateryna Zelenska lost her husband Oleksiy Zelensky to the Russian missile strike on an apartment building in Dnipro on Jan. 14, 2023. (Kateryna Zelenska/Instagram)

Oleksiy's sister, Yelyzaveta, told Suspilne that the family lived on the fourth floor of the building. When she learned about the strike, Yelyzaveta immediately tried to reach her brother.

"We began to call Oleksiy, but he did not answer. Parents immediately went to the site. Then we realized that their apartment had been hit," Yelyzaveta said, as quoted by Suspilne.

"Oleksiy was found only today (Jan. 17), at about 1 p.m., as well as their one-year-old son Mykyta," she said.

"The rescuers saw their bodies yesterday but could not get to them because they were pressed by a slab."

Yelyzaveta also told Suspilne that Kateryna had been hospitalized and that there was no risk to her life, "but it is difficult for her psychologically."

"She lost both her husband and her child in one day," Yelyzaveta said.

Honoring the memory of those killed, Zelensky said that Ukraine “will find everyone involved in this terror.”

“Everyone will bear responsibility. Utmost responsibility,” he said.

Pro-Ukrainian activists in Serbia file criminal complaint against Wagner group


A mural depicting Wagner private military group in seen on a wall in Belgrade

Thu, January 19, 2023

BELGRADE (Reuters) - Serbian and pro-Ukraine activists filed criminal complaints against Russia's Wagner paramilitary group and its supporters on Thursday, accusing it of recruiting Serbs to fight in Ukraine.

Cedomir Stojkovic, a Belgrade-based lawyer who also leads the October civic group, said that those accused include Russia's ambassador to Serbia, Alexander Botsan-Kharchenko, and Aleksandar Vulin, head of Serbia's state Security and Information Agency (BIA).

“We have reasonable suspicion that Vulin ... gave orders, directives and guidelines that the activities of the Wagner Group in Serbia should not be prevented,” he said.

Stojkovic said that Botsan-Kharchenko, who enjoys diplomatic immunity, could not be prosecuted in Serbia, but that he should be ordered to leave the country.

Once a criminal complaint is filed, it is up to the state prosecutor to decide whether or not to proceed.

Neither Russian embassy to Belgrade, nor the BIA replied to requests for comment.

Petr Nikitin, the head of the Russian Democratic Society, a group that opposes policies of the Kremlin, said those who spread hatred against Ukraine must be prosecuted.

“Spreading hatred among Serbs towards Ukrainians, towards a people who have never done anything bad to Serbia ... is a crime," he told reporters.

According to observers, dozens of Serb volunteers and mercenaries took part in the fighting alongside pro-Russian forces in Ukraine since 2014.

The Serbian legislature prohibits participation of its citizens in conflicts abroad and several people have been sentenced for doing so.

On Monday, Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic criticised Russian websites and social media groups for publishing advertisements in the Serbian language in which the Wagner group, led by Evgeny Prigozhin, an ally of Russian President Vladimir Putin, calls on volunteers to join its ranks.

Vucic also denied allegations that the Wagner group has a presence in Serbia where pro-Kremlin and ultranationalist organisations have long supported the invasion of Ukraine.

Serbia is a candidate to join the European Union, but it also has close ties with Russia, a Slavic and Orthodox Christian ally, and entirely depends on gas imports from Russia.

Earlier this week, Prigozhin denied his organisation has a presence in Serbia.

Although it has repeatedly condemned Russia's Feb. 24 invasion of Ukraine at the United Nations and several other international forums, Belgrade has so far refused to impose sanctions against Moscow.

After big Ukrainian gains in the conflict in the second half of 2022, the frontlines have largely been frozen in place over the past two months, with neither side making big gains despite heavy casualties in intense trench warfare.

Wagner has taken a leading role in fighting near the eastern city of Bakhmut and Prigozhin claimed on Thursday his forces had seized the village of Klishchiivka on Bakhmut's outskirts. Kyiv has previously denied that the settlement has fallen. Reuters could not confirm the situation there.

(Reporting by Aleksandar Vasovic; Editing by Nick Macfie)


Russia’s Wagner mercenary company may earn up to $1 billion by gold mining in Africa, Politico


Russia is mining gold in Africa

Read also: Ukraine's army eliminates Wagner mercenaries’ headquarters and field depot in Soledar – video report

Wagner has considerably expanded its mining business in the Central African Republic to reap up to $ 1 billion in profits. The Western official told Politico that money will highly likely go for buying weapons and paying mercenaries.

The United States has for years warned that Wagner Group has been using mining profits to support the Kremlin regime, evading Western sanctions. New data about Wagner PMC's projects in Central Africa show continuous growth of profit to fund the Russian full-scale war in Ukraine, Politico wrote.

According to the diplomatic cable acquired by the editorial staff, Wagner Group has turned a gold mine located near the town of Bambari into a massive complex that spans eight production zones, with the largest one of over 60 meters (200 feet) deep.

Read also: Wagner PMC sued over recruiting Serbs

The United States says the group is intended for long-term exploration as it fortified the mine, constructed bridges with truck-mounted anti-aircraft guns at key locations.

The CAR bans U.N. peacemakers from launching drones at the mine's location with some of them even shot down by the country's military. U.S. officials consider this evidence of the political power of the Wagner Group in the country.

Read also: Russia’s Wagner mercenary company recruiting political prisoners from Chechnya, says Ukrainian intel

At the beginning of the summer U.S. newspaper the New York Times reported that Wagner PMC owns several gold mines in Sudan to raise money for the Kremlin's regime amid sanctions and pressure from the West. "Wagnerites" also use natural resources from other countries, Politico reported earlier.

Read also: Wagner Group has brought in more than 38,000 prison inmates: Podolyak

U.S. National Security Council spokesperson John Kirby has said that the Wagner Group's owner and Russian oligarch Yevgeniy Prigozhin is spending more than $100 million per month to fund his group’s operations inside Ukraine.

According to the U.S. estimates, about 50,000 Wagner's mercenaries are located in Ukraine. About 10,000 of them are contract soldiers, while others were recruited in prisons.

U.S. cable: Russian paramilitary group set to get cash infusion from expanded African mine


Marc Hofer/AP Photo

Erin Banco
Thu, January 19, 2023

The Wagner Group, a paramilitary organization linked to Russia, is expanding its mining projects in Africa to bring in millions to prop up its military operations in Ukraine, according to a Western official and a U.S. cable obtained by POLITICO.

Over the past year, Wagner has significantly expanded its work in one country — the Central African Republic — where it could see mining profits soar to almost $1 billion, according to the official and the diplomatic cable. That funding will likely be used by the group to acquire new weapons and fighters, the official said.

The group, owned by Russian oligarch Yevgeny Prigozhin, engages in paramilitary activities across the globe, including in Africa and the Middle East, and has become increasingly active on the frontlines in Ukraine. The Kremlin denies any official link to Wagner.

U.S. officials have for years warned that Wagner has been using mining profits to help prop up the Russian state amid Western sanctions. The details about the projects in CAR show that Wagner’smining efforts are becoming increasingly lucrative for the organization andcreating a pipeline of funding for Russia’s war against Ukraine.

Wagner set up shop in CAR in 2018, creating a cultural center and striking several deals to help secure mining sites, including at the Ndassima gold mine located near the town of Bambari in the middle of the country. Since then, Wagner has turned the once-artisanal mine into a massive complex, according to the cable.

Today, the mine spans eight production zones in various stages of development — the largest estimated to be approximately over 200 feet deep, according to the cable. The U.S. has assessed that the group is helping construct the site for long-term exploitation and has fortified the mine, constructing bridges at river crossings and with truck-mounted anti-aircraft guns at key locations.

“These new developments that they're taking indicate long-term plans for the mine,” said Catrina Doxsee, associate director and associate fellow for the Transnational Threats Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a D.C.-based think tank. “The fact that they are establishing an expanded mining operation, that they're establishing these long-term plans, I think really points to how integrated they've become with the local military and the level of dependency that the CAR government has on them.”

The National Security Council declined to comment. The State Department said in an emailed statement that the U.S. is pursuing “multiple avenues to counter the Wagner group’s illicit transnational activities.” That has included sanctions on Prigozhin and Wagner’s network.

In December, the Commerce Department implemented export controls to try and block the group’s ability to acquire new weapons. Officials in the U.S. are in the process preparing additional measures to punish the group, another person familiar with the matter said, who requested to remain anonymous to discuss potential forthcoming government announcements.

The Central African Republic is now refusing to grant overflight clearances of the mine of unmanned aerial vehicles to U.N. peacekeepers in the country, according to the cable. Several of them have taken fire from the CAR army. U.S. officials believe this is a sign that Wagner is gaining political control in the country, the cable said.

Wagner has a history of using force to push through its mining interests in Africa. In 2020, it sent fighters to the Ndassima mine to secure the area. In 2021, the group was accused of summarily executing rebels and other people living in the area to push them out from their homes in order to develop the mine. Since then, Wagner has operated under the cover of a Madagascar-registered company, according to the cable.


THERE IS A WORD FOR THAT; GHOULS
Russia’s Wagner Group Accused of Ripping Off Grieving Families

Allison Quinn
Thu, January 19, 2023 

Igor Russak/Reuters

While Russia’s Wagner Group embarks on a frenzied recruiting spree after massive losses in Ukraine, pissed-off family members of dead recruits say they’ve been ripped off by the shady band of mercenaries.

“I buried my son, and haven’t gotten any kind of payment for him yet, not a cent! I will not be quiet about this!” said Yelena, the mother of Sergei Shevchenko, a prison inmate in the Krasnoyarsk region who died after being recruited by Wagner.

Local authorities in the town of Kodinsk announced Shevchenko’s death and wrote that the family was in need of “financial support” to give the former inmate a proper burial, according to local media. This despite Wagner promising to cover burial expenses and issue compensation for war deaths.

Yelena said she didn’t know that her son, who’d been jailed on a repeat drunk driving offense, had been swept up by Wagner until he’d already been taken away to join the war.

“I’ve already raised a fuss with the military registration and enlistment office, and reported it to our local newspaper … . If this ‘Wagner’ doesn’t give me anything, I will seek him out!” she said.

Other families have made similar complaints. After Nikita and Alexander Arychenkov, two brothers from the Krasnodar region, were killed while fighting for Wagner in late December, their sister took to social media to shoot down claims the family could at least take consolation in the fact they now have “material prosperity.”

“Nobody has paid [us] anything,” she said.













Russia’s Shadow Army Exposed and Humiliated by Bogus ‘Recruit’

The problem has apparently been widespread enough that it served as inspiration for graffiti in Voronezh, St. Petersburg, and other cities where messages went up demanding Wagner pay up on its promises.

Wagner founder Yevgeny Prigozhin responded to the allegations late last month, saying through his press service that the graffiti must have been done by someone with a grudge against him.

“All fighters get paid down to the last penny,” he said. “All the dead receive the funds written in the contract. That is why not a single person in this world can have a complaint against me regarding payment,” he said.

It was not immediately clear if the same rules apply for those who are executed by the group over perceived betrayals or infractions.

Human rights groups and former members have spoken out about several executions being carried out within the private army to force other fighters not to step out of line. The most high-profile case linked to the group, of course, was the brutal sledgehammer execution of former member Yevgeny Nuzhin, filmed and circulated by a Wagner-linked channel on Telegram to demonstrate the group’s “retribution” last November.

An anonymous Wagner fighter told the VchK-OGPu Telegram channel earlier this month that the group doesn’t issue payouts for the executions, or in cases where there is “no body.”

He also said the group has subtler ways of executing its own undesirables.

“As a ‘nice’ type of execution, [there could be] an explicitly fatal task, where it is basically impossible to survive: Storming positions as far as you can go; reconnaissance by fire without a chance to return, etc.,” he said.

“It has become kind of a tradition.”






















Gains by Wagner Group in Ukraine give ‘Putin’s chef,’ Yevgeny Prigozhin, greater Kremlin clout

Alexander Nazaryan
·Senior White House Correspondent
Thu, January 19, 2023

A pedestrian in Belgrade, Serbia, walks past a mural depicting Russia's paramilitary mercenaries, labeled "Wagner Group — Russian knights" on Nov. 17, 2022. 
(Oliver Bunic/AFP via Getty Images)

A shadowy paramilitary outfit is making gains for Russia in eastern Ukraine — and, in the process, apparently exacerbating tensions back in Moscow, where military chiefs are hesitant to give credit to the influential Kremlin insider responsible for the effort.

The Wagner Group, as the militia is known, is operated by the businessman Yevgeny Prigozhin, a close ally of Russian President Vladimir Putin. Frustrated by months of military setbacks, Putin tacitly allowed Prigozhin last year to recruit soldiers for the Wagner Group from prisons, offering them freedom in exchange for service.

The recent military successes of Wagner fighters have stoked suspicions that Prigozhin is hoping to assert himself politically at a time when few other Kremlin advisers can credibly point to victories of their own.

To be sure, Prigozhin’s successes are modest. But as far as the Kremlin is concerned, at least they are not defeats that have to be explained away with convoluted and unconvincing conspiracy theories by state television propagandists.

Yevgeny Prigozhin, head of the Wagner Group, attends the funeral on Dec. 24, 2022, at the Beloostrovskoye cemetery outside St. Petersburg, of Dmitry Menshikov, a Wagner Group fighter who died in a special operation in Ukraine. (AP Photo)

In recent days, the Wagner Group appears to have taken the village of Soledar, north of the fiercely contested city of Bakhmut in the Donbas region of Eastern Ukraine.

“Incremental progress” in the Bakhmut area has come “at a great cost,” National Security Council spokesman John Kirby told Yahoo News at a press briefing Wednesday. But considering that Russia had expected to conquer the Ukrainian capital of Kyiv in a matter of days when it first invaded in February last year, any progress at all is significant.

Although the Wagner Group has long operated in Syria and Africa, where it bolsters despotic regimes, its commitment to Ukraine appears to signal an acknowledgment that traditional means of waging war have failed, if largely because Russia’s moribund military has been in desperate need of reform for decades.

Both Prigozhin and the Wagner Group were sanctioned by the U.S. and European governments last spring, with the State Department accusing him of forging “a trail of lies and human rights abuses.”

The Wagner Group is beholden neither to Kremlin bureaucracy nor to history. But by registering as a publicly traded company earlier this week, Prigozhin appears to be seeking official recognition for his army of irregulars.


Men in military uniform, purportedly soldiers of the Wagner Group with its head, Yevgeny Prigozhin, center, pose in a salt mine, apparently in Soledar, in the Donetsk region of Ukraine, in this handout picture released Jan. 10.
 (Press service of "Concord"/Handout via Reuters)

“It’s a brutal fight that he is waging,” Kirby said of Prigozhin, describing the Wagner Group’s offensive as part of an “extravagant effort to increase his influence with the Kremlin.” He also suggested that Prigozhin’s interest in Soledar was not purely strategic, as the town is home to enormous salt and gypsum mines. Such a conflation of interests would not be new: In Sudan, the Wagner Group plundered a gold mine while suppressing democratic dissent.

A native of St. Petersburg like Putin, the 61-year-old Prigozhin is a restaurateur and caterer who started out selling hot dogs. He earned the nickname “Putin’s chef” for the bevy of government catering contracts, including for schools and the military, that eventually came his way.

A pioneer of information warfare, he started the Internet Research Agency, the St. Petersburg troll farm that U.S. intelligence officials believe interfered in the 2016 presidential election.

Prigozhin recently owned up — proudly — to that feat. Though himself a likely billionaire, Prigozhin has little in common with the oligarchs who support Putin but see the Ukraine war as an unseemly distraction from lives of leisure in London or New York. Sarcastic and profane, Prigozhin recalls an earlier, less polished style of political leadership that may appeal to older Russians.

Yevgeny Prigozhin, left, assists Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin at a dinner with foreign scholars and journalists at the restaurant Cheval Blanc on the premises of an equestrian complex outside Moscow on Nov. 11, 2011. (Misha Japaridze/Reuters)

Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu has all but disappeared from view, but Prigozhin has eagerly courted public attention. Last November, after a Wagner Group defector was executed with a sledgehammer, Prigozhin adapted the tool as a kind of symbol, even sending one to members of the European Parliament, its handle smeared with fake blood, after an effort there to brand the Wagner Group as a terrorist organization.

Earlier this week, Prigozhin similarly threatened supposed traitors within Russia — including, he suggested, within Putin’s own administration — who he predicted would try to flee to the United States: “They won’t take you in,” he warned. “And then you will come to us, where Wagner’s sledgehammer will already be waiting for you.”

(When asked for an interview last year, representatives for Prigozhin’s Concord Group told Yahoo News that Prigozhin would only accede to the request if Yahoo News sent a reporter to St. Petersburg and also brought colleagues from major American outlets.)

Himself hardened by a nine-year prison sentence handed down in 1981 by Soviet authorities for a range of crimes — these included, according to court documents, theft, robbery and at least one assault — Prigozhin spent much of the fall of 2022 in Russian prisons recruiting inmates for the Wagner Group. He spoke to them in frank, unadorned terms about what they could expect if they agreed to serve in Ukraine.

“If you arrive in Ukraine and decide it's not for you, we will execute you,” he warns in one such recording. Disseminated online, the footage of Prigozhin’s unusual efforts attracted outrage in the West, but also seemed to indicate that he was willing to risk a personal involvement that other Kremlin officials simply would not undertake.

A man walks in front of a destroyed school in the city of Bakhmut, in the eastern Ukranian region of Donbas on May 28, 2022, on the 94th day of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. 
(Aris Messinis/AFP via Getty Images)

In Foreign Policy magazine, two Eurasia experts, Peter Rough and Can Kasapoglu, predicted that Prigozhin was making a “power play” intended specifically to challenge Shoigu’s leadership of the military,

Prigozhin ultimately managed to recruit an estimated 40,000 prisoners into the Wagner Group. They were deployed late last year in the Bakhmut region, where Russia has been concentrating its attacks. A senior Pentagon official acknowledged in mid-December that the fighting around Bakhmut had become “very tough,” in part thanks to the ragtag Wagner forces.

The capture of Soledar appears to be the fruit of Prigozhin’s efforts, but that effort is predicated on a disregard for human life that most Western military leaders would simply not countenance. “They continue to throw body after body into this effort,” Kirby said of the Russian advances around Soledar, which he assessed as having been “largely driven” by the Wagner Group.

Last week, credit for Soledar became a point of contention between Prigozhin and the Kremlin, which tried to downplay the Wagner Group’s role, claiming that regular forces were responsible for taking the town. The ensuing disagreement between Prigozhin and the Kremlin played out publicly, in contrast to most Kremlin disputes, which are customarily conducted behind the citadel’s soaring red walls.


John Kirby, coordinator for strategic communications at the National Security Council, addresses a press briefing at the White House on Jan. 12 in Washington, D.C. (Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images)

“We believe that those tensions remain,” Kirby told Yahoo News, adding that the “rift” between Prigozhin and officials like Shoigu “has not healed.”

With his profile elevated, Prigozhin has become the subject of inevitable political speculation, especially since Putin’s own future — as well as his health — appears more uncertain today than it has been in years.

“Prigozhin, or anyone else for that matter, dare not raise the question of a post-Putin Russia for obvious reasons, but it’s safe to assume that the scenario has crossed his mind,” Rajan Menon, a senior scholar at Defense Priorities, a Washington, D.C., policy center, told Yahoo News.

Prigozhin is hardly the first prominent Russian to see the invasion of Ukraine as an opportunity for advancement. But he may be among the more politically skilled. “He certainly hopes Wagner’s success will boost his standing with Putin, but the risk is that he may stoke Putin’s suspicions if he gets too much political attention in the public space — and that won’t work well for him,” Menon wrote to Yahoo News in an email.


Russian President Vladimir Putin, center, with the governor of St. Petersburg, Alexander Beglov, left, and First Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov, right, enter the Obukhov State Plant in St. Petersburg for a meeting with workers on Jan. 18. (Contributor/Getty Images)

Whatever his ambitions, Prigozhin’s influence is sustained by the lives of wayward Russians who form the wave upon wave of fighters whose sheer persistence is meant to exhaust Ukraine’s defenders.

Still, given the infamous brutality of Russian prisons, the mere promise of freedom may be enough to entice more recruits. As long as the Wagner Group continues to muster new forces, Prigozhin's influence with a Kremlin hungry for victories is bound to increase.

One recent clip posted to social media shows Prigozhin addressing former prisoners who had fulfilled their military service and were preparing to head home.

“I told you I needed your criminal talents to kill the enemy in war,” Prigozhin says in the footage, which serves as a kind of recruiting video for the Wagner Group. “Now, criminal talents are no longer needed.”

He then tells the outgoing soldiers who surround him that they should do all they can to avoid returning to prison.

“Try to be a little more careful,” Prigozhin says.

Ukraine says situation deteriorating at Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant

Fri, January 20, 2023 

KYIV, Jan 20 (Reuters) - Ukraine's energy minister said on Friday the situation at the Russian-held Zaporizhzhia nuclear power station was deteriorating because of the psychological state of its Ukrainian staff and the condition of equipment.

The Ukrainian staff have remained at the plant in southeastern Ukraine since Russian forces captured it last March, soon after Moscow's invasion.

The nuclear plant, Europe's largest, has repeatedly come under fire, raising fears of a nuclear disaster. Each side blames the other for the shelling.

"The situation is indeed deteriorating. It is getting worse not only because of the mental state of the remaining Ukrainian specialists but also due to the condition of the equipment," Energy Minister German Galushchenko told Ukrainian television.

The International Atomic Energy Agency, the United Nations' nuclear watchdog, is trying to set up a safe zone around the facility.

The IAEA says it has a permanent presence of up to four experts at Zaporizhzhia but IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi, who visited Ukraine this week, has said he is worried the world is becoming complacent about the dangers. Ukraine's start nuclear energy company, Energoatom, has said that Russian forces have continued to build military fortifications around the nuclear power units at the station.

It has also said the Russians at the station are unable to start up the power units because of a shortage of staff and that about 1,500 Ukrainian specialists have been barred from entering after refusing to sign contracts with Russian entities.

 (Reporting by Olena Harmash, Editing by Timothy Heritage)
DeSantis won a round in his ‘woke wars,’ but voters lost when he suspended a prosecutor | Opinion



The Miami Herald Editorial Board

Fri, January 20, 2023

Gov. Ron DeSantis may have technically won the lawsuit over his suspension of Hillsborough County State Attorney Andrew Warren last year — yet another fight in the governor’s endless “woke wars” — but the voters of Florida lost, big time.

U.S. District Judge Robert L. Hinkle dismissed the case Friday, but said in a strongly worded ruling that DeSantis had violated both the Florida Constitution and the First Amendment when he suspended Warren on Aug. 4 on grounds he had neglected his duties by refusing to enforce state laws.

That bears repeating: A federal judge said the governor of Florida broke state and federal law, violating both the Florida Constitution — which he is sworn to uphold — and the First Amendment. This is not small stuff.

But what is the penalty? Very little, it seems. Hinkle said a federal court couldn’t even reinstate Warren, though he called on the governor to do so. Like that’s going to happen.

The suspension was clearly aimed at snapping back a progressive prosecutor, as the judge noted in the ruling. It probably didn’t even matter which one, as long as it served the governor’s agenda.

“The Governor did what he had been looking to do,” Hinkle wrote. “He took down a reform prosecutor.”

Abortion pledge

It’s true that Warren had signed a letter — along with dozens of other prosecutors from across the country — pledging to refrain from prosecuting people who seek or provide abortions. Warren also signed another letter vowing “to use our discretion and not promote the criminalization of gender-affirming healthcare or transgender people.”

In the suspension, the governor also cited Warren’s policies discouraging prosecution of certain low-level misdemeanors and cases arising from police stops of bicyclists — “biking while Black,” in other words.

The judge found that DeSantis based the suspension in part on Warren’s conduct, rather than a free speech issue. That means the governor had grounds for dismissal — even if the entire episode was a thinly veiled form of political interference.

And it was. Hinkle didn’t even bother to mince words on that.

“The record includes not a hint of misconduct by Mr. Warren,” Hinkle wrote. “So far as this record reflects, he was diligently and competently performing the job he was elected to perform, very much the way he told voters he would perform it. He had no blanket nonprosecution policies. Any minimally competent inquiry would have confirmed this. The assertion that Mr. Warren neglected his duty or was incompetent is incorrect. The factual issue is not close.”

If this whole thing wasn’t just about politics, the governor should put Warren back to work, the judge added.

“If the facts matter, the Governor can simply rescind the suspension. If he does not do so, it will be doubly clear that the alleged nonprosecution policies were not the real motivation for the suspension.”
‘Not over’

In case you’ve forgotten, the governor announced the suspension at a Tampa news conference with the air of a campaign rally — if campaign rallies included a whole lot of law-enforcement officers standing shoulder-to-shoulder with the governor. That night, the ruling notes, DeSantis went on Tucker Carlson’s nationally syndicated show. The ruling also says the governor’s office calculated that 14 days of free media coverage after the suspension had a value of about $2.4 million.

Warren said Friday that, “This is not over.”

He also said that the case is larger than just one person, that it is about free speech, the integrity of elections and the rule of law, and noted that the judge called for rescinding the suspension.

“Let’s see if the governor actually believes in the rule of law,” Warren said. “Let’s see if the governor actually is a man of his word.”

When the legal smoke clears, we are left with this deeply disturbing thought: The governor removed a duly elected official from office largely because he didn’t like the prosecutor’s politics. That nullifies an election, thwarts the will of the people and allows DeSantis to substitute his judgment for that of the people.

If that’s not chilling, we don’t know what is.


Judge: DeSantis violated state Constitution, First Amendment in firing state attorney

Dan Sullivan
Fri, January 20, 2023 

Despite concluding that Gov. Ron DeSantis violated the Florida Constitution and the First Amendment last year when he suspended Hillsborough State Attorney Andrew Warren, a federal judge ruled Friday that he didn’t have the power to restore Warren to office.

U.S. District Judge Robert L. Hinkle found that DeSantis suspended Warren based on the allegation that the state attorney had blanket policies not to prosecute certain kinds of cases.

”The allegation was false,” Hinkle wrote in a ruling issued Friday morning. “Mr. Warren’s well-established policy, followed in every case by every prosecutor in the office, was to exercise prosecutorial discretion at every stage of every case. Any reasonable investigation would have confirmed this.”


Yet Hinkle concluded that the U.S. Constitution prohibits a federal court from awarding the kind of relief Warren seeks — namely, to be restored to office.

Warren and his attorneys are expected to comment on the ruling later today.

Susan Lopez, appointed by DeSantis to replace Warren, sent a memo Friday to the state attorney’s office staff, including 130 prosecutors, saying simply that their work will continue.

“Many people will want to talk about the suspension, the lawsuit, and the ruling,” the memo stated. “We will instead continue to focus on the work of the agency.”

DeSantis suspended Warren from office Aug. 4, accusing him of neglecting his duties by refusing to enforce state laws. The governor pointed to statements Warren signed with other elected prosecutors throughout the nation pledging to refrain from prosecuting cases involving abortion or transgender healthcare. The governor also cited Warren’s policies discouraging prosecution of certain low-level misdemeanors and cases arising from police stops of bicyclists, a practice that has been linked to racial disparities.

The governor announced the suspension in a news conference that had the air of a campaign rally. Standing with DeSantis were several local law enforcement officials including Hillsborough County Sheriff Chad Chronister and former Tampa police Chief Brian Dugan. Speakers voiced an assortment of complaints about Warren and his policies.
Suit claimed political retaliation

Two weeks after the suspension, Warren sued DeSantis in federal court, aiming to get his job back. He denied that he’d refused to enforce laws and said the suspension was political retaliation that violated his right to free speech.

He sought a judge’s order restoring him to office and barring DeSantis from taking any further action against him. He framed the lawsuit as a fight for democracy, emphasizing that Hillsborough County voters elected him twice.

The case went to a trial before Hinkle in late November.

In his ruling Friday, the judge identified several factors he concluded were the governor’s motivation for the suspension. They included Warren’s pursuit of criminal justice reforms, his signing of the abortion pledge, his affiliation with the Democratic Party and reputed connection with liberal billionaire George Soros, and the political benefit the suspension would bring the governor.

The judge found no evidence that Warren was engaging in misconduct, or that his policies constituted blanket refusals to prosecute certain crimes.

“The assertion that Mr. Warren neglected his duty or was incompetent is incorrect,” Hinkle wrote. “This factual issue is not close.”

“So far as this record reflects, he was diligently and competently performing the job he was elected to perform, very much the way he told voters he would perform it,” the judge wrote.

The judge sharply criticized efforts the governor’s staff took to look into Warren’s performance — in particular, Larry Keefe, the governor’s public safety czar.

At trial, Keefe testified that DeSantis asked him in December 2021 if there were any Florida prosecutors who were not following the law. He said the governor railed against “woke” prosecutors in other states. Keefe talked to like-minded sheriffs, prosecutors and Republicans throughout the state, who all pointed to Warren. But he did not talk to Warren or anyone in the state attorney’s office about what was going on there.

The judge noted during the trial that Keefe’s inquiries seemed one-sided. And early drafts of the order to suspend Warren contained references to Soros, known for funding progressive prosecutors and liberal causes throughout the nation.

Ryan Newman, the governor’s general counsel, testified that he was initially skeptical of the need to remove Warren, but later became convinced that his actions amounted to a neglect of his duties as state attorney. Warren, Newman said, was “essentially inviting lawlessness.”

Warren’s decision to sign the abortion and transgender pledges provided justification for a suspension that was already in the works, the judge concluded. The governor’s main motivation was the political benefit of bringing down “a prosecutor whose performance did not match the Governor’s law-and-order agenda,” Hinkle wrote.

But Hinkle drew a distinction between things Warren said — which were protected by the First Amendment — and his conduct as an elected official, which is governed by state law. While the judge found that the governor’s action violated Warren’s free speech rights, he also found that the governor would have suspended Warren anyway based on his performance as a reform prosecutor.
Amendment limits judge’s options

The judge cited the 11th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in concluding that he could not grant Warren’s request for reinstatement. The amendment prohibits federal courts from hearing certain lawsuits against states.

But the judge did suggest one remedy:

“If the facts matter, the governor can simply rescind the suspension,” Hinkle wrote. “If he does not do so, it will be doubly clear that the alleged non-prosecution policies were not the real motivation for the suspension.”

The case garnered national attention and has been the subject of much local speculation. At this week’s Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. parade in Tampa, both Warren and Lopez participated and threw beads to parade-goers, each identifying themselves as Hillsborough County State Attorney.

Observed Tampa attorney Scott Tozian, who is not connected to the case, regarding Friday’s ruling: “Judge Hinkle did everything except reinstate Warren.”

This is a developing story. Check back for updates.
 

NOT WELCOME IN DESANTIS FLORIDA

Nine decades later, W.E.B. Du Bois’s work faces familiar criticisms


Perspective by Martha S. JonesMartha S. Jones is a professor of history at Johns Hopkins University and the author of “Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote and Insisted on Equality for All.”

January 7, 2022


W. E. B. Du Bois (R) and Paul Robeson (L) 
World Peace Congress in Paris, 1949, April 20, 1949

 A new edition of his book “Black Reconstruction,” an influential work of history on the Reconstruction era, is generating the same kinds of critiques that greeted its initial publication in 1935.

When he published “Black Reconstruction” in 1935, W.E.B. Du Bois challenged Americans to see the years following the Civil War as a counterpoint to the Jim Crow era in the 20th century. During Reconstruction, the nation took steps to ensure that Black Americans, many of them formerly enslaved, could exercise rights once available to White Americans only. As Black men voted and Black Americans remade Southern society, opposition surged. Reconstruction was a brief experiment, lasting less than 15 years. Still, Du Bois explained how formerly enslaved people were pivotal actors during that first attempt to build an interracial democracy. Suppression of those efforts, he argued, foretold the lynchings, disenfranchisement and segregation that troubled the Jim Crow South.

“Black Reconstruction,” published against a backdrop of violence and segregation, met with a vitriolic reception. White writers leveled sharp-tongued critiques. Black journalists assessed the work favorably but with reservations. Despite the early criticism, over time “Black Reconstruction” came to be recognized as a towering analysis of American culture and an important work of history. Nonetheless, the book’s contribution to the understanding of American racism is, nearly 90 years after its publication, still subject to stale objections that echo those heard when it first hit bookstore shelves.

(Library of America)

The 2021 release of the Library of America’s edition of “Black Reconstruction,” edited by Eric Foner and Henry Louis Gates Jr., confirms the book’s place in the pantheon of great works of enduring influence. Historians today return to Du Bois’s study to understand how Reconstruction, its accomplishments and its disappointments grew out of the legacies of slavery and the divisions of the Civil War. Du Bois underscored the political agency of Black Americans, noting how, among other examples, enslaved people changed the course of the Civil War by stopping work on Southern plantations in what he called a “general strike.” Du Bois challenged historians to stop using history to justify the suppression of Black voting rights. The nation, he urged, needed historians “who regard the truth as more important than the defense of the white race.”

Today, “Black Reconstruction” is a must-read for scholars in the fields of history, literature, education, political theory, law and conflict studies. But it wasn’t always so. Immediately after its publication, the book was mostly disdained or simply ignored. In those years, Columbia University professor William Dunning and his followers dominated thinking on Reconstruction. This conservative school of thought turned out shoddy studies that labeled the Reconstruction era a “tragedy” that threatened white supremacy by elevating Black Americans to full citizenship. Echoing Dunning School sentiments, University of Chicago historian Avery Craven issued an unvarnished denouncement of Du Bois’s book in January 1936. Craven charged that Du Bois wrote “Black Reconstruction” out of a festering in his soul rather than from his graduate training at the University of Berlin and at Harvard, and his authorship of more than a dozen previous books. “It is, in large part,” Craven mocked, “only the expression of a Negro’s bitterness against the injustice of slavery and racial prejudice.”

Craven characterized “Black Reconstruction” as “history re-written,” not to laud the book’s contribution to the historiographic debates of the time but to malign it as an illegitimate analysis. Du Bois, he asserted, cherry-picked his evidence such that “source materials so essential to any rewriting of history have been completely ignored.” If Du Bois did not include the range of materials Craven expected, it was because, as a more sympathetic reviewer pointed out, he “had not the time, money, and opportunity requisite to permit him to go back to the original sources in all cases.” Du Bois himself openly conceded that he was a Black historian subjected to Jim Crow restrictions in the academy and in the archives.

When Du Bois did plumb the documentary record, he turned to evidence that Craven deemed out of bounds: “abolition propaganda and the biased statements of partisan politicians.” The result, Craven contended, was a “half-baked Marxian interpretation.” He concluded that the book presented a “badly distorted picture” and that Du Bois had overreached

Black journalists were among the first to closely read “Black Reconstruction.” Henry Lee Moon, writing for Harlem’s Amsterdam News, explained that Du Bois showed how “there could be no serious study and consideration of the period immediately following the civil war which did not view the Negro as being a human being endowed with the same weaknesses and strengths that characterize other races.” But Moon broke with the near-consensus among Black reviewers who praised Du Bois’s scholarship and brilliant style. He found Du Bois’s evidence lacking in some places and warned presciently that “Black Reconstruction” should expect negative reviews from readers on the right and the left.



What Moon could not have imagined is that, today, much of the early criticism has resurfaced. A case in point is Helen Andrews’s recent review of the Library of America’s reissue of “Black Reconstruction.” At times, Andrews appears to borrow directly from Craven, mocking Du Bois, as she writes in the American Conservative, for his “bold attempt to apply a Marxist framework to the Civil War period.” Andrews virtually parrots Craven when she criticizes the book’s “limited sources” and lack of “original archival research,” which Du Bois himself lamented. A senior editor at the American Conservative, Andrews endorses the Dunning School view, as Craven did, when she concludes that “Reconstruction was bad, objectively bad.”

Between Craven in 1936 and Andrews in 2021, historians have produced a small library’s worth of works on Reconstruction. Many build upon Du Bois’s thinking, while some others depart from it. But among these studies, most rare is the historian who fails to reach back to Du Bois’s ideas to explain the genesis of their interpretation. With the rise of the modern civil rights movement, Reconstruction received serious reconsideration, and “Black Reconstruction” became a staple in scholarly debates. Du Bois’s work maintains an unshakable relevance to understanding what some have termed the second American revolution, a brief period when the nation worked toward a multiracial democracy.

Today, we read “Black Reconstruction” to further our thinking about racism and inequality in America, and to heed the book’s call to assess clear-eyed where this country has been and where it still might go.

Black Reconstruction
An Essay Toward a History of the Part Which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860–1880 & Other Writings
By W.E.B. Du Bois
Library of America. 1,085 pp. $45



W. E. B. Du Bois (William Edward Burghardt), 1868-1963

The Souls of Black Folk; Essays and Sketches
Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co., 1903.

Summary

W. E. B. Du Bois' The Souls of Black Folk (1903) is a seminal work in African American literature and an American classic. In this work Du Bois proposes that "the problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color-line." His concepts of life behind the veil of race and the resulting "double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one's self through the eyes of others," have become touchstones for thinking about race in America. In addition to these enduring concepts, Souls offers an assessment of the progress of the race, the obstacles to that progress, and the possibilities for future progress as the nation entered the twentieth century.

Du Bois examines the years immediately following the Civil War and, in particular, the Freedmen's Bureau's role in Reconstruction. The Bureau's failures were due not only to southern opposition and "national neglect," but also to mismanagement and courts that were biased "in favor of black litigants." The Bureau did have successes as well, and its most important contribution to progress was the founding of African American schools. Since the end of Reconstruction in 1876, Du Bois claims that the most significant event in African American history has been the rise of the educator, Booker T. Washington, to the role of spokesman for the race. Du Bois argues that Washington's approach to race relations is counterproductive to the long-term progress of the race. Washington's acceptance of segregation and his emphasis on material progress represent an "old attitude of adjustment and submission." Du Bois asserts that this policy has damaged African Americans by contributing to the loss of the vote, the loss of civil status, and the loss of aid for institutions of higher education. Du Bois insists that "the right to vote," "civic equality," and "the education of youth according to ability" are essential for African American progress.

Du Bois relates his experiences as a schoolteacher in rural Tennessee, and then he turns his attention to a critique of American materialism in the rising city of Atlanta where the single-minded attention to gaining wealth threatens to replace all other considerations. In terms of education, African Americans should not be taught merely to earn money. Rather, Du Bois argues there should be a balance between the "standards of lower training" and the "standards of human culture and lofty ideals of life." In effect, the African American college should train the "Talented Tenth" who can in turn contribute to lower education and also act as liaisons in improving race relations.

Du Bois returns to an examination of rural African American life with a presentation of Dougherty County, Georgia as representative of life in the southern Black Belt. He presents the history and current conditions of the county. Cotton is still the life-blood of the Black Belt economy, and few African Americans are enjoying any economic success. Du Bois describes the legal system and tenant farming system as only slightly removed from slavery. He also examines African American religion from its origins in African society, through its development in slavery, to the formation of the Baptist and Methodist churches. He argues that "the study of Negro religion is not only a vital part of the history of the Negro in America, but no uninteresting part of American history." He goes on to examine the impact of slavery on morality.

In the last chapters of his book, Du Bois concentrates on how racial prejudice impacts individuals. He mourns the loss of his baby son, but he wonders if his son is not better off dead than growing up in a world dominated by the color-line. Du Bois relates the story of Alexander Crummel, who struggled against prejudice in his attempts to become an Episcopal priest. In "Of the Coming of John," Du Bois presents the story of a young black man who attains an education. John's new knowledge, however, places him at odds with a southern community, and he is destroyed by racism. Finally, Du Bois concludes his book with an essay on African American spirituals. These songs have developed from their African origins into powerful expressions of the sorrow, pain, and exile that characterize the African American experience. For Du Bois, these songs exist "not simply as the sole American music, but as the most beautiful expression of human experience born this side the seas."

Andrew Leiter

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