Monday, February 06, 2023

B.C. rattled by a 3.9-magnitude earthquake, shaking reported

B.C. rattled by a 3.9-magnitude earthquake, shaking reported

A minor earthquake struck B.C. on Saturday evening, according to the United States Geological Survey (USGS).

The earthquake occurred 41.4 km northwest of Kimberley, B.C., and registered at a depth of 10 kilometres, the USGS said.

SEE ALSO: San Francisco Bay Area shaken by its largest earthquake since 2014

The tremor occurred around 8:39 p.m. PST on Saturday, Feb. 4., with many people taking to social media soon after to report the shaking.

While the earthquake was felt in Kimberley, there was no damage or injuries reported.

Earthquake hits Buffalo, NY, shaking felt in 

Niagara Falls, St. Catharines

At about 6:15 am on Monday, a small earthquake was strongly felt by many in the Buffalo, New York area. The U.S. Geological Survey (USGC) reported it as a 3.8 magnitude earthquake, centred 2 km east northeast of West Seneca.

"It is unknow yet if there is any damage from the earthquake," the U.S. National Weather Service stated.

Initial reports showed the quake had been felt as far north as Niagara Falls and St. Catharines.


According to Earthquakes Canada, who rated it as a 4.2 magnitude earthquake, it was "lightly felt in southern Ontario."

"There are no reports of damage, and none would be expected," Earthquakes Canada said

4.2-magnitude earthquake near Buffalo, N.Y., felt in southern Ontario

Mon, February 6, 2023 

Residents in Hamilton and across southern Ontario reportedly felt an earthquake Monday morning. (Bobby Hristova/CBC - image credit)

An earthquake near Buffalo, N.Y., with a preliminary magnitude of 4.2, was "lightly felt" in parts of southern Ontario Monday morning, according to Earthquakes Canada.

"I woke up to it," St. Catharines, Ont. resident Stephen Murdoch told CBC Hamilton.

Murdoch said his house shook around 6:15 a.m. ET.

"I felt what I guess you would consider a small jolt and continuous shaking …. about 15 to 20 seconds," he said.

The federal agency says it doesn't expect any damage would come from the reported earthquake, but said as of roughly 8 a.m., there were more than 200 reports of people in southern Ontario feeling the rumble, including in Hamilton, the Greater Toronto Area and as far as Quinte West, Ont., near Belleville.

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration in the U.S. says the earthquake occurred in West Seneca, N.Y. and labelled it a 3.8-magnitude quake some three metres beneath the surface.

Musician Rich Jones said he felt the rumble in Hamilton.

"My dog started barking and the bed was shaking for a few seconds. Never felt an earthquake here before. Wild," Jones tweeted.

Earthquakes Canada last recorded an earthquake in Ontario in the Greater Sudbury area on Jan. 22, measuring 2.8 magnitude.

Earthquakes are generally caused by large segments of the earth's crust, called tectonic plates, continuously shifting, according to Earthquakes Canada.

The Southern Great Lakes Seismic Zone has a low to moderate amount of seismicity when compared to the more active seismic zones to the east, along the Ottawa River and in Quebec.

"It's an incredible event to live through … I can't imagine the ones of greater magnitude," Murdoch said.

"I think there's going to be a lot of discussion at water coolers across Buffalo and southern Ontario in terms of what happened this morning."
Three things that made the Eastern Canada cold snap so bizarre

Tyler Hamilton and Melinda Singh
THE WEATHER NETWORK
Sun, February 5, 2023 


A cold snap in Canada is hardly newsworthy, but this recent dance with Arctic air created an incredibly unique and extreme scenario that will be remembered for years to come.


Freeze and dash

We know the feeling when winter digs its heels in, and we get endless days below seasonal. When this happens, the jet stream becomes highly amplified with blocking mechanisms to trap the cold.

We often look to Greenland for strong blocking, but that wasn’t the case. The lobe of the stratospheric polar vortex was free to swing readily across Eastern Canada but then made a swift exit. A ridge of high pressure filled in behind, causing temperatures to rise as fast as they fell.

DIAGRAM


Type of cold

Picture the coldest Canadian night imaginable. What did you think of it? Clear skies? Calm winds? A deep snowpack? This cold snap had none of these ingredients align because this type of cold is different. Meet advection cold.

The cold air wasn’t developed on location. The imported cold was fed south by a strong low and the trajectory of the polar vortex. The polar vortex was swirling near Hudson Bay and was slingshotted south by favourable atmospheric dynamics.


advectioncold

The cold air wrapped around a developing low, lifting across Labrador. Not just any cold air, either -- the stratospheric polar vortex mixed down in what’s known as a tropopause fold and occurs near the core of a jet stream.

It’s why the Mount Washington Observatory recorded wind chills colder than Mars.
Unprecedented wind chills

Wind chill values plunged into the -30s through the Greater Toronto Area, the -40s through the National Capital Region and southern Quebec, and even touched -50 in sections of Quebec.

Wind chill records were broken across the Maritimes provinces Friday overnight, with a major one at Halifax Stanfield International Airport (YHZ) with the all-time wind chill record being broken at -43.

What drove these extreme values? The aforementioned low-pressure system heightened the pressure gradient across Atlantic Canada. Usually, this would have been an ordinary windstorm event with modest power outages, but the addition of the polar vortex created unprecedented wind chill values for some.


WCNH

Record wind chills were not only felt across Eastern Canada but also throughout the northeastern United States. At the Mount Washington summit, the coldest-ever wind chill was recorded at -78, beating out the last record of -75 from Jan. 16, 2004.

Look ahead


Now that the extreme cold is in the past, for the time being, a strong Pacific jet will usher in warmer air right across the country. This means above-seasonal temperatures, gusty winds for the Prairies and the potential for messy low-pressure systems to disrupt commutes across Eastern Canada.
DON'T GO ALONE TO THE BACKCOUNTRY

ALBERTA

A skier fell 820 feet down a mountain during an avalanche. He was saved by 2 rescuers who built him a shelter to keep him warm overnight.

Aditi Bharade
Mon, February 6, 2023 

Castle Mountain in Alberta, Canada.George Rose/Getty Images

A man who was caught in an avalanche in Alberta dialed 911 for help after falling some 820 feet.

He was found by two rescuers who built him a temporary tarp shelter to keep him warm.

He was lifted off the mountain via helicopter, and sustained injuries to his back, neck and legs.


A skier caught in an avalanche in Alberta, Canada, on February 3 was saved by two rescuers who hiked for hours to reach him, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, or CBC, reported on Sunday.


The man, who has not been identified by name in media reports, is in his thirties and is from Nelson, British Columbia, per the CBC. He went off the ski path at Castle Mountain Ski Resort on Friday afternoon and was caught in an avalanche, the ski resort's sales and marketing manager, Cole Fawcett, told the media outlet.

Rescuers from the Southwest Alberta Regional Search and Rescue, or SARSAR, a volunteer organization that helps the police with rescue missions, told the CBC they estimated that the skier had fallen 820 feet during the avalanche.


The man managed to dial 911 for help at around 4 p.m., a spokesperson for SARSAR told Insider.

Two rescuers from SARSAR — Amanda Goodhue and Madeline Martin — hiked for two hours through the mountain's rocky terrain to reach the man, per the CBC.

It was around 8 p.m. when Goodhue and Martin reached the man, hours after the sunset at 5:30 p.m. in Alberta. Rescue operations in the dark are riskier, SARSAR's spokesperson told Insider, which is why rescue operations usually take place in the daytime.

Though the man's condition was stable, he was too injured to be transported down the mountain. While waiting for backup, Goodhue and Martin tried to keep the injured man warm by building a temporary shelter in the snow, per the CBC.

"We initially dug ourselves a shelter and built a tarp shelter for our patient, we prioritized that, and just got him sort of comfortable," Goodhue told the CBC.

A second crew of rescue workers reached the group at 1 a.m. with more supplies. The man was finally airlifted off the mountain via helicopter at around 9 a.m. the following morning, per the CBC.

The man sustained injuries to his back, neck, and legs, Troy Savinkoff, a spokesman for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, told the CBC.

"In my estimate, another 200 feet lower, he wouldn't have had cell service. That would have been blocked by an adjacent mountain," Marty Reed, a corporal in the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, told the CBC.

SARSAR told Insider the organization does not have "information regarding the subject nor their injuries."

According to Avalanche Canada's annual report in 2021, there were 104 avalanche fatalities in Canada from 2012 to 2021. Most of these accidents involved skiers and people riding snowmobiles.

Representatives at Castle Mountain Ski Resort and the Kananaskis Country public safety program — which is in charge of helicopter rescue services in the region — did not respond immediately to Insider's requests for comment.

Helicopters search Scottish hills in efforts to find 'experienced hillwalker'


Ema Sabljak
Sun, 5 February 2023 

Police Scotland's Air Support Unit aided the ongoing efforts to trace Ross Kinghorn in the Beinn a' Ghlo Munros. (Image: Police Scotland)

Helicopters were called to carry out an air search for a missing "experienced hillwaker" almost three weeks after he was last seen.

Police Scotland's Air Support Unit aided the ongoing efforts to trace Ross Kinghorn in the Beinn a' Ghlo Munros.

The 57-year-old was last seen on January 16 after he travelled by train from his home in Linlithgow to Bridge of Tilt area in Perthshire with the intention of going hill walking.


The last sighting occurred around 9am on the same Monday after he arrived in Blair Atholl.

It is believed the man set out to the area scoured in an air search by Police Scotland teams.

A statement by the Air Unit read: "The Air Support Unit assisted today in the search for Ross Kinghorn in the Beinn a’ Ghlo Munros.

"The hills were very busy with walkers. If anyone saw anything unusual, please call 101."

Mr Kinghorn was reported missing on Janaury 20 after failing to return as planned.

READ MORE: Pedestrian, 79, dies after being hit by bus in Edinburgh

He is described as white, 5ft 8in tall, slim build, with a bald head.

The hillwalker is believed to be wearing a blue beanie hat, blue waterproof jacket, green fleece, grey walking trousers and brown boots.

Extensive police searches located some of his personal items near Bridge of Tilt.

He was also in possession of a small two-wheel trolley which was among the items recovered.

In a re-appeal for information issued on January 27, Sergeant James Longden said: “We remain very concerned for Ross as our enquiries continue and we would continue to urge anyone with any information which may help to get in touch.

“Ross is an experienced hillwalker. His intention was to walk in the Beinn a' Ghlò hills above Blair Atholl and I would urge any other walkers who have been in the area who may have seen anything which looked out of place to get in touch as your information may prove helpful.

“I would also ask residents in the Bridge of Tilt area to check their sheds and outbuildings for any sign that he may have been there.

“Anyone who may have seen Ross is asked to contact police on 101 quoting 1588 of 20 January, 2023.”
DeSantis wants a ‘core curriculum.’ That idea is college kryptonite.


Daniel de Visé
THE HILL
Sun, February 5, 2023 

Ron DeSantis, Florida’s governor and a potential Republican presidential prospect, says he wants to mandate a “core curriculum” in public universities as a way to ensure young Floridians are grounded in Western civilization.

To the nation’s higher education leaders, that idea is political kryptonite.

Proponents of the core curriculum say every student should emerge from college with a core of human knowledge: not necessarily Shakespeare and Dante per se, but some sense of civilization’s greatest books and finest ideas.

But college faculties have struggled to decide what a core curriculum should include. Rather than require any specific course, most universities fall back on broad “distribution requirements,” mandating that students take a STEM course here, an arts course there, to explore the academic world beyond their major.

At schools with comparatively lax distribution rules, no one must study any one discipline, let alone take a prescribed course. As a result, students can graduate from Amherst, Brown, Johns Hopkins or UCLA without ever taking a class in science or history or foreign language.

Supporters of core learning say those schools — indeed, most American universities — abdicate their responsibility to make specific choices about what students should learn.

“I think that there are some things that everybody ought to know,” said Roosevelt Montás, senior lecturer in American studies and English at Columbia University. “It’s an idea that academia has largely walked away from, but without, I think, a very good reason.”

From 2008 to 2018, Montás directed the core curriculum at Columbia, founded in 1919, one of a few surviving programs that require all undergraduates to complete a sequence of interdisciplinary courses.

A few other institutions also maintain ancient core curricula, programs formed in the pre-digital age. The University of Chicago requires undergraduates to complete an expansive core curriculum, choosing from a menu of customized courses. St. John’s College, the famed “great books” school, teaches a four-year sequence of foundational texts at campuses in Annapolis, Md., and Santa Fe, N.M.

All of those institutions regularly review and revise their core programs to add diversity and depth.

“We’ve added Simone de Beauvoir. We’ve added Baldwin. We’ve added Toni Morrison. These are all lengthy debates,” said Mark Roosevelt, president of St. John’s in Santa Fe. “It’s sort of like amending the U.S. Constitution. It should be hard.”

But to create a new core curriculum from scratch?

“It would be incredibly difficult to craft a core curriculum today, and I don’t know anybody who’s trying to do it,” Roosevelt said.

Generations ago, professors taught from a static list of Western scholars, most of them dead, white and male. Late in the 1800s, the advent of the modern research university inspired a movement away from general education to academic specialization and majors. After 1900, an influx of immigrants sparked a decades-long resurgence of “core” programs that stressed Western intellectual thought.

In the civil rights years, critics assailed core courses for ignoring women, Black Americans and pretty much anything outside the white, European American tradition. Colleges abandoned core curricula en masse.

In the modern era, students typically pass from a high school where most courses are prescribed to a college where they are free to study pretty much what they want.

Leaders of academia argue that their job is to teach students how to think, problem-solve and interact with the world, not to assign a list of essential books.

The great books that long populated core curricula have become so bound up with white, male, Euro-centric culture that the terms “great books” and “core curriculum” themselves are falling from favor.

“I try not to use the words ‘great books,’” said Kyna Hamill, director of the core curriculum at Boston University.

BU’s core is optional, and the readings go well beyond Euro-American culture. Courses include The Way, a survey of Aristotle, Confucius, Laozi, Virgil, and texts from ancient India and Persia. The common theme: “thinking about the best way to live,” Hamill said.

The Columbia scholar Montás, who grew up in the Dominican Republic and Queens, argues against the idea that a “great books” course amounts to an indoctrination in Western values.

“There is nothing wrong, per se, with being a dead, white male,” he said. “That is not a criterion for either inclusion or exclusion. And if we are going to have an education that takes the past seriously, that means that we are going to be studying a group of producers of intellectual content who are not representative of our current intellectual diversity.”

At the University of Chicago, students in one core-curriculum sequence transition from Homer’s Odyssey to Harriet Jacobs’s Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. Another group reads The Pillow Book, a work of Japanese antiquity, alongside Saint Augustine’s Confessions.

“There’s a pretty big geographic range,” said Eric Slauter, deputy dean of the university’s humanities division. “There’s a pretty big chronological range.”

Champions of the core curriculum include the American Council of Trustees and Alumni, a nonprofit that advocates for colleges to take a more active role in deciding what courses students take.

The group grades colleges on whether they specifically require students to study science, math, economics, U.S. government or history, foreign language, literature and composition.

The University of Chicago and Columbia both earn Bs. St. John’s gets an A. Amherst, Brown, Harvard, Hopkins and UCLA all receive Fs.

“A core curriculum is the most reasonable safety net that we have to ensure that students get a strong foundational education,” said Michael Poliakoff, president of the trustees and alumni group. “There’s something really wonderful, really magical, when faculty ask that question, What is really essential?, and act on it.”

Poliakoff’s group leans conservative, rare in higher education, and was founded in part to balance academic liberalism. The schools awarded As in its grading scale amount to fewer than two dozen in all, include the U.S. Air Force and Military academies, the University of Georgia, a smattering of Christian colleges and the aforementioned St. John’s.

The new push for a core curriculum in Florida is part of a larger campaign by a conservative governor to root out perceived liberal bias in the state’s education systems.

“In Florida, we will build off of our higher education reforms by aligning core curriculum to the values of liberty and the Western tradition,” DeSantis said during a press conference Tuesday.

Handouts from the governor’s office gave sketchy details, but both The New York Times and the Chronicle of Higher Education reported that DeSantis intends to require courses in Western civilization in Florida’s public universities.

Academic leaders counter that no state government should impose lesson plans on a university.

“I don’t think that the site of curricular decision is the state legislature,” Montás said. “I think the site is the faculty of the school.”

Whatever comes of the Florida governor’s initiative, the core curriculum may be seeing a modest resurgence.

Large-scale, mandatory core programs such as the ones at Columbia and the University of Chicago remain rare. But Montás says he has witnessed a “mini-Renaissance” in recent years around “introducing core texts, foundational texts, into the curriculum. It’s not an explosion of that, but significant, steady growth.”

A nonprofit Association for Core Texts and Courses maintains a list of several dozen colleges with “great books” programs. Most are optional. A few require all students to crack a “core text” at some point in their studies.

Stanford University recently launched a new program in Civic, Liberal and Global Education for all first-year students: a core curriculum in all but name.

In a recent op-ed, headlined “Enough With the Culture Wars,” the program’s director described the effort as nothing short of “an attempt to revive liberal education for the 21st century.”

For the latest news, weather, sports, and streaming video, head to The Hill.
Inside the small liberal arts college that Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis wants to take over

LONG READ

Jenny Jarvie
Sun, February 5, 2023 

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis last month announced the appointment of six conservatives to the board of trustees at the New College of Florida, a small campus overlooking Sarasota Bay. (Thomas Simonetti / For the Washington Post via Getty Images)

The campus was on edge, with more than a dozen police officers and a bomb-sniffing dog on patrol and rumors spreading that far-right militias were on their way.

Outside an auditorium, a few protesters held up signs declaring: “NO HOSTILE TAKEOVER!”

The focus of the controversy was Christopher Rufo, the most prominent of six conservatives recently named trustees at New College of Florida by the state’s governor, Ron DeSantis, as part of his war on “woke.”

In a hyper-politicized age in which conservatives push for more control over what students are taught, this small college overlooking Sarasota Bay looks set to become a pivotal battleground in the war over the mission of public universities.


Rufo, best known for his activism against critical race theory in American education, had come to the left-leaning liberal arts school to hold a pair of town halls, one for faculty and the other for students.

Minutes before the first meeting was to start, the provost announced that she had decided to cancel it because of a threatening email the school had received a day earlier. It was directed at another new trustee who was also scheduled to speak, Jason “Eddie” Speir, the founder of a nearby Christian school: “MAKE SURE THAT YOU HAVE A FLAK JACKET ON.”

Rufo and Speir refused to leave.

“This is the problem at your school, you know that, right?” Rufo said, pointing at the provost, Suzanne Sherman. “You’ve created an environment in which the most intolerant and the most aggressive people who threaten violence can veto you, can veto the president, can veto any changes.”

“We are closing this building, sir,” Sherman said.

“No, we’re not,” Rufo said.

Rufo has vowed to scrap “diversity, equity and inclusion” programs and hire new faculty with expertise in constitutional law, “American principles” and what he calls family values. Speir recently floated the idea of terminating all contracts with faculty, staff and administration and then immediately rehiring those who “fit in the new financial and business model.”

Education experts worry that the true aim of the new board is not academic freedom or diversity of thought but turning New College into a model for conservative education.

Many of the school’s 698 students fear that their professors will be banned from discussing topics such as race and gender.

“Right now, everyone is super scared,” said Ellen Benedict, 18, a marine biology student who identifies as nonbinary and is considering a transfer to another school, probably to somewhere in New York, in case DeSantis goes after other colleges in Florida.

“This is bigger than here,” Benedict said.



Conservative activist Christopher Rufo speaks to faculty at the New College of Florida in Sarasota on Jan. 25. 
(Thomas Simonetti / For the Washington Post via Getty Images)

Keith Whittington, a political scientist at Princeton University and author of “Speak Freely: Why Universities Must Defend Free Speech,” said New College could become “a real laboratory for how much, and in what way, state governors might intervene in how universities operate.”

A majority of U.S. professors identify as far left or liberal — 60% in 2017, up from 41% in 1990, according to surveys by the Higher Education Research Institute at UCLA. And there has been no shortage of cases of universities disinviting conservative speakers, disciplining professors and policing language.

Whittington has long been concerned about what he sees as the homogeneity of ideas on college campuses and the mounting conservative backlash. But he said that meddling with the hiring of faculty or the curriculum or ruling certain subjects out of bounds — as some of the new trustees at New College of Florida have vowed to do — “crosses a red line.”

“It’s appropriate for politicians in some of these states to be worried about the direction their public universities are taking,” he said. “The question is: How do you attempt to reform them without seriously damaging them in the process?”

: :

New College began as a private institution in 1960, an era when legislators in Florida were purging purportedly subversive civil rights activists, communists and gay people from state institutions. Its founders envisaged it as a bastion of free thought.

The college turned public the next decade because of financial troubles, but it maintained a quirky, anything-goes vibe. In 1992, the Sun Sentinel newspaper described the campus like this: “Shoes are optional. Grades are obsolete. Attitudes are open.”

But not entirely. Four years ago, the college’s then-president told the Sarasota Herald-Tribune that a study commissioned by administrators found that some students were leaving because the political atmosphere had become “too hostile.”

Rufo, 38, says he wants to change that. On the day he was named a trustee, he shared his agenda on Twitter.

“We are now over the walls and ready to transform higher education from within,” he wrote. “Our all-star board will demonstrate that the public universities, which have been corrupted by woke nihilism, can be recaptured, restructured, and reformed.”


A view of the New College of Florida campus in Sarasota.
 (Jenny Jarvie / Los Angeles Times)

By the time Rufo set foot on campus late last month, many faculty and students were vowing to boycott the town halls. Some were wary of giving Rufo publicity. Others said they felt unsafe.

Rufo and Speir prevailed in their standoff with administrators, and about 200 professors, college staffers and community members poured into the auditorium.

“We’re going to liberate the campus,” Rufo told reporters. “We’re going to liberate administrators. We’re going to liberate faculty from the cultural hostage takers!”

Groans filled the room as Rufo said enrollment was down and the college’s finances were so strained that some lawmakers wanted to shut it down.

New College, he said, had a “culture problem.”

“We have an echo chamber here, where only one orthodoxy is allowed,” Rufo said. “It doesn’t reflect the breadth of opinions in the state of Florida; it doesn’t reflect the breadth of opinion at a good liberal arts college.”

He cited as evidence private conversations with unnamed faculty and staffers and a 2019 report commissioned by administrators to study low enrollment that found the college had an “extraordinary focus on social justice” and that — based on a survey of applicants who were admitted — the phrases most strongly associated with the college were “politically correct,” “druggies” and “weirdos.”

Many in the audience dismissed his take, sighing, booing and heckling.

“You are the problem!”

“Please stop!”

“Liar!”

When it came time to pass a mic around the audience, a psychology technician grilled Rufo about statements he had made that appeared to link LGBTQ individuals with pedophilia — a question that Rufo said misrepresented his beliefs.

The university’s chief diversity officer, Yoleidy Rosario-Hernandez, asked how the new trustees would ensure that liberals were also welcome and “people like myself will maybe not be fired next week?”

Rufo said that nobody should be intimidated, but he offered Rosario-Hernandez no assurance that her job was safe.

Diego Villada, a theater professor who wore a rainbow-colored flag over his shoulder, told Rufo and Speir that they sounded crazy in media accounts, but that he found them more reasonable in person.

“Today I feel like I understand the words that are coming out of your mouth,” he said. “I feel like they are earnest.”

Still, Villada said he did not see evidence of a restrictive left-wing academic culture.

“How does one gauge a stifling orthodoxy through the anecdotal evidence that you all are gathering?” he asked.

: :

Students at New College acknowledge that they and their professors tend to lean left. But several said in interviews that they were exposed to a wide range of ideas.

And though the school’s conservative critics have singled out classes such as “Queer Studies” and “Feminist, Queer and Trans Theory,” the college offers a broad spectrum of courses in the sciences and humanities.

"Doing a full 180 and making it conservative or traditional or classical is not going to help anybody," said Rocío Ramírez Castro, who studies anthropology and Spanish at the New College of Florida. (Jenny Jarvie / Los Angeles Times)

Rocío Ramírez Castro, a 21-year-old studying anthropology and Spanish, said she feared that conservatives might block future students from pursuing the kinds of coursework that she did: East African anthropology, Afro-Caribbean drumming and a senior thesis exploring the cultural and folkloric significance of cockfighting in her native Puerto Rico.

“Doing a full 180 and making it conservative or traditional or classical is not going to help anybody,” she said.

At the town hall with students, Rufo insisted he was simply upholding the college’s founding principle of free inquiry.

“My goal is not to say, ‘Let’s replace the left-wing orthodoxy with the right-wing orthodoxy,’” he said. “My goal is to say, ‘Let’s expand the bounds of public debate.’”

The students were skeptical. During questions, one said Rufo’s appointment to the board was already damaging the school.

“Are you aware that the college’s admissions office has already reported students calling to un-enroll and request deposit refunds?” the student asked.

When the meeting ended, Sam Sharf, a 22-year-old international politics student who is transgender, walked up to Rufo and accused him of trying to “instill some sort of dogmatic conservative ideology.”

“Do you support the banning of classes that teach a serious history of racism and misogyny?” she said. “Because that doesn’t sound like freedom.”

Rufo responded: “I don’t think you can have a classical liberal education, for example, without grappling with Marx. But I think we get into a problem when it is left-wing liberal activism masquerading as neutral scholarship.”


Christopher Rufo speaks with Sam Sharf, a 22-year-old international politics student, after a town hall meeting at New College of Florida on Jan. 25 on the college campus in Sarasota. (Jenny Jarvie / Los Angeles Times)

A few students said in interviews that they felt the college had become an echo chamber for liberals.

Jesse Hudson, 33, entered college wanting to study philosophy but said he was disappointed that even classes on long-dead German philosophers had a “political bent” as they veered into modern-day issues such as disability and pregnancy.

“Edmund Husserl mentions nothing about any of that!” Hudson said. “I wanted to study Hegel, Marx, Heidegger, Husserl without trying to tie it into what I view to be a kind of academic activism — talking about the phenomenology of race, the phenomenology of gender, the phenomenology and politics and philosophy of trans studies.”

He wound up focusing on math, because it felt less political, he said.

: :

Widely seen as a contender for the Republican presidential nomination, DeSantis has elevated his national profile by branding his state a place “where woke goes to die.”

In spring, he signed legislation to limit discussion of race, gender and sexuality in universities — restrictions that were struck down in November by a federal judge who called them “positively dystopian.”

Undeterred, the governor announced a sweeping plan last week to eliminate “ideological conformity” in public higher education by eliminating diversity programs, weakening tenure protections for professors and focusing the curriculum on the history and philosophy that has shaped Western civilization.

He also promised to work with legislators to immediately spend $15 million to overhaul New College, including recruiting new faculty.

Hours later, the new board of trustees met for the first time, offering clues of what that overhaul might entail.

More than 100 protesters held signs that said “NO BIGOTS ON THE BOARD” and chanted: “Racist, sexist, antigay. Ron DeSantis, go away!”

But his six new trustees — along with right-wing scholar Ryan T. Anderson, who was appointed last month by Florida’s Board of Governors — give conservatives a controlling majority on the 13-member panel.


Students attend a "Defend New College" protest in Sarasota, Fla., on Tuesday.
 
(Octavio Jones / Bloomberg)

Over the objection of protesters, Rufo moved swiftly to advance a motion abolishing the office that oversees diversity initiatives and adopt a policy drawn up by the Manhattan Institute — the conservative think tank where he is a senior fellow — to “restore colorblind equality.”

“Diversity, equity and inclusion sounds great,” Rufo said, “but in practice divides people and offers separate judgments on the basis of race and identity.”

“Your opinion doesn’t matter,” someone in the audience hollered.

“My opinion does matter, actually,” Rufo said.

The crowd booed, but the board voted to study the issue and draft a policy based on Rufo’s recommendation.

Then the board moved on to its next agenda item. Protesters pleaded with the college’s president, Patricia Okker, to fight to keep her job. But she knew that would be futile.

“My deepest apologies, but I’m going to say publicly: I do not believe that students are being indoctrinated at New College,” Okker told the board as the audience whooped and cheered.

After ousting Okker, the board installed an interim president: Richard Corcoran, a former Republican state House speaker and staunch DeSantis ally.

As for what will happen next, the new trustees have sent conflicting signals.

Mark Bauerlein, a professor emeritus at Emory University and an editor at the Catholic magazine First Things, said banning subjects out of hand would be “anti-academic and contrary to free and open inquiry.”

He proposed looking at how senior thesis projects have changed over the last 30 years to make sure there was no “intellectual deterioration.”

Speir said he would “absolutely” consider removing subjects such as gender studies from the curriculum.

“Everything’s on the table,” he said.

“There are no sacred cows.”

This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
Florida may be a red state, but that didn’t stop 3.2 million people from signing up for Obamacare | Opinion


Associated Press

Miami Herald Editorial Board
Sat, February 4, 2023 

A record-breaking number of Floridians signed up this year for health insurance through Obamacare. That’s the program, in case you’ve forgotten, that Republicans spent years trying to get rid of and once called “the most dangerous piece of legislation ever passed.”

More than 3.2 million residents of the Sunshine State (20% of the Obamacare enrollment for the entire country) apparently don’t agree. They signed up in droves this year, a 19% jump over last year, the highest number in the country. And that’s even though Florida is the third most populous state in the nation and accounts for only 7% of the U.S. population.

Funny. Isn’t Florida supposed to be a red state now?

Healthcare is healthcare is healthcare, it turns out. A kid’s broken arm or a spouse’s cancer treatment has a way of making our political differences irrelevant; we just want to see a doctor. If these numbers are any indication, getting insurance coverage in a country where a big medical bill can wipe out your savings is a lot more important than whether someone with a D or an R after their name is responsible for the legislation that got you that policy to begin with.

Consumers have spoken. Obamacare? The Affordable Care Act? Call it anything you want, just give us insurance.

Rich don’t worry

The cost of medicine and hospitalization and tests is incredibly high in the United States, with spending topping $12,000 per capita in 2021, more than twice the average of other wealthy countries. We worry about being bankrupted by medical debt. We skimp on costly prescriptions and stretch out the time between doctor visits. In the United States, the only people who can afford to ignore the issue are the very rich and maybe some members of Congress — though that’s often the same thing.

Maybe that’s why the GOP has been so quiet about Obamacare these days. Sen. Rick Scott — Florida’s former governor who made his opposition to the ACA a key point in his political career — didn’t even mention it in his 11-point, grandly named “Rescue America” plan that was roundly rejected even by his own party. Scott, it bears mentioning, has a net worth somewhere in the $300 million range.

Maybe, just maybe, all those GOP vows to “repeal and replace” the ACA — they never came up with the “replace” part, by the way — weren’t about healthcare after all, but just politics, another calculation designed to drum up outrage.

That’s not to say Obamacare is perfect or even very good. It still costs too much for many people, and coverage isn’t always great. It leaves some people out. But, especially if you qualify for subsidies to substantially defray the costs, it’s a lot better than the alternative. Don’t forget, it ushered in two important changes that are very popular with Americans: Insurance companies can’t charge you more if you have a pre-existing condition and parents can keep kids on their policies until they turn 26.

Federal funds rejected

The ACA was always supposed to include the expansion of Medicaid, too, but Florida remains one of just 11 states that refuse to accept federal money to expand the program. The issue is newly relevant as Florida makes plans to shed an estimated 1.7 million people from the Medicaid rolls now that stimulus money from the pandemic is ending.

Gov. Ron DeSantis could push the ever-compliant Florida Legislature to finally agree to expand Medicaid under the ACA, and help our poorer residents. He might even summon some flicker of interest in all the people in his state who remain uninsured, about 2.6 million people in 2021. But he is too busy smashing the anger button, stoking fear about library books, Black history and Disney.

And anyway, his record in Congress shows where he’s coming from: He’s staunchly opposed to federal aid (except when he’s not) and even voted in 2013 to cut Social Security. It’ll be interesting to see how that plays if he becomes, as expected, a presidential candidate.

The ACA was passed a long time ago now, in 2010. Republicans, who spent more than a decade trying to undercut it, seem to have finally recognized that it’s too far along to take down. They’ve had a few wins that helped give them cover to, finally, let it go. In 2017, for example, Congress all but eliminated the much-reviled “individual mandate,” which required people to have health insurance, by zeroing out the tax penalty.

Meanwhile, though, people kept enrolling, especially Floridians.

Maybe there will be another attack on the ACA. But the numbers argue against it. So, in politics, it’s on to the next simmering resentment.

Culture wars, anyone?
MINNESOTA

EDITORIAL: Environment Clean energy bill reasonable, necessary

The Free Press, Mankato, Minn.
Sun, February 5, 2023 

Feb. 5—The clean energy bill passed by the Minnesota Legislature with the support of Gov. Tim Walz has us imagining what a carbon free energy Minnesota will be like in 2040. That's a positive thought that doesn't come easily in today's world.

While many of us may not be around to see it, our children and grandchildren will, and finally, we can say we're doing something for their future instead of leaving them a planet on fire.

The legislation, whose chief Senate author was Sen. Nick Frentz, DFL-North Mankato, stands as one of the most consequential efforts ever to preserve and protect Minnesota's pristine air, lakes and woods.

But equally important, it has widespread support among those most responsible for bringing carbon free energy about — consumers, businesses and utilities. It's also reasonable for those businesses who will bear the burden of meeting the standards, investing in infrastructure and taking risks with new technology.

They're an important player in this necessary and noble effort and deserve credit. The legislation doesn't mandate how utility companies get to their goals, and, as Frentz said, those decisions are best left to the boardrooms.

The legislation calls for energy to be carbon-free a decade earlier than the biggest utilities in Minnesota had planned. Utilities would have to be 80% carbon free by 2030, 90% carbon free and 55% renewable by 2035 and 100% carbon free by 2040.

There are exceptions. Utilities can petition the Public Utilities Commission to get a waiver for meeting their goals if costs are unreasonably high to ratepayers or the energy is not reliable. And because rural cooperatives have a starting point behind bigger utilities, they only have to reach 60% carbon free by 2030. They still have to meet the 2040 carbon free deadline.

The legislation also offers options for utilities that can't meet the standards. They can buy carbon credits from others that reduce carbon beyond their standards so in the end overall carbon is reduced. It's a market-driven system in that sense.

And there's good evidence the goals can be achieved. Minnesota's greenhouse gases declined 23% from 2005 to 2020, according to a recent report by the Minnesota Pollution Control Agency. That's on pace to reduce greenhouse gases by 30% by 2025, the goal the Legislature set in 2007.

Climate change is evident in Minnesota. Lakes have lost two weeks of ice cover in the last 50 years, while extreme weather has become more frequent, alternating between floods and drought.

The new green energy industries will bring hundreds of jobs to Minnesota and lower energy costs that utilities say have come down about $1 billion from 2017 to 2021 from wind energy alone.

While Republicans opposed the plan that passed by a party-line one vote in the Senate, we should remember the first clean energy and air legislation was passed on a bipartisan vote in 2007 when GOP Gov. Tim Pawlenty was in office.

Reducing greenhouse gases and other significant costs of climate change will serve every Minnesotan and make sure we leave this beautiful state for our children to enjoy as much as we did.

Minnesota Democrats’ trifecta moving quickly to advance agenda


Sun, February 5, 2023 at 4:13 AM MST·6 min read

Now in full control of state government, Minnesota Democrats are moving quickly to enact a sometimes controversial agenda long stymied by Republicans under divided government.

“The time for gridlock is over. The time to respond to Minnesotans is real,” Gov. Tim Walz said Jan. 31 after signing a bill guaranteeing the right to an abortion and other reproductive care.

There’s a list of other bills Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party members also hope to act quickly on, including cannabis legalization, licenses for undocumented immigrants, voting rights for felons, gun laws and paid leave.

“Minnesotans wanted us to act,” said Senate Majority Leader Kari Dziedzic, DFL-Minneapolis, after the abortion bill became law. “They voted us into the Senate majority, in part, because we told them we would preserve rights and freedoms, not take them away.”

GOP lawmakers have bemoaned their Democratic colleagues expediency, saying important bills with broad impacts are being rushed through, often to quash opposition.

“We are a deliberative body, and the majority should welcome discussion and debate on bills,” Rep. Jon Koznick, R-Lakeville, said following a recent hearing about cannabis legalization when several of his proposed amendments were voted down without much consideration.

“Instead, they have stifled discussion to move as fast as they can,” Koznick said. “Many of these bills are extremely consequential to the future of Minnesota and they deserve our full attention.”

House Speaker Melissa Hortman rejected the idea that legislation was moving too quickly. She noted that constituents often complain that the Legislature waits until the last minute to finish its work.

So far, the Legislature has only sent a handful of bills to Walz and several of them passed with bipartisan backing. Many other DFL priorities are moving through committees and are expected to come before the full House and Senate in the coming weeks.

“That’s such a low bar that we have for the Minnesota Legislature that four bills in January is way too fast,” Hortman said. “I think there’s a lot of work that needs to be done. People should be pleased the Legislature is productive and sprinkling the work throughout the entire session, not just saving it up until the end.”

Eyes on both sides

Political observers agree the new DFL trifecta of both legislative chambers and the governor’s office are moving more quickly than usual.

“They’re moving at an extraordinary pace,” said David Schultz, a political science professor at Hamline University, who noted that Democrats haven’t had total control of state government in a decade. “There’s an incredible amount of pent up demand from several wings of the party.”

Political strategist Amy Koch agrees. The former GOP Senate leader also sees positives and negatives in the pace.

“I think it is smart strategically. They’re fulfilling promises they made on the campaign trail,” Koch said. “But how can the public weigh in on these bills? The committee process isn’t supposed to just be a box you check. There’s no legislator out there drafting a bill that’s perfect right out of the gate.”

Koch and Schultz say they also worry the state’s politics has become so divided that newer lawmakers may see it as a new normal. Rather than collaboration, amendments often have become a tool, either to slow things down or just blow them up.

“We have basically turned politics into a winner-take-all system,” Schultz said. That leads to a decline in cooperation with both parties working together to solve tough problems.

“People are beholden to their base on both sides,” Koch said. “There’s extremes on both sides.”

Essentially, don’t be fooled; if Republicans were in this position, they’d likely act the same way.

“They were salivating at the prospect of a red wave,” Schultz said. “A little of this is sour grapes. It’s legitimate, but also sour grapes.”

Here’s a roundup of some of the more controversial changes that appear to be on the fast track in the House or Senate:

Abortion

Enshrining the right to an abortion and other reproductive care was one of the first priorities DFLers tackled. There are at least three other abortion-related bills working their way through both chambers with votes planned in the coming weeks.

They include measures to eliminate some abortion restrictions already on the books and protections for people who travel to Minnesota from other states to have the procedure.

Democrats say abortion rights drove voters to the polls in November and helped them win majorities in both legislative chambers and re-elect the governor.

Felon voting


A bill to restore voting rights to felons who are no longer incarcerated, but are still on probation or parole, passed the House on Thursday. It is expected to be debated in the Senate in the coming weeks and has the support of Walz and Secretary of State Steve Simon.

If it becomes law, about 55,000 felons would have their right to vote restored. Republicans criticized the proposal and noted it was the first public-safety-oriented bill to be approved by the House.

Immigrant driver’s licenses

The House has already approved legislation to allow residents to obtain driver’s licenses regardless of their immigration status. The Senate is expected to debate the bill in the coming weeks.

Walz has been a supporter of the change since early in his political career, calling it a matter of dignity. Supporters also say it will improve traffic safety.

Opponents are worried that giving driver’s licenses to noncitizens will encourage voter fraud.

Carbon-free electricity

Walz is expected to sign legislation that will require the state’s electricity utilities to derive their energy from carbon-free sources by 2040. The measure has cleared both chambers of the Legislature with Democrats calling it essential to decreasing Minnesota’s greenhouse gas emissions.

Republicans were unsuccessful in their attempts to modify the bill. They say current technology doesn’t support the goal, which will drive up prices and lead to shortages.

Cannabis

Legislation legalizing adult-use cannabis has cleared several committees in the House and Senate. DFLers have said this is the year to legalize the drug after years of working on it.

Opponents worry the bill does not have enough safeguards to protect residents and won’t allow local leaders to dictate how and where it is sold.

Guns

Democrats have vowed to tighten Minnesota’s gun laws with eyes on stronger background checks, age limits and making it easier to take weapons from people deemed unsafe. Proponents say those are common-sense changes while opponents argue toughening those rules won’t make people safer and will punish lawful gun owners.

Paid leave

Two proposals to provide time off to workers are also moving quickly.

One would create a new system for paid leave for illness or to care for a loved one, funded by a 0.7 percent payroll tax. Employers and workers could split the cost of funding up to 12 weeks of paid time off.

The second measure would mandate workers could earn up to 48 hours in paid sick time annually.

Backers of the bills say workers shouldn’t have to chose between staying home when they’re sick and paying for essentials like food and rent. Opponents say the cost of the state-required benefits is too high.
How much money is your state spending to defend against climate change? What we learned

LONG READ


Kim Strong and Gareth McGrath
Sun, February 5, 2023 

Lt. Keith Ramsey with the Pender County Sheriff's Office helps rescue efforts in Burgaw, North Carolina, in September 2018 after floodwaters from Hurricane Florence swamped much of eastern North Carolina.

North Carolina became the object of some national scorn when it ordered coastal regulators a decade ago to ignore the latest scientific predictions of how fast the seas would rise in the coming decades.

Proponents of the short-lived 2012 state law said embracing worrisome projections on sea-level rise, which they claimed were based on unproven scientific research techniques, would prompt costlier home insurance and anti-development alarmism along the tourism-dependent coast.

Critics, including comedian Stephen Colbert, accused state officials of "outlawing the climate models" and blinding themselves to the effects of climate change.

Then two record-setting flooding events, Hurricanes Matthew in 2016 and Florence in 2018, devastated many of the same parts of Eastern North Carolina.

Today, North Carolina is one of 13 states and 34 cities that have added a chief resilience officer and, in most cases, an office of recovery and resiliency, according to the Institute for Sustainable Development.

Dr. Laura Hogshead, director of the N.C. Office of Recovery and Resiliency, said the drumbeat of natural disasters occurring in quick succession helped sway Tar Heel State political and public opinion that it can't be business as usual anymore, with rebuilding as the plan.

"It’s not a political lightning rod anymore because there's a recognition that flooding, for example, is getting worse, more frequent," she said. "We might not always agree on how it's happening, but we do agree that we have to prepare better for it."

However, not all cities or even states along the East Coast have an organized, public plan to protect citizens from the climate crisis as best they can with existing tax dollars — or with increased taxes — and with ingenuity and collaboration.

Our "Perilous Course" project team of USA TODAY Network journalists pressed governments this summer on:

what coordinated public climate crisis action plans they have approved


what they have published to citizens and conducted open forums about


what they have put new money toward as the depth of the climate crisis has become more clear

Not all the governments we asked would answer. Not all could answer: Some had no coordinated action to report.

Meanwhile, scientific and economic forecasts for climate crisis damage and costly change and citizen danger have only grown. For instance, this summer, spots across the East Coast dealt with extreme heat that opened eyes to the vulnerabilities baked into the way our cities are built and where they are built.
'We need to adapt'

As effects of climate crisis creep into the daily lives of more people, some state and local governments are scrambling to adapt and plan ahead.

But while the science leads, progress on public and political pressure to change moves in fits and starts. Decisions to spend public money on climate crisis actions to help citizens, in many cases involving solutions politically unpopular in some circles, are often lagging or disjointed.

"A lot of people don't want big government or more government in their lives, and don't want to pay more taxes for programs or projects they don't understand or think are necessary," said Dr. Ashley Ward, a climate health scientist at Duke University. "I understand the push and pull here.

"But we need to adapt."

Is your state ready?

Most states along the East Coast do not have a unified plan or budget for combatting climate change. That’s according to documents garnered through our Freedom of Information Act requests, sent to state agencies and some key city governments in June, July and August by USA TODAY Network reporters.

Most governments we reached denied the requests because they were unable to provide a budget or documents specifically tied to funds spent on the climate crisis, citing the lack of a dedicated budget for dealing with the extent of the erosion of quality of life coming from global warming.

A Delaware FOIA officer estimated that 120 working hours would be necessary to gather the numbers, at a quoted cost of over $4,500 to our newsroom or any citizen requestor.

“There’s not a line item in the budget for climate change,” said Neil Shader, press secretary for Pennsylvania’s Department of Environmental Protection. “But the investments are happening all over.”

However, the Pennsylvania budget does have specific, dedicated line items for agriculture, education and health, among other priorities.

Michael Healey, spokesman for the Rhode Island Department of Environmental Management, said the same thing, but with more letters.“You’re probably talking about the whole alphabet soup. Along with DEM, there’s OER, RIDOT, DOA, CRMC, RIDOH, Commerce, RIEMA, the Statewide Division of Planning, RIIB, DPUC, RIPTA, and likely URI, RIC, and CCRI, and I may be missing some," Healey said in an email. "On top of that is the fact that cities and towns also are spending a lot of their own money on these issues.

"We agree that this would be a very helpful number to know.”

Florida was asked to provide specifics but did not, sending a vague statement weeks after the request: "Since 2019, more than $1.1 billion has been directed solely to fortifying resilience infrastructure and building on the success of the prior three years’ investments, the fiscal year 2022-23 budget continues this momentum with more than $500 million dedicated to increasing the resilience of Florida’s communities."

That came from Alexandra Kuchta, Florida's Department of Environmental Protection press secretary, who promised to provide a breakdown of those numbers but did not.

Many officials were quick to point out that progress is being made, often by reaching across the political aisle.

Last year, Republican Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker signed climate legislation legally binding the state to cutting emissions in half by 2030 and reaching net zero by 2050. In North Carolina, Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper and Republican leaders from the General Assembly hammered out a deal that mandates a 70% reduction in carbon emissions from 2005 levels by 2030 and to reach carbon neutrality by 2050. In Pennsylvania, Democratic Gov. Tom Wolf signed a contract to move toward a goal of 50% of the government’s electrical needs being met through renewable solar energy.

In 2019, New York enacted its sweeping Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act, which set out goals to reduce emissions by at least 85% by 2050. The state says investments avert billions of dollars in losses to the state from the effects of climate change, including with increasingly worse flooding during storms and sea-level rise. Meanwhile, state officials say action could result in billions in benefits with new jobs added in the state.

Steps along the way include a turn to renewables and setting equity goals for those most affected by the effects of climate change. In November, a part of New York Gov. Kathy Hochul’s climate agenda will face voters with a $4.2 billion bond measure that would go toward reducing flood risk and other climate change mitigation efforts, as well as water quality improvement and resilient infrastructure.

Other states, besieged by flooding, have funneled money toward climate mitigation efforts.

In Florida, the Agriculture and Consumer Services Department received $2 million for climate adaptation and mitigation efforts in its previous fiscal budget, the first time such funds had been requested, moving toward a five-year, $10 million program. South Carolina launched a resilience and recovery program in response to repeated flood and hurricane disasters in 2015, 2016 and 2018 and has about $350,000 committed now to a risk reduction and resilience plan.


States along the Eastern Seaboard are betting big on offshore wind farms to help them reduce their carbon footprints and make their energy grids more u0022green.u0022

The five wind turbines standing in the waters off Block Island are the clearest example of Rhode Island’s efforts to address climate change. Completed in 2016 at a cost of about $300 million, the nation’s first offshore wind farm wouldn’t have gone ahead without strong support from a succession of Rhode Island governors and extremely favorable state legislation.

In Delaware, John Carney’s administration unveiled in November a plan to reduce emissions and stall effects of climate change, but its greenhouse gas reduction commitments fall short of targets adopted by most Mid-Atlantic states. New Jersey and Pennsylvania each set 80% cuts to be met by 2050. Maryland has adopted a goal of by 2031 reducing emissions by 60% from 2006 levels. Delaware’s plan sets out for a 26%-28% emissions reduction by 2025.

The cost of what isn't being done, of inaction, could cost states billions.

It also promises to affect the most vulnerable citizens most of all.

Some officials claim that these small investments that are being made could yield benefits toward new jobs in renewable energy sectors, while also ensuring communities most affected by climate change aren’t left out.

“Our climate investments are creating a thriving renewable energy sector fostering tens of thousands of family-sustaining jobs and working to ensure climate justice across the State,” said Haley Viccaro, a spokesperson for the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation, in a statement.

On the local front, you might find some of the more visionary ideas.

Warren, Rhode Island, a small town surrounded by water, is working on a “managed retreat” plan in response to rising seas that is the first of its kind in that state.

The town is contemplating buying out property owners in one waterlogged neighborhood and carving out a new housing and business district on higher ground not far away. The plan would be phased in over time with an ultimate goal of buying 306 properties for a total cost of $138 million and tearing them down to allow the area to revert to wetlands.

In Warren, with large tracts of land only two feet above sea level the ocean creeps into backyards, basements and across property lines

Progress being made, but still lots of 'looking in the rearview mirror'

Anna Weber, a policy analyst at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said the uneven response of state and local governments to the climate crisis doesn’t mean progress is non-existent.

There are efforts to address the easier steps, like reducing carbon emissions from tailpipes and smokestacks. But she said it’s going to take leadership and “climate-smart decision making,” which often isn’t popular, to push home change that is real and visible.

Laura Lightbody, who directs The Pew Charitable Trusts’ flood-prepared communities initiative, echoed the sentiment.

With no national vision or guidance on how the U.S. should be adapting for the future, she said, states and local communities have been largely left on their own to navigate their response to climate change.

“So, it’s a little too early for us to know and to be able to really determine what the right way to do it is,” Lightbody said. “But there is a change, a shift that’s started to happen.”

Still, even the best-intentioned efforts and programs are often not set up in ways that are needed to meet the varied and new challenges posed by climate change.

“It’s like we’re driving down the highway and only looking in the rearview mirror, doing things like we’ve always done them, and we simply can’t be making decisions that way anymore,” Weber said, mentioning local land-use decisions and building codes as two prime examples.

Program and project time frames are also often set up to meet the next election cycle or short-term economic goals, not the long-term consequences in a world being buffeted by rising seas and warming temperatures.

Lightbody said she is hopeful that even with the somewhat haphazard approach to date, the country is headed in the right direction.

“Because every state is now being impacted by these events at the intensity and frequency that we’re seeing, you can no longer divide this issue politically," she said. “Climate change doesn’t care if you live in a red or blue state.”
Regional greenhouse gas initiatives help pay energy bills

Some states are teaming up to advance a few "green" initiatives.

The Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, which started in 2009, reduces carbon dioxide emissions from power plants by forcing them to buy an allowance for each ton of carbon dioxide they emit. The proceeds from those auctions go to the participating states to use for climate initiatives. Between 2009 and 2017, states in the initiative have received $4.7 billion from the cap-and-trade program.

In 2020, about one-fifth of that money helped consumers pay their energy bills, about $37 million in bill savings, according to the initiative. The states included are Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Virginia.

Delaware, for example, moves 65% of its CO2 allowance into the state's Sustainable Energy Utility, which promotes affordable clean energy and provides incentives to consumers who improve energy efficiency.

Pennsylvania's Gov. Wolf agreed to join the initiative on July 1, but Republican state legislators fought for a court injunction to stop the governor from proceeding.

A judge granted the injunction. A coalition of energy and labor groups also filed a lawsuit against the governor. Pennsylvania is a leading East Coast supplier of natural gas, coal, and refined petroleum products, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.

In December 2021, Virginia's Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin announced his intention to pull out of the initiative, though months later it's still unclear how he can unilaterally accomplish that.
Washington steps up, first with local approaches then with cash

Despite an increasingly divided political landscape, Congress has passed 21 bipartisan bills that address some aspects of resilience.

Ward said they largely focus on issues shared by officials from different areas, taking a local approach to addressing the issue of climate change rather than a big government, all-encompassing approach.

The Resilient Federal Forests Act of 2021, for example, gives authority and resources to agencies and officials in rural areas to help improve forest health and reduce the risk of massive, destructive wildfires through science-based, active management practices.

The National Ocean and Coastal Security Improvements Act, also passed in 2021, does largely the same thing for coastal communities to help them prepare for and respond to coastal threats, including extreme weather events.

"I think that's how we're going to have to approach it, to show that climate change does have impacts at the local level across the country," Ward said. "That's the silver buckshot."

The biggest climate investment bill ever adopted by Washington, President Biden's Inflation Reduction Act, includes $369 billion to battle climate change. It passed with support from only his political party. It includes several givebacks to the fossil fuel industry to win the support of Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia, angering climate change advocates.

“But the concessions we’re making pale in comparison to the environmental benefits,” Ward said.

Now the question is whether the states have the bureaucratic infrastructure in place to make the most of the funding heading their way.

Even if that answer is yes, are residents and local communities ready to recognize the broad challenges posed by climate change, which UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has called an "existential threat" to humanity?

Amanda Martin, North Carolina's chief resilience officer, thinks that answer is yes.

Martin said the biggest difference between 1999 — when Hurricane Floyd brought historic flooding to many inland Eastern North Carolina area — and today is all the experience that state agencies, local officials and residents now have from dealing with the numerous extreme weather events over the last decade.

“It’s a silver lining on a dark cloud," she said. "After you've been through it so many times, you start to think differently."

This article is part of a USA TODAY Network reporting project called "Perilous Course," a collaborative examination of how people up and down the East Coast are grappling with the climate crisis. Journalists from more than 35 newsrooms from New Hampshire to Florida are speaking with regular people about real-life impacts, digging into the science and investigating government response, or lack of it.

Editor's note: Earlier versions of this story misidentified Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Wolf's political party. He is a Democrat.

This article originally appeared on Wilmington StarNews: Many East Coast states can't show they are prepared for climate change
War in Ukraine highlights the growing strategic importance of private satellite companies – especially in times of conflict

Mariel Borowitz, Associate Professor of International Affairs, Georgia Institute of Technology
Sat, February 4, 2023 

Satellites owned by private companies have played an unexpectedly important role in the war in Ukraine. For example, in early August 2022, images from the private satellite company Planet Labs showed that a recent attack on a Russian military base in Crimea caused more damage than Russia had suggested in public reports. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy highlighted the losses as evidence of Ukraine’s progress in the war.

Soon after the war began, Ukraine requested data from private satellite companies around the world. By the end of April, Ukraine was getting imagery from U.S. companies mere minutes after the data was collected.

My research focuses on international cooperation in satellite Earth observations, including the role of the private sector. While experts have long known that satellite imagery is useful during a conflict, the war in Ukraine has shown that commercial satellite data can make a decisive difference – informing both military planning as well as the public view of a war. Based on the strategic value commercial satellite imagery has held during this war, I believe it is likely that more nations will be investing in private satellite companies.


Growth of the commercial satellite sector

Remote-sensing satellites circle the Earth collecting imagery, radio signals and many other types of data. The technology was originally developed by governments for military reconnaissance, weather forecasting and environmental monitoring. But over the past two decades, commercial activity in this area has grown rapidly – particularly in the U.S. The number of commercial Earth observation satellites has increased from 11 in 2006 to more than 500 in 2022, about 350 of which belong to U.S. companies.

The earliest commercial satellite remote-sensing companies worked closely with the military from the beginning, but many of the newer entrants were not developed with national security applications in mind. Planet Labs, the U.S.-based company that has played a big role in the Ukrainian conflict, describes its customers as those in “agriculture, government, and commercial mapping,” and it hopes to expand to “insurance, commodities, and finance.” Spire, another U.S. company, was originally focused on monitoring weather and tracking commercial maritime activity. However, when the U.S. government set up pilot programs in 2016 to evaluate the value of data from these companies, many of the companies welcomed this new source of revenue.
Value of commercial data for national security

The U.S. government has its own highly capable network of spy satellites, so partnerships with private companies may come as a surprise, but there are clear reasons the U.S. government benefits from these arrangements.

First is the simple fact that purchasing commercial data allows the government to see more locations on the Earth more frequently. In some cases, data is now available quickly enough to enable real-time decision-making on the battlefield.

The second reason has to do with data sharing practices. Sharing data from spy satellites requires officials to go through a complex declassification process. It also risks revealing information about classified satellite capabilities. Neither of these is a concern with data from private companies. This aspect makes it easier for the military to share satellite information within the U.S. government as well as with U.S. allies. This advantage has proved to be a key factor for the war in Ukraine.


This photo was taken by a Planet Labs satellite on Aug. 10, 2022, and shows damage to planes from a Ukrainian attack that took place only one day before, on Aug. 9, 2022. Imagery courtesy of Planet Labs PBC

Use of satellite data in Ukraine

Commercial satellite imagery has proved to be critical to this war in two ways. First, it’s a media tool that allows the public to watch as the war progresses in incredible detail, and second, it’s a source of important information that helps the Ukrainian military plan day-to-day operations.

Even before the war began in February 2022, the U.S government was actively encouraging commercial satellite companies to share their imagery and raise awareness of Russian activity. Commercial companies released images showing Russian troops amassing near the Ukrainian border, directly contradicting statements by Russia.

In early March 2022, Ukraine’s Vice Prime Minister, Mykhailo Fedorov, asked eight commercial satellite companies for access to their data. In his request, he said that this could be the first major war in which commercial satellite imagery played a significant role. Some companies obliged, and within the first two weeks of the conflict the Ukrainian government received data covering more than 15 million square miles (40 million square km) of the war zone.

The U.S. government significantly increased its purchases of imagery that could be provided to Ukraine. The U.S. government has also actively fostered connections directly between U.S. companies and Ukrainian intelligence analysts, helping promote the flow of information.

A recent example of the value of these images comes again from Planet Labs. Over the past few weeks, the company has been releasing images showing the conflict drawing dangerously near the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant. In recent days, U.N. officials have said the situation poses a “very real risk of a nuclear disaster” and pushed for U.N. experts to be allowed to visit the site.

Before the war, Ukrainian officials thought money was better spent on “down-to-earth” security needs, rather than expensive satellites. But now these officials view satellite imagery as critical – both to battlefield awareness and for documenting atrocities allegedly carried out by Russian troops.

Looking forward

Some space experts have called the war in Ukraine the first “commercial space war.” The conflict has clearly shown the national security value of commercial satellite imagery, the ability of commercial satellite images to promote transparency and the importance of not only national space power, but also the space capabilities of allies.

I believe the fact that the U.S. commercial sector had such a significant effect on military operations and public opinion will lead to increased government investment in the private satellite sector globally. Leaders in Ukraine intend to invest in domestic satellite imaging capabilities, and the U.S. has expanded its commercial purchases. This expansion may raise new challenges if abundant satellite imagery is available to actors on both sides of a conflict in the future.

Some Earth-observing satellite companies have expressed hope that the lessons learned will extend beyond war and national security. The ability to rapidly produce images and analysis could be used to monitor agricultural trends or provide insight into illegal mining operations.

The war in Ukraine may well prove to be a key turning point for both global transparency in conflict and the commercial Earth-observing sector as a whole.

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. The Conversation is trustworthy news from experts. Try our free newsletters.

It was written by: Mariel Borowitz, Georgia Institute of Technology.


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Mariel Borowitz receives funding from the National Science Foundation, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, and the European Union. She has done consulting work for the Space Foundation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and the Institut Français des Relations Internationales.