Saturday, July 22, 2023

THE FIRST NATIONS AT THE FRONT LINE OF CANADA’S FIRES

As smoke and smog choke the Northeast, Alberta’s Indigenous nations face down apocalyptic wildfires and the provincial government’s “let-it-burn” climate policy.


People look at a map of the fire in Fort Chipewyan, Alberta on Friday, June 2, 2023. Over 800 people have been evacuated from Fort Chipewyan as wildfires threaten the community downriver from the oil sands. Amber Bracken


JUNE 9, 2023

This story was produced by Ricochet Media and IndigiNews, and is being co-published by The Real News.

As he watched the last plane lumber down the runway, Chief Allan Adam was finally able to breathe freely again.

He had just posted a live video from the Fort Chipewyan airport on the evening of May 31, documenting the last flight out with evacuees fleeing impending disaster. A wildfire was advancing approximately seven kilometres from his remote community, which is accessible only by boat or plane.

In May, roughly 2.7 million hectares of forest — an area equal to about five million football fields — were burned to the ground in Canada…Over the last 10 years, the average number of hectares burned in the same month was just 150,000.

But the relief was short-lived. The straight-shooting leader of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation, one of three Indigenous communities in Alberta who call Fort Chipewyan home, was abruptly hit with biting pain.

“That was the stress that hit me, right after that post, that’s when the pain came to my neck,” he said in a telephone interview the evening of June 1, between back-to-back meetings with local leaders, authorities, and firefighting officials.

Despite the searing ache in his neck, he continues to roll with the punches. The homes and livelihoods of nearly 1,000 people are on the line. It’s the first time in anyone’s living memory that the hamlet, located about 300 kilometres north of Fort McMurray, has been under a mandatory evacuation order. Chief Adam — together with Billy-Joe Tuccaro, chief of the Mikisew Cree First Nation, and Kendrick Cardinal, president of the Fort Chip Métis — has stayed behind to oversee efforts to save his homelands.

“We had to get everybody out. Everything that we’ve done, that was our main focus, to get everybody out immediately. And then once that was accomplished, it was a relief for me because now we can focus our attention on preparedness (for) what’s coming.”

Record heat waves and dry conditions have sparked an unrivaled wildfire season of destruction across the country, affecting almost every province and territory.

In May, roughly 2.7 million hectares of forest — an area equal to about five million football fields — were burned to the ground in Canada, said Emergency Preparedness Minister Bill Blair at a press conference. Over the last 10 years, the average number of hectares burned in the same month was just 150,000.

Natural Resources Minister Jonathan Wilkinson told reporters at the same press conference that the rampant infernos are caused by climate change.

“It’s a simple fact that Canada is experiencing the impacts of climate change, including more frequent and more extreme wildfires,” he said.

Chief Adam is all too familiar with the consequences of climate change, and particularly the contamination of his territories. Fort Chipewyan, commonly referred to as Fort Chip, is downstream from Alberta’s notorious tar sands, one of the largest oil developments in the world.

The settlement is perched on the tip of Lake Athabasca, the largest body of water in Alberta and Saskatchewan. Known as the oldest community in the province, it once served as a hub for the Indigenous Nations who live up and down the mighty Athabasca River, as well as the European settlers who trekked north for trade. But since commercial-scale extraction of the oil sands began in 1967 — and then expanded to fuel the economic wellspring of Canada — the water, land and air quality of the vast Indigenous territories downstream has deteriorated.

Finding deformed fish and polluted water here is a normal occurrence. And dozens of Fort Chip residents have succumbed to a rare strain of bile duct cancer.

In April, Chief Adam testified before a House of Commons committee hearing in Ottawa to decry the release of millions of litres of toxic tailings waste in two separate incidents involving Imperial Oil’s Kearl mine. Just weeks later, Suncor reported it had released almost six million liters of contaminated water into a tributary of the Athabasca River.

Earlier, he had predicted his community would become environmental refugees.

Now, Fort Chip could be swept away by out-of-control flames.

“I tell them this,” he said during the phone interview, explaining that he confronts the Alberta and federal governments about climate change.

“I speak with them all the time and we hold them very accountable. The climate change issue is not going to go away. And we’re gonna have to deal with it — and you (governments) are gonna have to deal with us.”
Syncrude’s Mildred Lake site north of Fort McMurray, Alberta on Thursday, June 1, 2023. Over 1000 people have been evacuated from Fort Chipewyan as wildfires threaten the community downriver from the oil sands. Amber Bracken
Dwight Courtorielle, 48, with his son Kade McKay, 10 months in Fort McMurray, Alberta on Thursday, June 1, 2023. Over 1000 people have been evacuated from Fort Chipewyan as wildfires threaten the community downriver from the oil sands. Amber Bracken
Rob Leavitt, right, and Preston Wanderingspirit watch smoke on the horizon after clearing trees for a fire break in the Allison Bay area of Fort Chipewyan, Alberta on Friday, June 2, 2023. Over 1000 people have been evacuated from Fort Chipewyan as wildfires threaten the community downriver from the oil sands. Amber Bracken
FEELS LIKE 2016 ALL OVER AGAIN

About 250 kilometres south from Fort Chip, the boat launch in Fort McKay First Nation — a community of 800 people about 58 kilometres north of Fort McMurray — is clogged with dozens of docked boats. Volunteers are patrolling the river day and night, searching for evacuees whose boats may have gotten stuck or broken down.

It’s déjà vu for Fort McKay residents, who are survivors of the worst natural disaster in Canadian history. They were forced to flee their homes during the massive 2016 blaze that ravaged Fort McMurray.

Even so, ushering Fort Chip evacuees to safety is a treacherous undertaking, according to Fort McKay Métis Nation president Ron Quintal.


“We haven’t gotten hardly any rain yet. Wait ’til July. Wait ’til it’s really hot. Oh, it’ll be worse. It’s scary. Maybe the whole country will burn.”STANLEY SHORTMAN, FORT CHIP RESIDENT

“There’s a combination of the smoke, of the water coming up and having sticks in the water and traveling at night — it’s a concern for damage to your boat and could cause an emergency,” he says while visiting evacuees at a hotel in Fort McMurray.

Quintal directed his staff to focus on comforting the displaced, including whole families with children and elders who had made the eleventh-hour trip.

“We were there when families were pulling in,” says Quintal, his voice pinched with emotion. “You try to put on a happy face. These kids, they’re afraid, you know, they’ve had to leave their homes, given they’re an isolated community. And we let them know that you’re safe here, we’re here to help you.”

Jimmy Shortman, 64, waits at the boat launch for Ginger, his German Shepard, and her six three-week-old puppies to be delivered by a peace officer. He fled his home in Fort Chip by boat along with his wife and granddaughter. His beloved dog was cared for by officials in Fort McKay while he escorted his family to a hotel in Fort McMurray.

Shortman also fled the infamous Fort McMurray blaze in 2016. Now, he’s experiencing flashbacks of flames, falling ashes, and traffic jams holding back frantic passengers desperate to escape.

A former firefighter, he witnessed the moment the current wildfire ignited near his home community.

“When that lightning happened on Saturday in Fort Chip, I was outside my house, sitting on the deck. All of a sudden, lightning strikes.” His brown eyes widen as he describes the jolt of electricity hitting the ground.

“It started that night, because the lightning did it. It got bigger and bigger, and the wind was picking up.”

He did not expect the blaze would burn out of control and turn so many lives upside down. He describes people panicking in their rush to get out of Fort Chip. “My wife was scared and crying. Everybody was excited to just get out of there.”

“There were 14 boats trying to get out at the same time, and that’s unheard of. You couldn’t even see across the lake — it was covered in smoke. I don’t panic, but.…” His eyes briefly well with tears. “The only thing I worried about was my wife and the little girl.”

Now, he’s happy to be heading out to his cabin along the river with his brother, Stanley Shortman, about an hour and a half south of the fire. He feels most comfortable there, as do hundreds of other Fort Chip families whose cabin homes dot the shoreside. They have a kinship with the land and water. Many, like Shortman, spend half their lives in the wilderness of their territories.

Shortman says he will clean the yard around his cabin while he waits out the fire. But he predicts the situation will intensify.

“Look how hot May was.” Shaking his head, he emphasizes that the dry weather isn’t helping. “We haven’t gotten hardly any rain yet. Wait ’til July. Wait ’til it’s really hot. Oh, it’ll be worse. It’s scary. Maybe the whole country will burn.”

Loretta Waquan sorts care packages for evacuees in Fort McKay, Alberta on Friday, June 2, 2023. Three boats delivered eight care packages to evacuees staying in cabins. Each cabin received: one 10lb bag of flour, dried beans and barley, bread, 20lbs of potatoes, evaporated milk, canned tomatoes, baking powder, canned ham, canned corned beef, minute rice, two flats of canned soup, oats, vegetable oil, chocolate, coffee, red rose tea, arrowroot cookies, macaroni, powdered milk, jam, sugar, chocolate chip cookies, powdered coffee creamer, onions, oranges, apples, granola bars, honey, canned beans, water, and lard. Amber Bracken
Smoke hangs over oilsands tailings ponds north of Fort McMurray, Alberta on Friday, June 2, 2023. Over 1000 people have been evacuated from Fort Chipewyan as wildfires threaten the community downriver from the oil sands. Amber Bracken
Madeline Piche, 93, holds the rosary she evacuated with at the elders residence in Fort McKay, Alberta on Thursday, June 1, 2023. At 93-years-old, Piche is the oldest resident of Fort Chipewyan and says she is praying for everyone as they navigate the crisis. 
Amber Bracken


‘PRAYING HELPS’

The oldest resident evacuated from Fort Chip rests in her bed at the long-term care facility in Fort McKay. Madelaine Piche, 93, clutches a sparkling rosary, her milky brown eyes conveying a gentle naivety.

“I’m so tired,” she says with a sigh. “I’m scared, I was nervous inside the plane.”

Along with several other elders, Piche was airlifted out of Fort Chip and transported to the Fort McKay facility on May 30. She’s comfortable, she says, and the food is “good here.”

The view of the river outside her window reminds her of home.

Now Piche — grandmother of 43 and great-grandmother to countless great-grandchildren — patiently waits for one of her daughters to visit from Fort McMurray.

She cries as she prays for her hometown, the only place she’s ever lived.

“Fort Chip is beautiful.… Praying helps,” she says with a whisper. “I pray a lot for everybody and for it to stop burning.”

Meanwhile, hundreds of displaced residents are scattered in various hotels throughout Fort McMurray. The Municipality of Wood Buffalo’s Emergency Social Services department is accepting donations of essential supplies such as toiletries, clothing, diapers, baby wipes and menstrual products. Families gather in hotel parking lots to catch up on the latest updates about the wildfires and let their children play on the grass.

But essential supplies for cabin dwellers are needed.
RIDING THE RIVER

Mikisew Cree Nation evacuees Matthew Coutoreille and Yancey Kaskamin volunteer to deliver packages of food and water to nine cabins spread out along the river. They work alongside Coutoreille’s father, Lloyd Donovan, a resident of Fort McKay.

After sorting through various dried goods, gassing up, and loading their boats, the crew embarks on a Friday morning mission that will last until dusk.

Coutoreille, 36, has travelled the river since he was a young boy. He knows every bend swirling throughout the hundreds of kilometres of his homelands. He studies the current and weaves in and around sandbars, islands and debris to safely navigate his boat.

“My grandpa was one of the old-timers that used to come up and down this river,” he says in a calm and steady voice.

At an emergency meeting that evening of approximately 200 people, including local leaders, authorities, firefighters and community volunteers, one person yells out that they will work through the night to protect Fort Chip.

“You always have to have an eye out here. When you’re travelling with the old-timers, they tell you where the rocks are, where the sticks are and where to go. So I’ve learned from them.”

The river is ever-changing and unpredictable. Coutoreille is an environmental monitor for the Mikisew Cree. He observes the dwindling water levels as a result of impacts from industry and B.C. Hydro’s damming system. It makes maneuvering the river more dangerous.

“You can tell how much water dropped here and if it’s safe. And it’s gotten worse over the years because of water levels. Now everything is just drying up.”

A thick, smoggy gray haze blankets the horizon. Another wildfire to the east of the river a few hours south of Fort Chip is colliding with the smoke blowing in from there — as if Armageddon were descending upon the territory.

But Courtoreille isn’t afraid. He’s fixated on the task of helping his neighbours. Approaching the mouth of Lake Athabasca, he slows to assess the strength of the winds.

“It’s going to be rough.” He winks with a slight smile and takes a shallow breath.

After pulling on a hoodie and securing the boat canopy, he confers with his father and Kaskamin. They will steer their boats in the direction of the northeast-blowing winds.

Courtoreille nods as if to reassure me as he explains his boat is designed to take on water at the bow. If the waves are not navigated properly, they can swamp an open boat or capsize it. He’s crossed the lake in poorer conditions and is confident in his ability to safely do it again.

“Let’s get ’er done!” yells Donovan.

Motors roar in succession. Courtoreille leads the way to create a trail for the ensuing boats to have a smoother ride. After a harrowing 15-minute journey of dodging full-length logs and climbing whitecaps that crash against the boat, Courtoreille securely guides us to a bay in Fort Chip.

Whirling sounds of helicopters flying to and from the small airport penetrate the stillness of the near-empty hamlet. Pickup trucks, emergency vehicles and ATVs intermittently race between the emergency command centre in the middle of town and areas that personnel are working to fireproof.

Sheets of smoke billow into the sky less than three kilometres from Alison Bay, a residential area of the Mikisew Cree Nation on the boundaries of Fort Chip. Workers have dug trenches to the lake there to make the water more accessible.

Excavators clear fields of trees and shrubs surrounding the Mikisew community and Fort Chip. Pumps connected to water hoses supply a web of sprinklers attached to the rooftops of homes and other structures around town.

At an emergency meeting that evening of approximately 200 people, including local leaders, authorities, firefighters and community volunteers, one person yells out that they will work through the night to protect Fort Chip.

Chief Adam echoes the sentiment: whatever it takes to keep the fire at bay.

“We can cut grass, remove all the garbage and debris, and do all these little things,” he tells the crowd, appearing exhausted but unwavering.

“We will make it happen. If the fire does come into the community, we will assist in some way with the fire department,” he says. “But the forest fire, that belongs to Alberta Forestry and the professional firefighters. Now a lot of prayers are with us from other communities. Stay strong.”

After a hot meal, volunteers line up to attest to their skills so officials can enter them into a database.

It has been stressful to coordinate a community-led emergency operation at times, says Jay Telegdi, intergovernmental relations senior manager for the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation. Yet he has been down this road before. He helped evacuate members of Fort McKay Métis Nation in 2016. Now he buckles down to make sure every community member on the ground is assigned a task.

Evacuee John Edmund Mercredi, 84, plays the fiddle in Fort McKay, Alberta on Thursday, June 1, 2023. Over 1000 people have been evacuated from Fort Chipewyan as wildfires threaten the community downriver from the oil sands. 
Amber Bracken
A dog eyes an overnight offering of coffee and cookies for residents and first responders at Chiefs Corner gas station and corner store in Fort Chipewyan, Alberta on Saturday, June 3, 2023. Over 1000 people have been evacuated from Fort Chipewyan as wildfires threaten the community downriver from the oil sands. 
Amber Bracken
Sprinklers protect houses on the edge of town in Fort Chipewyan, Alberta on Friday, June 2, 2023. Over 1000 people have been evacuated from Fort Chipewyan as wildfires threaten the community downriver from the oil sands. Amber Bracken

NO TIME TO CONTEMPLATE CAUSES


Calvin Waquan, Mikisew Cree, is the general manager of the Chief’s Corner gas station and convenience store in Fort Chip. He didn’t question staying behind to keep the store open when others closed their businesses down and left. After kissing his wife and two young children goodbye at the airport so they could fly to safety and find shelter in a Fort McMurray hotel, he sprang into action.

He cooks meals every day for up to 150 people in his store’s kitchen and caters to the varied schedules of anyone needing cigarettes, snacks or toiletries. He’s tallying the purchases on a charge basis, having buyers sign receipts for reimbursement from the province, which he says will be covering the full costs.

“I’m here to serve,” he says while mopping the store floor.

“I know one guy in town already passed out and fainted. So I’m making sure I get a lot of fruit and vegetables in me. And I don’t want my wife to come home right now.” He stops to laugh. “Because it’s pretty messy around the kitchen at home. But I’ve been trying to listen to what she used to tell me about taking in nutrients and vitamins.”


“It’s tough because it’s emotional. It’s tough on my daughter, she cries and then I start crying. The way I see fires, what’s happening with Mother Nature, it’s kind of resetting and teaching us a lesson to slow down maybe and appreciate what we have.”
CALVIN WAQUAN, MIKISEW CREE, GENERAL MANAGER OF THE CHIEF’S CORNER GAS STATION AND CONVENIENCE STORE IN FORT CHIP

Waquan is a former elected councillor of the Mikisew Cree Nation. He lobbied governments for compensation and accountability from the oil industry for damages to his territories. Lately, he’s noticed rapid changes to the seasons.

“We had the winter road come in way late this year, the water was open right until January. And now this.”

But in an active emergency, there isn’t much time to contemplate root causes. Every night since the evacuation, before he heads home to catch a few hours of sleep, Waquan sets up a table outside the store with two filled coffee urns, cream, sugar and a package of cookies for workers.

He speaks to his family daily, although he tries to avoid video calling them.

“It’s tough because it’s emotional. It’s tough on my daughter, she cries and then I start crying. The way I see fires, what’s happening with Mother Nature, it’s kind of resetting and teaching us a lesson to slow down maybe and appreciate what we have. And I think that’s what the families are learning and especially myself. Not having the kids being in here grabbing a slush, kids running by to go to the park or just hanging out on the concrete outside — I miss seeing the kids and all the noise that’s always going on.”

 Lifelong Fort Chip resident Doris Cardinal works at the K’ai Talle Market a few blocks from Chief’s Corner. She and her husband, Happy, chose not to leave.

“This is my home and I wasn’t going to go anywhere,” she says while having a break outside the market. “I’d be afraid if I see the fire coming over the hills, then I’d run for the water.”

Cardinal is still processing the news that her cabin burned down two days prior. The home she and her husband built along the river just three years ago was their retirement plan. It was located north of Fort Chip, around the corner of what’s called Devil’s Gate, by Little Rapids, she explains.

She grew up on the land and river. It’s a special place she goes to wind down and take in the northern lights while sipping strong tea.

“Some of the leaders went up in the choppers and took a snapshot. And then my niece told me my house burned. I shed tears, I’m not gonna lie, and I swore. It was not the greatest feeling.”

Cardinal’s was one of several cabins devoured by the wildfire. Her husband vows to rebuild one day. For now, Cardinal is immersed in keeping the market afloat and lifting the morale of others on the ground.

“As long as the robins are singing, I’ll be okay,” she says with a chuckle.

ENTER THE ARMY


That afternoon the Fort Chip airport is abuzz with anticipation as local rangers, chiefs and workers congregate to welcome the Canadian military. A gray Lockheed C-130 Hercules plane rumbles down the airstrip as a crowd watches in awe from behind a metal fence.

The warplane is carrying 65 soldiers dressed in camo and combat boots ready to battle the flames. It will return with dozens more soldiers later that evening.

The encroaching wildfire is less than three kilometres away, and smoke is descending on the site.

Chief Adam paces the parking lot while recording a Facebook live video. His long silver hair is tied back, and his shoulders slightly droop from an overwhelming cocktail of emotions. His eyes light up at the sight of the incoming army, and a grin emerges.

Kendrick Cardinal, the Fort Chip Métis Nation president, greets each soldier with a handshake as they march to an awaiting bus that will shuttle them to their command post.

He feels relieved. “I’m happy the army is here to help us out. It’s more manpower. With their help we’ll try to extinguish the fire as soon as possible.”

Officials are unsure when it will be safe for evacuees to return home. As of June 8, the wildfire has scorched over 31,000 hectares, and firefighters have so far been able to hold it back from Fort Chip.

But firefighters have their work cut out for them across the country. According to the Canadian Interagency Forest Fire Centre, there are over 400 fires actively burning in Canada, 240 of which are deemed out of control.

The effects of the wildfires are far-reaching. A thick haze drifted into parts of the northern United States mid-week, blotting out the sun, and creating a Code Red air quality level for millions of people.

Chief Adam notes a large influx of moose flies swarming the airport. The large insects, known for sending irritated moose into a frenzy, bite chunks of human and animal flesh in order to reproduce.

But it’s too early for moose flies, he says. They usually don’t appear until well into July.

It’s another sign something is off with the patterns of Mother Nature.

“Climate change is such a part of this, everything ties into it,” he says with frustration.

He declares he’ll continue confronting government leaders who push the status quo of excessive oil production up the river, which is exacerbating carbon emissions.

“(The Alberta government’s) let-it-burn policy has to change because it’s gonna get worse. It’s burning out of control.”

A pointed message spray painted on a fence in Fort McKay, Alberta on Thursday, June 1, 2023. Over 1000 people have been evacuated from Fort Chipewyan as wildfires threaten the community downriver from the oil sands. Amber Bracken
Calvin Waquan in Fort Chipewyan, Alberta on Saturday, June 3, 2023. Although they have been running short staffed, the family has kept Chiefs Corner open to help care for people fighting fire—and have given away all merchandise except for cigarettes and gas. Amber Bracken
Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation chief Allen Adam watches military arrive to help fight fires in Fort Chipewyan, Alberta on Saturday, June 3, 2023. Amber Bracken


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BRANDI MORIN
Brandi Morin is an award-winning Cree/Iroquois/French journalist from Treaty 6 territory in Alberta. For the last 10 years Brandi has specialized in sharing Indigenous stories, some of which helped spark change and reconciliation in Canada’s political, cultural and social landscapes. Her most notable work has appeared in publications and on networks including National Geographic, Al Jazeera English, the Guardian, CANADALAND, VICE, ELLE Canada, the Toronto Star, the New York Times, Huffpost, Indian Country Today Media Network, the Aboriginal Peoples Television Network National News, and CBC Indigenous
Jasper, Alberta has hundreds of Airbnbs, but not a single place to live


‘Desperate to find housing’: In resort towns, landlords are pulling units from the long-term rental market to convert them to short-term rentals
JULY 6, 2023


Ricochet and Pivot are investigating Airbnb and short-term rentals. We recently launched a groundbreaking project that will tell the story of how short-term rentals have impacted Canada’s housing market. We’re hiring reporters across Canada to investigate this summer, but we need your help to make this critical public-interest journalism happen. Please click here to make a donation today, and help us do more of this journalism.

One year before the Alberta government launched its “Alberta is Calling” campaign to attract workers, Marissa Kidd and her family had to return to Ontario, unable to find a place to live in Jasper, a national park townsite in the Canadian Rockies. They’d lived in Jasper since 2016, after her husband took a job in the charming mountain town.

In the fall of 2020, after many months of negotiation with their landlord, Kidd and her husband were notified they had to leave the basement unit they’d occupied for three years by June 2021. When the couple first learned about their landlord’s plan to renovict them, they considered buying a home in town to ensure long-term stability for their growing family. But they couldn’t find anything within their budget at the time — in fact, they couldn’t find another rental, either.

“The thing about Jasper is that, because everyone is so desperate to find housing, there’s always someone who needs housing more desperately than you do,” says Kidd, who’d become pregnant with the couple’s third child during this tumultuous time.

As the eviction date loomed closer, Kidd and her husband grew increasingly worried, and tried everything they could think of to find a place to live, she says. “We were putting up posters and putting in ads all over town.”
“It was, hands down, one of the most stressful times in my entire life. Having just given birth and it being a pandemic, and losing our housing.”

But their efforts proved unsuccessful, and in June 2021 the young family moved into a trailer with a newborn baby, a two-year old toddler, and a four-year-old child. After about three weeks in the trailer, the family decided to leave for Ontario, with hopes that Kidd’s husband would find a job there.

“It was, hands down, one of the most stressful times in my entire life,” Kidd says. “Having just given birth and it being a pandemic, and losing our housing.”
Vacancy rate close to zero for a decade

In a province touted for its housing affordability, Kidd’s experience may sound like an exception to the rule — but for those trying to raise a family in a resort town where rental vacancy rates have remained close to zero for at least a decade, driving up rents by 30 per cent over the same period. Finding housing stability isn’t an easy feat, even for those who already own a home.

“Airbnb is the only way for people to afford the absurd prices of housing,” Kidd says, acknowledging the challenges many Jasper homeowners face. “It’s much more lucrative to Airbnb your place than it is to rent long term. Everyone turns spare units into tourist accommodations because they can’t afford their houses otherwise — it’s a cycle.”


The trailer that Marissa Kidd and her growing family were forced to live in after they were renovicted from their Jasper Alberta apartment. After about three weeks in the trailer unable to find a stable and affordable place to live, the family decided to leave for Ontario.  /  Marissa Kidd

Indeed, the town of Jasper is a prime example of how the revenue gap between long- and short-term rentals incentivizes landlords to pull their properties from the long-term rental market and list them instead on a home-sharing platform like Airbnb or HomeAway.

“Landlords are going to do what’s lucrative for landlords,” says Michael Clancy, a professor of politics, economic and international studies at the University of Hartford, in Connecticut, whose research focuses in the political economy of tourism, including the financialization of housing.

So rather than providing housing that local workers can afford, landlords in tourist destinations are choosing to rent out their property to tourists, who can pay more, he says.

Danielle Kerrigan is a graduate researcher with the Urban Politics and Governance research group at McGill University focussed on short-term rentals and the platform economy. She says the movement of units between the short-term and long-term markets is more evident in areas that are attractive to tourists.

“The main ‘pull’ factor is that in certain areas, and with certain units, property owners can make a lot more money having a short-term rental,” she says. “And then the push factor is wanting to shirk the responsibilities of being a landlord.”

This problem, however, isn’t new.


Resort towns in Alberta and elsewhere have borne the havoc short-term rentals (STRs) wreak on the local rental market for many decades.

Since the 1990s Jasper, Banff, and Canmore began regulating STRs as tourist accommodations, and today these towns have the most stringent regulations in the province. By contrast, frameworks regulating STRs in Alberta’s largest cities, Calgary and Edmonton, are some of the laxest in Canada — though this doesn’t mean they’re exempted from similar challenges.

‘Alberta is calling’ but you may be forced to live in an Airbnb


Before the pandemic, STRs in Alberta experienced significant revenue growth, but unlike provinces like P.E.I., Quebec or British Columbia, the share of dwellings listed in a home-sharing platform remained modest at below one per cent.

However, as Alberta aims to diversify its economy and boost tourism growth, the role STRs play is shifting, albeit slowly and unevenly across the province.

Roughly 60 per cent of STR listings in Alberta are concentrated in Edmonton and Calgary; 15 per cent in Jasper, Canmore and Banff; and the remaining 25 per cent of listings are scattered across smaller cities such as Lethbridge, Red Deer, Fort McMurray and Grande Prairie.

According to AirDNA, a company that collects data and analytics on short-term rentals, the number of STR units in Alberta increased by 46 per cent between 2019 and 2023 — from 9,787 units in the first quarter of 2019, to 14,274 in 2023.

This growth has come at the expense of rental units in the secondary market — that is, units rented out by non-commercial, private landlords. The impact of STRs in areas outside of Calgary and Edmonton is hard to determine, however, as small jurisdictions in Alberta lack data on the number of rentals in the secondary market.
A patchwork of regulation across the province

In the absence of provincial STR guidelines, as is the case of Quebec, each Alberta municipality can implement the regulations that suit best the local context, while the province’s only requirement is that STRs collect a 4 per cent tourism levy.

Banff and Jasper have the most rigorous STR regulations in Alberta, as the number of permitted STRs is capped in the former and limited by the zoning bylaw in the latter. In Canmore, zoning also determines where STRs are allowed, making a distinction between home accommodations exclusively for visitors, and units that can be rented in either the long- or short-term markets (tourist homes). (In June, town administration recommended removing tourist homes from the land-use bylaw as part of Canmore’s housing plan. Amendments to the land-use bylaw will be debated this month.)

Smaller jurisdictions that are starting to attract visitors such as Hinton and Drumheller, have only recently considered regulating short-term rentals. In 2022, the town of Hinton, which is located 78 kilometers northeast of Jasper, approved its short-term rental bylaw. This fall, the town of Drumheller expects to implement its short-term rental regulation, which was approved in the spring.

Calgary and Edmonton have few restrictions in place. In these cities, recently enacted regulations focus on three goals: to ensure the safety of STR guests; minimize nuisances caused to neighbours; and bring in revenue to the municipal coffers.

According to Gillian Petit, a research associate at the University of Calgary’s School of Public Policy, the reason for this is that, at the time the regulations were created, the local context didn’t seem to indicate a need to “clamp down on short-term rentals.”


The Alberta government's "Alberta is Calling" campaign aims to attract skilled workers from across Canada to the province promising good, high-paying jobs and many affordable places to live. Some Alberta residents say affordable housing is not so easy to find. Image: a campaign poster on the TTC.


In 2019, when Edmonton city council voted to mandate a business licence for short-term rentals, the city’s vacancy rate was 4.9 per cent, a rate that would continue to increase over the following two years. Similarly, when the City of Calgary required STRs register as a business in 2020, rental vacancies had peaked at 6.3 per cent, the highest rate since 2017. (Generally, a vacancy rate of 3 per cent is considered healthy.)

However, since these regulations were enacted, the local context has changed significantly — especially in Calgary.

In October 2022, CMHC estimated Calgary’s rental vacancy rate for units in the secondary market at 1.8 per cent, the lowest since 2019 — that’s about 522 rental units vacant. Meanwhile, 5,233 units were listed in the short-term market in the last quarter of 2022, and between 20 and 30 per cent of these units are listed full-time in a home-sharing platform.

“In Calgary, the long-term rental market has definitely tightened up,” Petit says. “There’s definitely an affordable housing issue.”
“Short-term rentals represent another way for individuals and companies to use housing to make money at the expense of all of us who need it for survival.”

Petit is part of a research team working on a city-funded project whose goal is to identify the implications of the uptake of STRs in Calgary. He says that even though the number of STR listings in Calgary has increased — by 30 per cent since 2019, according to AirDNA data — these units aren’t alone in driving the challenges in Calgary’s long-term rental market.

“In Calgary, I would say there may be an argument for city council to step in and do something,” Petit says.

Housing affordability is a global issue driven by a complex combination of factors, Clancy says. “And then you add things like more tourism, and the introduction and expansion of short-term rentals — that just pushes everything over the top.”

Indeed, evidence shows that short-term rentals can increase housing costs in the long-term rental market, and experts agree that regulating STRs and home-sharing platforms can mitigate some of the negative impacts short-term rentals have on local markets.

“Short-term rentals are definitely part of the problem,” Kerrigan says.
“We have a very powerful political constituency of homeowners deeply invested in the value of their homes continuing to appreciate and relying on that for retirement, for their own financial wellbeing. And we have a government that’s unwilling to change this paradigm.”

Also to blame is the federal government shifting away from funding, building, and maintaining non-market housing, towards a reliance on the private market to house Canadians, she says. “Short-term rentals represent another way for individuals and companies to use housing to make money at the expense of all of us who need it for survival.”

In Alberta, about one quarter of the rental stock is provided by private landlords in the secondary market, and less than 2 per cent of all dwellings are non-market, including non-profit, public and co-op housing. (For context, 3.5 per cent of all dwellings in Canada are non-market). This situation, added to weak tenant protections, leaves Alberta renters especially vulnerable to the rent gap, as landlords can choose to rent out their property in whatever market is the most profitable at any given time — at the expense of tenants like Kidd and her family.

Moreover, the orientation of Canada’s social support system towards asset-based welfare, where homeowners rely on the value of their home to support their retirement, or in rental revenue to make up for falling real wages, results in strong opposition to policies that hamper the alternatives available to those who’ve come to own one or more properties.

This situation is apparent in Jasper. In the face of a housing shortfall of 700 units, last year Parks Canada proposed an amendment to the land-use bylaw that would limit STRs further. But despite a relatively small number of STR listings (peaking at 112 last summer), Park’s proposal quickly fell through due to community pushback. (The housing shortfall in Jasper has tripled since 2022, yet the construction of 40 non-market units continues to stall.)

“We have a very powerful political constituency of homeowners deeply invested in the value of their homes continuing to appreciate and relying on that for retirement, for their own financial wellbeing,” Kerrigan says. “And we have a government that’s unwilling to change this paradigm.”

RELATED:
Canada’s neocolonialism in Africa continues its efforts to expand

One Canadian company has begun drilling for oil on sacred and protected lands, but so far coming up dry


News byJeremy Appel
JUNE 17, 2023

The Okavango Delta in Africa, named an international heritage and home to many endangered species, such as cheetah, white rhinoceros, black rhinoceros, African wild dog, lions and, most crucially, endangered savanna elephants. 
Photo via Depositphotos

Efforts by ReconAfrica, a deceptively named Vancouver-based mining company, to drill for oil in land adjacent to a sensitive UNESCO World Heritage Site on the border of Namibia and Botswana, appear to be coming up dry.

ReconAfrica had previously claimed that there were 120 billion barrels of oil beneath land just outside the Okavango Delta in Namibia, named an international heritage for its significance to the San Indigenous people and home for endangered species, such as cheetah, white rhinoceros, black rhinoceros, African wild dog, lions and, most crucially, endangered savanna elephants.

The company’s lease encompasses three national parks — Bwabwata in Botswana, and Khaudum and Mangetti in Namibia.

Fortunately for supporters of Indigenous rights and the environment, it turns out, as Harvard geologist Paul Hoffman put it in an interview with Rolling Stone, “that mining companies are often better at drilling into investors’ wallets than they are at drilling into rocks.”

With Canada proudly boasting its international climate commitments to reach net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, the activities of Canadian extractive companies abroad warrant heightened scrutiny. Nowhere more so than the African continent, where residents have to deal with the worst consequences for the climate crisis they didn’t create.


Aerial view, Okavango Wetlands, Okavango Delta on the border of Namibia and Botswana. ReconAfrica, a Vancouver-based mining company, is drilling for oil on land adjacent to the sensitive UNESCO World Heritage Site, but so far appear to be coming up dry.
Depositphotos

Offloading carbon emissions to the developing world


Karen Hamilton, the director of Above Ground, a human rights and corporate accountability organization, told Ricochet that companies like ReconAfrica are seizing upon weaker regulatory structures abroad to engage in extractive processes that would be unacceptable at home.

“The emissions and the consequences of that production aren't felt in Canada. They're not in our nationally determined contributions. It's not something that we talk about domestically. The impacts are felt everywhere, but they're not discussed in the context of Canada's climate commitments,” said Hamilton.

Had ReconAfrica found the oil they were looking for, it would have made a few people a lot of money while trapping Namibia and neighbouring Botswana into fossil fuel dependency and cooking the planet in the process.

The oil itself, and the profits it makes, would go largely towards fuelling lavish lifestyles outside the continent. Half of people in sub-Saharan Africa, or 597 million people, don’t have access to electricity. They won’t be the ones benefiting from an oil bonanza, despite the company founder Craig Steinke’s paternalistic rhetoric about “energy independence.”
“The emissions and the consequences of that production aren't felt in Canada. They're not in our nationally determined contributions. It's not something that we talk about domestically. The impacts are felt everywhere, but they're not discussed in the context of Canada's climate commitments.”

“How do you even have another industry if you don’t have energy?” Steinke told the Globe and Mail, ignoring the abundant solar and wind resources in the region. “It can’t be done. This area needs help.”

While there are weaker regulations in the developing world, Hamilton noted that Canadian fossil fuel companies in Africa face the same issues of lack of consent from local populations as they do at home.

“There is a corporate culture around engagement with local rights holders, which has a very poor track record. We're not seeing better practices taking place abroad by any means,” she said.

Rolling Stone reporter Jeff Gooddell, who reported from the site of ReconAfrica’s drilling, wrote that concern about a lack of consultation with impacted communities “was widely echoed by virtually everyone” he spoke to.

Goodell’s translator, local activist Stefan Kudumo, expressed this frustration when he asked, “Why don’t they talk to the people whose lives are impacted most?”

According to a January 2022 complaint from the Legal Assistance Centre, a Namibian human rights organization, six families said ReconAfrica’s representatives “entered their properties without permission, concluded seismic survey activities, and compelled them to sign papers without explaining their contents before leaving.”

Two hippos in the Okavango Delta, an international heritage site for its significance to the San Indigenous people and home for endangered species.


ReconAfrica Isn’t Alone

While ReconAfrica may be the most prominent example of Canadian fossil fuel extraction in Africa, buttressed by an RCMP investigation into allegations of bribing Namibian officials and securities fraud for misleading investors, it’s far from the only example of a Canadian company fuelling the climate crisis through its activities abroad.

Africa Energy Corp is involved in offshore drilling off the western and southern coasts of South Africa while Africa Oil Corp has licenses in Guyana, Kenya, Namibia, Nigeria, South Africa and in the Senegal Guinea Bissau Joint Development Zone. Both firms are Vancouver-based.

To its credit, beginning this year, Export Development Canada no longer provides financial assistance to fossil fuel projects abroad. But that hasn’t stopped the private sector from stepping up its assistance.

Since its inception, the Canadian state’s colonial imperative has been rooted in a “mindset of going out there to take whatever is there”

Canadian companies — RBC and Sun Life — provided almost US$2 billion for fossil fuel investments in Africa from January 2019 to July 2022, according to German climate and human rights organization Urgewald. Notably, both companies have committed to achieving net zero by 2050, providing a glaring example of the corporate “greenwashing” derided by former Canadian environment and climate change minister Catherine McKenna, who now chairs a UN group focused on reaching net zero.

Since 2019, RBC has loaned or underwritten over US$1 billion to companies expanding fossil fuel production. As of July 2022, Sun Life invested US$936 million, according to the data sourced from proprietary financial databases Bloomberg, Refinitiv and IJGlobal.

This is a small but disproportionate fraction — two per cent — of the $98 billion provided to African fossil fuel development from 352 financial institutions, including major American players such as BlackRock ($12 billion), Vanguard ($8.3 billion), Citigroup ($5.5 billion) and JP Morgan Chase ($5.1 billion).

RBC’s investments include $36 million in stocks and bonds in the East African Crude Oil Pipeline from Uganda to Tanzania, which runs through the basin of Africa’s Lake Victoria, Africa’s largest, and is set to displace 118,000 people, according to environmentalist group Stand.Earth.

Overall, RBC is now the world’s largest financier of fossil fuel projects, overtaking JPMorgan, with Canadian banks increasingly regarded as “lenders of last resort” for fossil fuel companies.


Giraffes in the Okavango Delta. 

A History of Plunder

Evelyn Mayanja, a professor of interdisciplinary studies at Carleton University whose research focuses on the political economy of natural resource development in Africa, told Ricochet that the activities of Canadian companies abroad cannot be viewed outside the context of colonialism.

African countries were set up for failure, leaving them dependent on investment from wealthier countries, which allowed companies to come in and profit from their resources while leaving the people dependent on foreign aid.

African leaders, like Patrice Lumumba in the Democratic Republic of Congo or Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso, who attempt to disrupt this dependency and take control over their countries’ resources are deposed by western powers in favour of more pliable leaders. The model of an obedient western client state was apartheid South Africa, which occupied Namibia — then known as South West Africa — until 1990.
To its credit, beginning this year, Export Development Canada no longer provides financial assistance to fossil fuel projects abroad. But that hasn’t stopped the private sector from stepping up its assistance.

This isn’t to say that all of the African continent’s problems are the fault of foreign powers, she emphasized.

“Yes, there's a gap of leadership. But that is also exacerbated by global policies that many times do not want to let Africa stand on its own,” Mayanja said.

Since its inception, the Canadian state’s colonial imperative has been rooted in a “mindset of going out there to take whatever is there” which represents a “psychological syndrome of greed,” which has international implications, Mayanja added.

As a result, fossil fuel corporations have an “appetite that is insatiable,” she said, leading them to exploit others’ resources before other companies can get to them.

Lions in the Okavango Delta. 


Angry Lions


With the end of the fossil fuel era upon us, Mayanja says there’s a “rush for what’s left.”

“Angry lions are rushing out to grab whatever's remaining out there without any ethics or moral or respect for humanity and the planet,” she said.

Mayanja said this explains why Canadian fossil fuel companies are so active abroad, despite the fact that Canada has the third-largest oil reserves in the world. She described the thought process as, “First take whatever is out there and maybe at a certain point, we'll come back and exploit what we can access back home.”

She cautioned that the apparent failure of ReconAfrica isn’t going to deter them from seeking oil elsewhere. “They will never stop until they have found what they are looking for,” she said. “They are very, very resilient.”
“Angry lions are rushing out to grab whatever's remaining out there without any ethics or moral or respect for humanity and the planet.”

Financial institutions are part of this same money-making system, so naturally they would seek to earn profits of their own from the profits of fossil fuel companies, climate commitments be damned. Those commitments are only made to obtain social license for the same old extractivist activities, Manyanja said.

While it’s tempting to simply say the government needs to step in to prevent banks from investing in harmful extractive policies, Mayanja says any meaningful change must come from below. The responsibility, ultimately, is ours.

“We need to think in terms of dismantling the economic system,” she said. “How would that happen? It's a long process, but if even the Berlin wall collapsed, then nothing’s impossible.”
CANADIANS MAY BE POLITE, BUT CANADA’S WORKING CLASS FIGHTS BACK, TOO

At a live show in Montréal, hosted by Action Network, we talked with former MLB player Josh Thole and Sarah Beth Ryther of Trader Joe’s United about how minor league players and Trader Joe’s workers organized their unions.
RNN
JULY 12, 2023

Danny Jansen #9 of the Toronto Blue Jays hits a two-run home run to tie the game against the Detroit Tigers at 3-3 during the ninth inning at Comerica Park on July 9, 2023 in Detroit, Michigan. 
Photo by Duane Burleson/Getty Images

We hosted another Working People live show, in collaboration with the Action Builder / Action Network team, on May 8 at the 30th Constitutional Convention of the Canadian Labour Congress in Montréal.

In this panel discussion, TRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez speaks with Sarah Beth Ryther, employee-organizer with Trader Joe’s United in Minneapolis, and Josh Thole, former Major League Baseball player and current Minor League Special Assistant for the MLB Players Association, about what union organizing from the ground up looks like, and about how we can scale up our local organizing efforts and build the infrastructure to sustain nationwide campaigns.


Click here for additional info/links
Post-Production: Adam Coley

TRANSCRIPT

The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

Maximillian Alvarez:

All right, welcome everyone to this special live show edition of Working People, a podcast about the lives, jobs, dreams, and struggles of the working class today. Brought to you in partnership with In These Times magazine and the Real News Network. Produced by Jules Taylor and made possible by the support of listeners like you. So first and foremost, I just wanted to thank the great folks at Action Builder Action Network for putting on this great event. Let’s give it up for them. I want to thank the CLC for hosting us as well. Let’s give it up. And give yourselves a round of applause for being here. Thank you all for coming.

All right. Friends, comrades, fellow workers, it is so good to be here with all of you at the 30th Constitutional Convention of the Canadian Labor Congress. My name is Maximillian Alvarez. I’m the Editor in Chief at the Real News Network in Baltimore in the United States, and it is my great honor to not only thank all of you for the warm welcome we have received here in Montreal, but to also say that we in the states stand in solidarity with our labor brothers, sisters, and siblings here in Canada. Growing up as a Mexican-American kid in Southern California, I always heard the same stereotypes about our neighbors to the north. That Canadians are overly polite even to a fault. Well, I say tell that to the over 100,000 federal public service workers across the country who just waged a historic strike. Tell that to the 55,000 education workers in Ontario who not only struck for a better contract last year, but who said hell no to Doug Ford and his Draconian attempts to strip workers rights.

Tell that to the Punjabi immigrant student workers with the [inaudible 00:02:34] support network who are uniting and organizing with their community in Brampton to fight wage theft, exploitation, and harassment with direct action. Sure, Canadians are polite, but working class people everywhere know that we have never gotten and will never get the respect we deserve, the wages we deserve, the working conditions we deserve, or the world we deserve by simply asking politely. We’ve got to fight for it. And I don’t know about you, but I am pumped to be among so many fighters today.

And rest assured we’ve got a hell of a fight in front of us. Every week at the Real News Network and for my podcast Working People, we talk with workers across the US and around the world. From teachers and Amazon workers to graduate students, strippers and Hollywood screenwriters, from John Deere and Kellogg’s workers, to coal miners in Alabama, hospitality workers, nonprofit workers and journalists. We see and hear firsthand how many of us are fighting on different fronts in the same class war. A cost of living crisis is pummeling poor and working people around the globe right now. From call center workers in the Philippines and utilities workers in France, to service workers in the United States and public sector workers in the UK and Canada. Working people’s wages stagnate or decreased while the gas bills, grocery bills and rent skyrocket.

The social safety net is being gutted while our governments spend countless trillions on tax breaks for the super rich and endless wars fueled by a bloodthirsty profit, hungry, military, industrial complex. Workers are working longer and harder and producing tremendous wealth and record profits that are all being siphoned into the pockets of C-suite executives and their Wall Street shareholders. Let’s hiss and boo real quick. Everyone seems to be working more while our quality of life on and off the jobs declines. And all the while we are struggling to build a future for ourselves and our families as the future of our society, our species and the planet we share is disappearing before our eyes as we continue to careen headfirst into the age of manmade climate catastrophe.

The struggles we face are many and the obstacles in our way are daunting. But we have been here before. From Ancient Egypt to the antebellum Southern United States, working people have overthrown the shackles of slavery. We have risen up against the feudal lords and kings. We have fought the scourges of child labor and apartheid. We have fought and died on picket lines for the right to unionize and collectively bargain. Working people must always fight and that fight continues today. And I could not be more honored to be joined on this live show by two incredible fighters who are going to talk to us about what that fight looks like in their corners of the world. We have the great Sarah Beth Ryther of Trader Joe’s United. Let’s give it up for Sarah Beth. And we’ve got Josh Thole, former professional baseball player and minor league special assistant for the MLBPA.

So without further ado, I want to bring our incredible guests in here today. And now normally on the show Working People, every week I get to sit down and have one-on-one deep conversations with workers about their lives, how they came to be the people they are, their path to doing the work that they do, so on and so forth. So with these live shows, we’ve been doing a condensed version of that, focusing specifically on people’s organizing stories, right? Present company may be excluded, but I imagine most of us don’t grow up imagining we’re going to be labor organizers. So everyone has an interesting story there. And I wanted to start by asking our great panelists, Sarah Beth, we’ll start with you. If you could just introduce yourself to the great audience we’ve got here and everyone watching and listening after the fact.

And tell us a bit about your own personal path into organizing and about why you and your coworkers took that fateful step to say, I’m not going to quit, I’m not going to leave. I’m not going to leave these problems for whoever walks in the door next, but I’m going to stand with my coworkers and do something about this.” What were the kind of key issues or conditions or concerns that led you individually to feel like something needed to change and to collectively determine that unionization was the pathway to making that change?

Sarah Beth Ryther:

So I started working in the Minneapolis store in August of 2021, and Minneapolis is a city right on the Mississippi River. It’s gorgeous, it has a lot of texture. And I had heard that Trader Joe’s was an amazing place to work, that it was seven steps above every other grocery store. That it was a corporation that treated its employees well. That it was really a place where you could go and have a future. And in the industry it was the gold standard. And I started working there. And personally, I’m really nosy. I am a compulsively curious person, and I also talk to everybody. And so as you do, when you start a new job, you make friends with people, you just learn about their lives. You ask them, what did you have for breakfast today? What are your hopes and dreams? Having conversations not only about work but about folks’ lives.

And it struck me after a couple of months of working there that the conversations I was having were overwhelmingly negative when it came to our workplace. Folks were really burned out. We’re still in the middle of a pandemic at that point, frontline workers who had been forced to work in really rough working conditions. Emotional labor, when you’re a grocery store worker and you have to interact with folks who are maybe not having the best day. That had all pressed and pressed and pressed and pressed on my coworkers and that in combination with wages that were said to be much, much better than others in the industry, but were in reality not very much better.

It just created this environment of dissatisfaction and it was really difficult to hear. It’s hard to hear when you’re making friends with somebody and they say very truthfully, they’re not complaining. They’re just stating, “Hey, it’s really rough. Hey, I was late again today because my bus was late, and then I got written up for being late through no fault of my own.” And that for me really was the catalyst to start thinking about how things could be different. And then in the winter of that year, there were a couple of really scary events that highlighted safety issues. It was very apparent that these safety issues were the responsibility of the company at large. It’s not just your managers, it’s not just folks who are put in a really scary position next to you. It’s the fault of policies from the very, very, very highest level that trickle down to make things unsafe for the individual worker. And so in December, we started talking about unionizing and it was just whispers.

I didn’t really even know what a union was. And somehow I had made it through most of my adulthood thus far, not interacting a lot with unions. We started together to ask our community, Minneapolis is a really union town. It’s really union friendly. There are lots and lots of union folks and it has a really rich labor history. So we started asking people, can you tell me about unions? We invited organizers into my living room. We asked members of unions who weren’t even grocery store unions, can you tell us what it’s like to be a member of a union to be involved in this fight? And they told us. And so we gathered information and very quickly thereafter we said, “Hey, let’s do this. It’s going to be an experiment. We don’t know what we’re doing. That’s okay because we trust each other.” Again, we ask each other questions, we hang out with each other outside of work. And that community base led us to stand together and say, “Hey, we’re good on taking this anymore. We can together move towards a future that feels better for all of us through unionizing.”

Josh Thole:

Well, thank you guys again for attending, even though I told you to come here. I had all the faith in the world in you. Thank you, Sarah. I will say this, ours is a bit different. First and foremost. It was four minor league baseball players who did the organizing. So we knew coming into this, what in fact was important at the time. We knew that wages were so suppressed that that needed to change. Again, to Sarah’s point, it was four guys that really had no idea what a union was either, how impactful it could be. So we had a lot of learning along the way as we were learning the organizing tactics going forward and anti-union campaigns that could be run against you and everything in between. But before we really started getting deep into the players and building out our leadership base, that was like step one.

Step two was then building our leadership base out. And that’s what we did. We pretty much were dispatched to reach out to 150 minor league affiliates. So all 30 major league baseball teams have five affiliates. We look around about 180 players, 170 players across 30 organizations. So 30 times 180 is quite of a reach. And in fact, how were we going to do this with such a small organizing group? So we broke up our turf appropriately and we just really started cold calling guys and started to try to understand, again, we knew the question to our answer, but we wanted to hear what it was like. I was a bit removed. I was a few years removed from minor league baseball. The other three organizers were a little closer. They had about two or three years removed as well.

And we knew what was going to be the overarching issue, but having to build the leadership out really one by one is what was going to be the challenging part. And we did that. We felt as if it was important to have one person to reach into every minor league clubhouse. So for example, if you take the Toronto Blue Jays, we need one guy in Dunedin. One guy at the complex in Dunedin. One guy in Dunedin, which is now the low A team. One guy in Vancouver, which is the high A team. New Hampshire, the AA team and Buffalo, the AAA team. We knew if we could conquer getting one point of contact is what we called them at the time. So we had some reach and we had a response there because we knew it was going to be important for us to figure out what was important to them now, pay, grievance procedure, housing. The housing issue was resolved the year before, but we knew we had to make it better.

Advocates for minor leagues made a big push publicly to get housing for minor league players in which Major League Baseball kind of adhered to that and gave every player now team housing. To kind of shed a little light onto that. When I was in the minor leagues, you went into a city and you had to fend for yourself. And for the folks that heard me downstairs, that’s how you save money. When you’re making $10,000 a year, you just jam as many folks into an apartment as you could and slept on floors and air mattresses. We have the leadership, we now know what’s important. We now had to figure out how best to do this. And again, do it in secrecy a bit because there was a fear for these players that if their club found out what was going to happen, were they going to get released? Because everybody’s end game is to get to the major leagues.

You don’t go into professional baseball to be a lifelong minor leaguer. That was important for us as organizers to know. And we kept everything so tight and so under wraps for months and months and months on end and continued to build out our leadership and now we have more than one guy, now there’s two guys at each affiliate, and we just continued to kind of grow the tree, if you will. And then finding out, again, once we knew what the priorities were for these guys, we then went to the Players Association and effectively asked for their blessing and said, “We need help with this. Here is the grand plan.” There was talks leading up to this, but we knew that it was going to be important for the major league baseball players to support what the minor leaguers were doing, and they did that. So the organizing campaign was different from the aspect of we knew going in and we did have quite a bit of support obviously from the 1200 major league members.

Maximillian Alvarez:

And I just want to ask us to give one more round of applause for the minor leaguers for actually getting to that point and for Sarah Beths and her coworkers for winning their union in their election. Let’s give it up.

Because that is no small feat. And I mean this is one of the things we talked about before this show, right? About how to make the conversation relevant not just to folks in the US but beyond, right? I mean, granted, it’s easy to look better than the US by comparison when our union density is hovering barely above 10%. But we know that in Canada, with y’all having around 30%, we still have a long way to go amidst all the challenges that I laid out in the introduction. I won’t rehash those again. But like Sara Beth said, it’s so bonkers to me that we have these rights purportedly as democratic citizens in our respective countries, like the right to free speech or free assembly or practicing your religion. But to exercise your rights in the workplace is one of the few areas where you have to go through a Lord of the Rings style saga. Where you could get fired at any point, your friends could get fired. Starbucks could shut your entire store down, and that’s just in the unionization campaign.

Then you still have the long track to getting that first contract. So you’re being subject to captive audience meetings, right? Relentless union busting. You on top of that are subjected to delays at the bargaining table, bad faith bargaining. I can’t count how many strikes are going on in the states right now where the bosses are effectively refusing to bargain in the hopes that they can delay, demoralize and ultimately de-certify the union. This is happening at the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, where journalists have been on strike for over 200 days now. Warrior Met Coal. That strike in Alabama is still technically ongoing, but Warrior Met Coal recently filed for a de-certification vote. After workers’ waged the longest strike in Alabama state history. So this is the boss’s plan is to smother and stifle our movement at any opportunity. And that is why it makes it that much more incredible that amidst all of that, you all and your coworkers still manage to reach the point that you’ve reached.

But of course, that struggle is still very much ongoing. And for folks working in the United States and in Canada, I wanted to take the last turn around the table to try to talk about how we get over those obstacles and how we do so in a way that allows us to scale up. So not just unionizing one shop or one warehouse, but actually do so in a way that allows us to build across our industry or across our employer. So for people out there in the US and Canada and beyond who want to organize but don’t really know where to start or for people who are organizing but are having trouble keeping the momentum going, navigating unfair labor laws and relentless union busting, let’s talk about how Trader Joe’s United and the MLBPA have dealt with those issues. So what specific challenges have you all faced in your organizing efforts and how have you and your coworkers worked to overcome those challenges?

And specifically, like I said, how have you been able to do that in a way that allows you to scale up, reaching so many different minor league baseball players, expanding from one to two to multiple Trader Joe’s stores, dozens even. What does that scaling up entail and how did tools like Action Builder help?

Sarah Beth Ryther:

I think for us, first and foremost, we are not going anywhere and that is our base standard principle that we are operating from and will continue to operate from. We’re here, which means that slow and steady, we will get where we need to go eventually, as long as we have our vision, which is as many Trader Joe’s unionized as possible. As long as we have that vision in our horizon, there are folks all across the country who have reached out to us, every single state in the US that has a Trader Joe’s, there is somebody from that Trader Joe’s who has emailed us and said, “Hey, we want to unionize. We have the same problems as you have. Let’s go.” Whether that-

And I think it’s interesting because all of those Trader Joe’s are not unionized precisely because of what Max was saying. If our laws were different, if you had 50% of all of the workers just go to the National Labor Relations Board in the US and say, “We want to unionize.” We would have many, many, many, many, many stores unionize. But because the laws are not like that, and because we are facing union busting, all of the stores that we would like to unionize probably have a lot longer timeline. And maybe one person from one store calls us now and says, “I really want unionize, but I don’t have the capacity.” We say, “You’re planting the seed. Talk to your coworkers about unionizing.” If it doesn’t happen, maybe it will eventually happen.

The idea, the seed, is there. Social media can be a great equalizer. Folks being able to tell their story here, being able to use tools like Action Network in order to reach folks that you might not be able to reach in another way and make sure that you’re checking back with them. Making sure that you’re building and maintaining relationships that allow you to build large structures and large communities in each place. That is what will get us to that horizon, to that goal over a very long period of time. But it is that dedication and that basic understanding that together we can do better.

Josh Thole:

I think I’m going to break this into two parts. The first question that Max asked. For me, I’ll always go back to this. If you feel like you’re getting stuck and bogged down, I always reminded myself of this that it’s all about the players, all about the players. And I knew how bad they wanted it. When we asked our leaders and each affiliate, we sent them a spreadsheet and said, “We need everybody’s email address and we’re going to tell you why we need the email address later.” And they said, “Okay, done.” And we got all of the email addresses because of the players. I didn’t go clubhouse to Clubhouse begging these guys. I built so much trust and my counterparts did as well. We built so much trust with our leadership base that they knew when we said, “Go do X.” They did it. And for me, that’s what kept me motivated. That’s what kept me going.

Even when there was days where the leaders were just like, “Don’t call me today, I don’t want to speak to you.” I just said, “Fine, no problem. Call me when you’re ready.” Because those days happened and they happened more times than not. I mean, imagine 142 game season and your main goal is to get to the major leagues and you have some union organizer blowing your phone up to go get a petition signed or fill out a list of 30 email addresses. That’s hard. It’s hard, especially if you just took an 0-4 or just gave up five runs. Having to navigate that piece of it was challenging. I mean, before I called the guy, I knew exactly what that person did the night before. Because I’ll be damned if I was going to call him when he just gave up a walk off homer, I just wasn’t going to do it and I think the guys respected that. I really do. I think the guys respected that we knew when to push go. So to answer that question is for me it was trust.

Building the trust, always going back to it. It’s about the workers. It’s about the workers. You know that the workers want it. You have to stay… Keep your heels dug in. And for the folks that have been doing this for a long, long time, I’m definitely not telling you anything that you don’t know. The second part of the question to the digital tool of Action Network and Action Builder was so important to us because we had movement. I mean, we would have 50 to a hundred transactions on a daily basis. We needed to know if our leaders were moving from time to time. That was a piece that Action Builder really helped us with, was to navigate the transaction portal again. And we were inputting all of that manually, but it was important for us to have one space to know, “Okay, I need to call a team in Altoona, Pennsylvania. Who’s my guy there?” And it made it so easy.

From the Action Network piece, the ability to use this email address that we begged these guys, that’s why that was important for us because we needed to effectively do what I’ll call test runs. I mean, that’s what they were. We needed to know the priorities and what was important to these guys, but we needed to do test runs to see what the return rate was. And to watch an overwhelming amount just on the priority surveys and spring training surveys and what have you, we were getting just flooded with responses back. At that moment, we knew that this was going to work, timing was going to have to be everything. But thanks to the tool, we definitely wouldn’t have been able to do it with a notebook and paper, much less an Excel spreadsheet given the 5,600 plus players to keep track of where all these guys were.

Maximillian Alvarez:

So we got to wrap this up, and again, I encourage everyone to please come up and talk to our amazing panelists, share stories and strategies, and let’s keep this movement building because that’s of course what we’re all here for. And I wanted to sort of end on that note. Because we are recording this, this is going to go out to folks who aren’t here at the CLC with us across Canada, the US and beyond. And so I want to ask this question for them. For anyone who’s listening to this, who is maybe thinking about organizing in their workplace, but sees everything that the Starbucks workers are going through, the Amazon workers, what they’re going through. They see the union busting and they see how quickly the public can give up on them. And I remember something that a French train driver outside of Paris who is currently on a general strike with his coworkers across the country. Shout out to our fellow workers in comrades and France right now.

A really incredible Frenchman named [foreign language], who I’ve interviewed a number of times on this show, said to me in a recent interview that the ultimate enemy that we face is the feeling of loneliness. When you were out on that picket line or after the initial story breaks that your store’s unionizing, but then people move on to another story and the managers start turning on the screws and messing with people’s schedules and surveilling people and holding captive audience meetings. You can feel very lonely and isolating and that’s the point. So I wanted to ask if you had any messages for folks who know that they’re going to face that and why they should press on. Things aren’t going to get better if we don’t actually do something about it. And also if you had any comments for people watching, listening or here in the audience about the importance of solidarity across campaigns, across stores, across industries, and ultimately across national borders, right?

Because with that solidarity, we can achieve anything, I think. But I wanted to ask if you had any kind of thoughts about how that solidarity has helped you all in your campaigns. So any final messages to folks who maybe want to organize right now but are worried about what they’re going to face and any final thoughts on the importance of solidarity in keeping these efforts going?

Sarah Beth Ryther:

I think that what Josh was talking about with trust is absolutely vital. And I think that that leads into the relationships that you form when you’re organizing both in your workplace and in the larger community. And I think for anyone who is feeling alone, this room is evidence that there are many, many, many folks out there who have individuals backs and have each organizing campaigns back. And I was just floored and really humbled. Like I said, I didn’t know about anything about unions before I started organizing and floored and humbled to discover the community that was in my city, that was around the world. The folks who I talked to nearly every day are in California, they’re in Massachusetts, they’re in Kentucky, states that are thousands of miles away from me. People that I didn’t know existed and who are amazing and phenomenal and who enrich my life every day.

And I think that that loneliness and fear can be combated by forming those relationships, by keeping those relationships, by finding folks around you who are there, who exist adjacent to you, even though you might not know it, who will support you. And I would say, again, what I was talking about earlier, just reaching out to members of your community. It can be really scary to cold call somebody or email someone, but folks in labor are really friendly and organizers are always there, even if they’re in a different sector to help you out. So that’s what I would say.

Josh Thole:

Thanks Sarah. That was very well said. I think I will echo one piece of it, and it’s probably easy to say, hard to do. But as much as you can keep your foot on the gas, and this is the importance of building, constantly organizing even, in my opinion, now. We’re a union and we have 5,600 new minor league members, we’re still constantly organizing. So the more you can organize, the less you feel alone. And I say that because throughout the organizing drive, when I started having those feelings, and don’t think for a minute. There was days that happened where you make 55 phone calls and not one person answers the phone. You feel lonely, but the more you can go back to the ones that you have built the trust in and the ones that you really have organized, I just always went back to those guys, even if it was just to call the BS to make sure that we’re all moving on the right track.

Again, I know I say that and I know it’s hard to do, but I think from that perspective was what kept our train moving, was the mindset of organize, organize. Keep building out your leadership as much as you can. And then as far as solidarity goes, internally we see it, right? To have 1200 major league baseball players say, “Yeah, we want these guys, we want 5,600 plus new members.” That’s solidarity in itself. But what you see here, even in this room, everybody has everybody’s back and everybody in this world is pulling from the same end of the rope. And it’s important. Again, I’m here, I get to see it. There’s a lot of folks that don’t… A lot of organizers that are not here that don’t get to see it.

But I think for anybody listening and watching, it’s important to know this room is filled. Downstairs, the room was filled with almost 3000 people. The support that you will always have will always be there. And I think that’s something to never forget. If you’re feeling lost, if you’re feeling lonely, know that there is somebody in the organizing and labor world that you can pick the phone up and call and you will have instant support.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Let’s give it up for our great panelists. All right, let’s go drink. I think that’s good. So we can call that a recording. We didn’t quite know if the acoustics were going to work for Q&A. I would say just please, if you have questions come up, ask our amazing panelists, and thank you all so much for being here. I hope you enjoyed the conversation. Goodnight.
RED SCARE RELOADED: CHINESE ‘FOREIGN AGENTS’ AND A NEW ERA OF MCCARTHYISM

From scientists to alleged “secret police stations,” Chinese communities in the US are being increasingly targeted by Red Scare tactics as part of the New Cold War on China.
RNN
JULY 13, 2023

U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland speaks at a press conference at the U.S. Department of Justice on on October 24, 2022 in Washington, DC. The Justice Department announced it has charged 13 individuals, including members of the Chinese intelligence and their agents, for alleged efforts to unlawfully exert influence in the United States for the benefit of the government of China. 
Photo by Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images



This story originally appeared in Liberation News on July 11, 2023. It is shared here with permission.

On February 9, 1950 the period of Red Scare witch hunts officially launched as Senator Joseph McCarthy addressed the Women’s Republican Club in Wheeling, West Virginia. Just months before, Mao Zedong had led the communists to victory over the U.S.-backed Kuomintang, establishing the People’s Republic of China. Looking for scapegoats to bear responsibility for their so-called “loss of China,” McCarthy warned of “enemies within” the U.S. government. Claiming government infiltration by communists, McCarthy asserted he had in his possession a list of 205 names in the State Department who were “card-carrying members” of — or at least loyal to — the Communist Party.

In the beginning, McCarthy directed the witch hunts against China experts within the State Department, but in the highly politicized Cold War environment, the persecution soon spilled over to other government employees, and then throughout society as Hollywood actors, teachers, academics, union organizers, civil rights activists, artists, and many others were targeted as communist sympathizers or suspected Soviet agents. By the time the Red Scare concluded in the late 1950s, hundreds of people had been imprisoned, while thousands of others had been blacklisted, lost their jobs, or otherwise had their reputations ruined.

The loss of China was never forgotten by the U.S. ruling class. Over 70 years later, with China rising as an economic superpower, we have entered a new era of McCarthyism and anti-communist fervor with the same enemy.

SAME RED SCARE PROPAGANDA AND LIES

“One thing to remember in discussing the communists in our government is that we are not dealing with spies who get 30 pieces of silver to steal the blueprints of new weapons,” McCarthy warned in his 1950 speech. “We are dealing with a far more sinister type of activity because it permits the enemy to guide and shape our policy.”

This new era of McCarthyism reproduces the same paranoia as the first iteration in the 1950s: that communist infiltrators both in government and throughout wider society are influencing policy and public opinion in the enemy’s interests.

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“For decades, a broad range of entities in China have forged ties with government and business leaders at the state and local levels of the United States, often yielding benefits for both sides,” a 2022 U.S. National Counterintelligence and Security Center report stated. “However, as tensions between Beijing and Washington have grown, the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) under President Xi Jinping has increasingly sought to exploit these China-U.S. subnational relationships to influence U.S. policies and advance PRC geopolitical interests.”

This time around though, the Red Scare propaganda has the benefit of being laundered through D.C. policy think tanks, giving it an additional veneer of legitimacy.

A 2018 Hoover Institute report ominously warned of the Communist Party of China’s reach in its supposed project to assert political influence:

China’s influence activities have moved beyond their traditional United Front focus on diaspora communities to target a far broader range of sectors in Western societies, ranging from think tanks, universities, and media to state, local, and national government institutions. China seeks to promote views sympathetic to the Chinese Government [sic], policies, society, and culture; suppress alternative views; and co-opt key American players to support China’s foreign policy goals and economic interests … Except for Russia, no other country’s efforts to influence American politics and society is as extensive and well-funded as China’s.

Going one step further, a Council on Foreign Relations report in 2022 accused China of running a “global influence campaign,” in which it was not only trying to shape U.S. policy and certain to meddle in the then-upcoming 2022 midterm elections, but it was also “continuing a pattern of influence operations it began earlier this century in the Pacific Rim, seeking to shift narratives in its favor and promote pro-Beijing politicians — or sometimes just sow chaos and falsehoods.”

THE FOREIGN AGENTS REGISTRATION ACT

But we cannot discuss McCarthyism in the 21st century without explaining its weapon of choice in the new Cold War: the Foreign Agents Registration Act. FARA is a U.S. law ostensibly aimed at curbing foreign influence in politics and requires “foreign agents” (those who engage in advocacy or lobbying on behalf of a foreign entity) to register with the Department of Justice, periodically disclose activities, and “comply with extensive reporting requirements”. However, the law is written in such a sweeping, broad manner that it lends itself easily to interpretation and political weaponization.

Nick Robinson, a senior legal advisor at the International Center for Non-Profit Law wrote:

On its face, FARA is startlingly broad: it applies equally to “agents” of a foreign government — like Saudi Arabia — or of a foreign person or entity — such as a Japanese company like Toyota, a nonprofit based abroad like Amnesty International, or a foreign-based media organization such as The Guardian. Covered activity under the Act includes attempts to influence U.S. public opinion on any foreign or domestic policy issue; soliciting or disbursing anything of value; or disseminating oral, visual, or written information of any kind for or in the interest of a foreign principal. Unlike a traditional principal–agent relationship, an agency relationship under the Act does not require “direction” or “control” by the principal over the agent, or even the consent of either party. Instead, it can be created if someone in the United States acts at the mere “request” of a foreign principal. For example, if a nonprofit in Chicago sets up a public meeting at the “request” of a Canadian nonprofit partner to discuss the best way to fight the opioid epidemic, the Chicago nonprofit would arguably need to register as a “foreign agent”: in setting the public meeting, the Chicago nonprofit would be attempting to influence U.S. public opinion on a domestic policy issue at the “request” of a foreign principal — the Canadian nonprofit.

Based on this extremely broad definition, any organization or individual can also be indicted under FARA for what the DOJ deems as “engag[ing] in ‘political activities’ on behalf of a foreign principal.”

“In other words, ‘political activities’ includes not just lobbying U.S. government officials, but, arguably, it covers almost any advocacy efforts that engage with the public,” continued Robinson. “It also seemingly includes most reporting by journalists, if the journalist ‘influence[s]’ U.S. public opinion on a policy issue, even if it is just through factual reporting to create a more informed debate.”

And FARA has been used in exactly that manner. As tensions with China increased in 2018, the DOJ invoked FARA to force Chinese state media outlets like Xinhua News Agency and China Global Television Network (CGTN) to register as “foreign agents.” This move on the part of the ruling class effectively designated Chinese news outlets as unreliable “propaganda” that promotes the interests of a foreign entity, while at the same time, legitimizing warmongering media sources like The New York Times and The Washington Post — which are controlled by their corporate owners — as the true purveyors of trusted, objective journalism. Furthermore, other foreign news agencies from countries that are allies of the United States and toe the Washington consensus, such as The Guardian and BBC News, are not required to register under FARA.

FARA was created in 1938 as a recommendation by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, a precursor to the House Committee on Un-American Activities — the investigative body that led the witch hunts against suspected communist sympathizers during the McCarthyism era. The law was first used to prosecute those spreading Nazi propaganda, but enforcement began to decline after the end of World War Two. The few indictments seen during the Cold War targeted communists — most notably, W.E.B. Dubois was prosecuted under FARA in 1951 as an agent of the Soviet Union for petitioning against the proliferation of nuclear weapons.

Since the end of World War Two, FARA remained a relatively obscure law that was rarely enforced. While the DOJ encouraged compliance, most lobbyists considered it a bureaucratic inconvenience to be skirted. It is worth noting, however, that in the last 40 years on the rare occasions the act was enforced, it was often weaponized against anti-war and progressive activist organizations such as the Palestine Information Office, Irish Northern Aid Committee, and the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador.

But all that changed with the Robert Mueller investigation into alleged Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election, which led to the prosecution of Trump’s former campaign manager Paul Manafort and his deputy Rick Gates under FARA. The number of indictments have skyrocketed since.

Amid an escalating trade war and increasing political tensions with China, the Trump administration then began using FARA to its own political advantage. For instance, in 2018 the House Committee on Natural Resources brought FARA inquiries against four environmental advocacy organizations. One of these organizations was the Natural Resources Defense Council, which the Committee accused of “aiding China’s perception management efforts” with regard to environmental protections “in ways that may be detrimental to the United States.”

In 2018, the DOJ announced it would begin invoking and enforcing FARA as part of its China Initiative — a program launched to go after and prosecute Chinese nationals living in the United States for alleged “espionage” activities and theft of intellectual property.

In 2021, MIT Technology Review conducted a thorough analysis of all the cases brought under the China Initiative and published its findings. From the MIT report, it’s clear the China Initiative was nothing more than a McCarthyist witch hunt, based on racial profiling. The report concluded that the DOJ had “neither officially defined the China Initiative nor explained what leads it to label a case as part of the initiative”; that most cases had little or no obvious connection to national security issues; that 90% of those charged under the initiative were of Chinese descent; and that, over the course of the program, there was a decreasing focus away from espionage and hacking toward “research integrity” issues — in many cases, academics or researchers were targeted for simply failing to disclose foreign affiliations on grant-related forms. Of the nearly two dozen cases of FARA brought against academics, most ended in dismissals, with many of the defendants accusing investigators of misconduct.

The controversial China Initiative program officially ended in 2022, but FARA continues to be invoked under the Biden administration. What was once a rarely enforced, obscure law is now being used with increasing regularity as the DOJ weaponizes FARA to target activists who speak out on U.S. foreign policy. Under Biden, FARA has been invoked to target Black liberation activists like the African People’s Socialist Party for criticizing U.S. involvement in the Ukraine war and Chinese American hotel worker and organizer Li Tang “Henry” Liang for advocating peaceful relations between the United States and China.

“SECRET CHINESE POLICE STATIONS”


As the Biden administration continues the policy of containment and military encirclement of China abroad, the DOJ is using FARA to go after so-called “secret Chinese police stations” domestically. In New York City earlier this year, FBI authorities arrested “Harry” Lu Jianwang and Chen Jinping, two leaders of the American Changle Association, for failing to register as foreign agents. The ACA is an organization that operates out of Manhattan Chinatown and assists immigrants from the Changle, Fujian region in China. Authorities accused the two men of setting up a “secret Chinese police station” in their ACA Chinatown office, which, they alleged, operates as a satellite of the Chinese government to surveil and harass dissidents living abroad.

The case in New York City is only part of a wider crackdown on what the media refers to as “secret Chinese police stations” across the globe. Two Chinese centers in Québec — the Service à la Famille Chinoise du Grand Montréal and the Centre Sino-Québec de la Rive-Sud — were accused by Canadian authorities of being such overseas stations. Despite the Public Safety Minister announcing that they had been shut down, representatives for the two centers both stated they had never been approached by authorities or police and were, in fact, still open to the public. The media circus had already done its damage, however, as both centers lost a number of donors due to the press frenzy.

These centers are actually what are known as overseas police service stations, extremely common in areas with high concentrations of Chinese immigrants, and serve a function similar to that of a consulate. The stations usually consist of a video conferencing room and are set up in conjunction with local municipal governments in China to assist immigrants in filling out paperwork and renewing Chinese driver’s licenses remotely. The stations are not secret, as they promote their services among community members, nor do they have police on staff or on premises.

All of the accusations of these so-called “secret Chinese police stations” are based on a Safeguard Defenders 2022 report, which claims the existence of over 100 of these centers across the globe. According to the NGO, these police stations are used to monitor overseas Chinese citizens charged with various crimes in China and pressure them to return to face trial.

But according to Yale Law School Paul Tsai China Center senior fellow Jeremy Daum, who analyzed the report and checked its Chinese-language sources, the paper is riddled with factual, contextual, and translation errors — as well as a lack of general understanding of how Chinese government works. For example, the overseas service stations are not set up by the central authorities of the Chinese government as implied in the report. They are set up by local provincial governments, such as Fuzhou, Anxi, and Qingtian counties. They are not a program set forth and required by central authorities, nor are they national policy — this would be like equating a county-level initiative here with one of the entire U.S. federal government. And while the Chinese government does have a national policy of persuading fugitives abroad to return to face trial (which is not unusual in and of itself — the United States does the same and has extradition treaties with over 100 countries), all of that police work occurs in China. There is no link or coordination between that investigative work and the local service stations abroad.

According to Daum, one source quoted in the report even directly contradicted the authors’ own claims, stating, “These measures aren’t at all required by the central authorities, and aren’t even the province’s ideas, but are just ‘measures thought up’ at the basic level to move work forward.”

When Daum’s criticisms were brought to Safeguard Defenders’ attention, the NGO issued a new version of the report correcting some of the mistakes raised, and then yet another version a couple of weeks later addressing more issues. However, Daum notes that similar errors remain, and he still wasn’t persuaded by the report’s claims that China had launched a secret international policing campaign. Despite the release of these updated versions, we should be extremely cautious of trusting at face value the overall findings given the significant number of errors to begin with, and the contextual manipulation and carelessness of translation to fit the authors’ agenda.
DENIAL OF STUDENT VISAS

In 2020, Trump issued an executive order canceling the visas of thousands of Chinese graduate students and researchers who had ties to universities affiliated with the People’s Liberation Army. Biden has continued this policy, denying visas to graduate students based on the Chinese universities they attend. According the proclamation, Chinese graduate students can be denied visas to study or conduct research in the United States if they receive “funding from or who currently is employed by, studies at, or conducts research at or on behalf of, or has been employed by, studied at, or conducted research at or on behalf of, an entity in the PRC that implements or supports the PRC’s “military-civil fusion strategy.”

“To put the proclamation in perspective,” stated Stuart Anderson in Forbes, “If another country had a similar policy, it might deny visas to Americans who studied at U.S. universities that ‘support’ a strategy or actions the foreign government finds objectionable or that received funding from the U.S. Department of Defense.”

Of course, while there are hundreds of universities in the United States that receive DOD funding, the students who attend those schools are not automatically affiliated with the U.S. military. Nor do all students automatically endorse the views or actions of their universities.

And how does the U.S. government determine which Chinese universities to blacklist? The primary source it depends on for these denial of visas is the China Defence Universities Tracker, an online database which assesses the level of risk of each Chinese school on a scale from “low” to “very high.” The database is a creation of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, a Canberra-based think tank that was one of the primary purveyors of the “Uyghur genocide” myth a few years ago. In a 2018 report, ASPI accused students from PLA-affiliated schools of infiltrating Five Eyes universities to build up China’s military capabilities, despite representatives of some host universities stating there was little evidence to suggest this beyond “shadowy inferences.”

According to ASPI’s 2021-2022 annual report, the think tank received over a million dollars from the U.S. State Department alone, along with hundreds of thousands of dollars from military contractors like Boeing Australia and Lockheed Martin. Because of its funding streams, ASPI has been one of the most vocal and hawkish peddlers of Cold War anti-China propaganda in the last few years.