UN warns of further ‘atrocities’ in Myanmar

By

 AFP

The UN human rights chief said Sunday he is “deeply alarmed” by a resurgence of violence in Myanmar’s Rakhine state and warned of further “atrocities”.

Clashes have rocked Rakhine since the Arakan Army (AA) attacked security forces in November, ending a ceasefire that had largely held since the 2021 military coup.

“I am deeply alarmed by reports of renewed violence and property destruction in Buthidaung township in Myanmar’s northern Rakhine state, resulting in the displacement of potentially tens of thousands of civilians, mainly Rohingya,” Volker Turk said in a statement.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights indicated that the United Nations was seeking to “corroborate information indicating serious violations”.

He added: “With inter-communal tensions between ethnic Rakhine and Rohingya high — and being actively stoked by the military — this is a critical period when the risk of yet further atrocity crimes is particularly acute.”

The AA is one of several armed ethnic-minority groups in Myanmar’s border regions, many of which have battled the military since independence from Britain in 1948 over autonomy and control of lucrative resources.

The AA claims to be fighting for more autonomy for the state’s ethnic Rakhine population.

Fighting had spread to 15 of Rakhine state’s 17 townships since November, Turk said last month.

Hundreds of people have been killed or wounded and more than 300,000 displaced.

Turk made a direct appeal to the Myanmar military and the AA to “pause fighting, protect civilians, allow immediate and unhindered humanitarian access” and to comply “unconditionally” with international law.

He also appealed to neighbouring Bangladesh to extend protection to “vulnerable people seeking safety”.

Clashes between the AA and the military in 2019 roiled the region and displaced around 200,000 people.

The military launched a crackdown on the Rohingya minority there in 2017 which is now the subject of a United Nations genocide court case.

 

Divide And Conquer: Myanmar Military’s Rohingya Gambit In Rakhine – OpEd

 May 20, 2024

By James Shwe

The Rohingya crisis in Myanmar stands as a grim testament to the military’s longstanding divide-and-rule strategy, a tactic that has proven tragically effective. Throughout Myanmar’s history, the military has exploited ethnic and religious divisions to consolidate power. Myanmar’s diverse ethnic makeup has been a prime target for the military’s divide and rule strategy. By leveraging resource competition and historical resentments, the military perpetuates a cycle of animosity among different groups, weakening the potential for united opposition. 

The military in Myanmar has effectively weaponized religion, targeting the majority Buddhist population with propaganda that stokes nationalist sentiments and unites them against perceived external threats. This includes the military’s support for ultra-nationalist monks who propagate hate speech, exacerbating inter-religious tensions and diverting attention from military oppression.

The Rohingya crisis illustrates the military’s skillful manipulation of religious divisions. In 2017, the military launched a severe crackdown on the Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority in Rakhine State, causing hundreds of thousands to flee to Bangladesh where they continue to live in dire refugee camps. This brutal action drew international condemnation but simultaneously advanced the military’s objectives by undermining the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, sidelining democratic reforms, and reinforcing the military’s hold on power.

Historically, the persecution of the Rohingyas can be traced back to the regime of Ne Win in the late 1970s, marked by the initial exodus of refugees from Arakan/Rakhine State to Bangladesh. Subsequent large-scale refugee influxes occurred in the 1990s and early 2010s, documented extensively at the UN level and in other authoritative records.

Furthermore, the military’s divisive tactics extend to other ethnic and religious groups. A notable example is the split within the Karen resistance between the Christian Karen National Union (KNU) and the Buddhist Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), showcasing the military’s adeptness at exploiting religious differences to foster internal divisions.

The Rohingya Card: A Divide-and-Rule Tactic Against the AA

Currently, as the Arakan Army (AA) threatens its hold, the junta is once again cynically exploiting the Rohingya crisis to undermine its adversaries. Disturbingly, there are reports of the military coercing Rohingya into pro-junta rallies and arming groups like the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) to incite conflicts with the AA. This tactic aims to internationally discredit the AA and block any potential alliance with the Rohingya. Moreover, it’s reported that hundreds from ARSA and the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), including some from across the border in Bangladesh, are enlisting with the junta forces. These actions are a deliberate attempt by the military to fracture regional ethnic alliances and maintain control by fueling discord. The international community must recognize these maneuvers for what they are: dangerous games that risk further estranging the Arakanese from the Rohingya and place the already vulnerable Rohingya in even greater danger.

Swedish journalist, author, and Myanmar expert Bertil Lintner expressed to The Irrawaddy that the international community is “obsessed” with the Rohingya issue. He warned that if the AA were to harm any Rohingya, even those armed by the military, it could tarnish the global perception of the AA. Lintner noted that the general public is largely unaware of the military’s arming of the Rohingya and highlighted the junta’s use of divide-and-rule tactics in Rakhine to provoke communal clashes, thereby justifying its intervention to “restore order” and “communal harmony.”

An analyst speaking with The Irrawaddy suggested that the military junta’s strategy might be ineffective, as the majority of the Rohingya across the state place their trust in the Arakan Army (AA). However, the junta is strategically deploying Rohingya recruits from Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships—areas where the AA has yet to secure the trust of the local Muslim community. The recent takeover of Buthidaung by the AA on May 18 has intensified allegations of mistreatment of the Rohingya by the AA, which the group has promptly denied. It is clear that the Rohingya community is enduring significant hardship due to the ongoing conflict, trapped in a war zone where the military junta is likely to implement its scorched earth policy. This strategy involves the destruction of population centers that fall out of their control, aimed at preventing the resistance from setting up civil administrations, thereby exacerbating the suffering of the local population.

Prominent Rohingya rights activist Ro Nay San Lwin stated that the regime is deploying Rohingya conscripts on the front lines to fuel communal hatred. Additionally, U Aung Kyaw Moe, deputy human rights minister of the civilian National Unity Government (NUG), condemned the arson attacks by junta aligned Rohingya militias. He emphasized the need to differentiate between regime collaborators and ordinary civilians within the Rohingya community, cautioning that indiscriminate blame would only escalate the conflict. U Aung Kyaw Moe stressed that the junta’s goal is to incite conflict between two nationalities.

Countering Misinformation and Promoting Reconciliation

The international community must be wary of falling prey to the military’s manipulation. A recent United Nations briefing highlighted the spread of misinformation and hate speech in Rakhine State.  It’s crucial to recognize the broader political machinations at play and not view the crisis solely through a humanitarian lens.

Furthermore, portraying the Buddhist Bama majority as solely religious extremists, as some international activists have done, inadvertently deepens divisions and aids the military’s strategy. A more constructive approach would emphasize education about democracy, federalism, and tolerance for all ethnic groups in Myanmar. Most international news reports don’t even bother to clarify that the Rohingya live in Rakhine state which is separated from central Burma by a near impassable mountain range where the majority is ethnic Rakhine or also known as Arakanese. In some areas of Northern Rakhine such as Buthidaung and Maungdaw, the majority is Rohingya by about 85%.

It is essential for all stakeholders—including the Rohingya, the Rohingya advocates, the Arakan Army (AA), the Burmese majority, and other ethnic minorities—to engage in civil, considerate, and truthful communication, particularly on social media platforms. Additionally, it would be beneficial for the AA to officially articulate their policy positions of citizenship and equal rights for the Rohingya to foster transparency and trust among all parties involved.

Since 2021, I have encountered several articles advocating for reconciliation and unity against the common adversary, the military junta. Unfortunately, it’s disheartening that such constructive content receives less circulation internationally compared to negative narratives. Below are two exemplary articles:

“People of Myanmar, Including Rohingya, Unite Against Common Enemy” by Dr. Azeem Ibrahim, published on April 13, 2021, by Arab News. 

“Press Release: ARNO requests coordinated efforts to stop hate speech and disinformation”; Jan 5, 2024

Credible sources and institutions have published objective reports and analyses, but they also do not seem to reach the public. 

IISS; Competing armed groups pose new threat to Rohingya in Bangladesh;  11 December 2023. 

USIP; Rohingya Face Fresh Uncertainty in Myanmar; BY: Jessica Olney; Ali Ahmed; May 8, 2024; 

Links to the above articles are included under the references section.

The International Response: Beyond Aid

The passage of the BURMA Act within the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act by the US Congress represents a significant step toward supporting the pro-democracy forces in Myanmar. This legislation aims to bolster democracy, human rights, and federalism by allocating funds for the administrative functions and programs of various entities within Myanmar, including political entities and affiliates associated with Ethnic Armed Organizations and pro-democracy movements. These groups are crucial in the efforts to foster an inclusive and representative democracy in the country. For the BURMA Act to have a meaningful impact, timely and effective implementation is essential.

Calls to simply reduce or withhold aid in response to the crisis are misguided.  Such measures punish ordinary citizens caught in the crossfire. Instead, international aid should be strategically used to support initiatives that promote inclusive governance and empower all ethnic groups, including the Rohingya.

Addressing Internal Divisions Within the Rohingya Community

A critical, yet under-discussed challenge lies within the Rohingya community itself. The existence of multiple factions with varying agendas hinders the development of a unified voice. Reconciliation among these factions is essential for presenting a cohesive front in negotiations and ensuring effective implementation of long-term solutions.

The Path Forward: A Focus on Reconciliation and Constructive Engagement

The current environment of misinformation and manipulation does little to foster a viable solution. All parties involved, including the NUG, the AA, and the Rohingya community, must commit to good-faith dialogue and uphold democratic principles.

The recent appointment of a Rohingya human rights minister by the National Unity Government (NUG) is a positive step towards inclusivity. This action should be further supported to create a platform for the Rohingya to participate meaningfully in Myanmar’s political dialogue.

The international community also has a crucial role to play.  This can include supporting the NUG’s efforts to establish a more inclusive government and hold the SAC accountable for human rights violations. International aid organizations can prioritize projects that promote inter-communal dialogue and rebuild trust between the Rakhine and Rohingya communities. Additionally, regional organizations like the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) can play a role in facilitating peaceful dialogue and pressuring the Myanmar military to adopt democratic reforms instead of just supporting the status quo.

In conclusion, overcoming the Rohingya crisis requires dismantling the military’s divide-and-rule tactics.  A multifaceted approach that includes constructive international support and emphasizes education regarding inclusive governance, and internal reconciliation of the multiple ethnic factions in Burma and within the Rohingya community itself is essential. Only by addressing the root causes of division can Myanmar achieve a stable and democratic future where the rights of all ethnic groups, including the Rohingya, are respected.

References

1. Thit, N. (2024, May 14). As It Loses Control of Rakhine, Myanmar Junta Resorts to Stoking Religious Hatred. The Irrawaddy. Retrieved from https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/as-it-loses-control-of-rakhine-myanmar-junta-resorts-to-stoking-religious-hatred.html
2. Ni, R. (2024, May 2). Myanmar military using old tactics to ‘incite conflict’ between Rohingya and Rakhine communities, locals warn. Myanmar Now. Retrieved from https://myanmar-now.org/en/news/myanmar-military-using-old-tactics-to-incite-conflict-between-rohingya-and-rakhine-communities-locals-warn/
3. (2024, April 25). Real victory in Rakhine State means defeating the Myanmar junta’s divide-and-rule tactics. Myanmar Now. Retrieved from https://myanmar-now.org/en/news/real-victory-in-rakhine-state-means-defeating-the-myanmar-juntas-divide-and-rule-tactics/
4. (2024, May 1). Daily Press Briefing by the Office of the Spokesperson for the Secretary-General. United Nations. Retrieved from https://press.un.org/en/2024/db240501.doc.htm
5. (2023, October 13). Unraveling the military’s divide and rule strategy. Democratic Voice of Burma. Retrieved from https://english.dvb.no/unraveling-the-militarys-divide-and-rule-strategy/
6. Ware, A., & Laoutides, C. (2024, April 24). The Rohingya repatriation myth: why repatriation from Bangladesh to Myanmar is (nigh) impossible. Taylor & Francis Online. Retrieved from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09614524.2024.2338213
7. Naing, I. (2024, April 23). Myanmar junta slams US aid plan. VOA. Retrieved from https://www.voanews.com/a/myanmar-junta-slams-us-aid-plan/7581977.html
8. Naing, I. (2022, December 16). US Senate Passes Defense Authorization Bill, Including Myanmar Language. VOA. Retrieved from https://www.voanews.com/a/us-senate-passes-defense-authorization-bill-including-myanmar-language/6879009.html
9. Ibrahim, A. (2021, April 13). PEOPLE OF MYANMAR, INCLUDING ROHINGYA, UNITE AGAINST COMMON ENEMY. Arab News. Retrieved from https://www.rohingyapost.com/people-of-myanmar-including-rohingya-unite-against-common-enemy
10. 10.Satt, M. (2024, May 2). The Arakan Army and Bengali Muslim Community in Arakan. Global Arakan Network. Retrieved from https://www.globalarakannetwork.com/post/the-arakan-army-and-bengali-muslim-community-in-arakan
11. 11.(2024, January 5). Press Release: ARNO requests coordinated efforts to stop hate speech and disinformation. ARAKAN ROHINGYA NATIONAL ORGANISATION. Retrieved from https://www.rohingya.org/press-release-arno-requests-coordinated-efforts-to-stop-hate-speech-and-disinformation/
12. 12.(2023, December 11). Competing armed groups pose new threat to Rohingya in Bangladesh. IISS. Retrieved from https://myanmar.iiss.org/analysis/rohingya
13. 13.Olney, J., & Ahmed, A. (2024, May 8). Rohingya Face Fresh Uncertainty in Myanmar. USIP. Retrieved from https://www.usip.org/publications/2024/05/rohingya-face-fresh-uncertainty-myanmar
14. 14.Ratcliffe, R. (2024, May 17). Who are the Rohingya and what is happening in Myanmar? The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.yahoo.com/news/who-are-the-rohingya-and-what-is-happening-in-myanmar-123456789.html
15. 15.As Canada renews strategy for Rohingya crisis, advocates urge rethink | CFJC Today Kamloops

Rohingya Muslims ride in the back of a junta military vehicle, March 9, 2024. Photo Credit: Image from citizen journalist video, RFA

James Shwe is a Burmese American Engineer residing in Los Angeles, California, USA. He was born in Yangon, Myanmar in 1954 and has been residing in the US since 1984. He is a Registered Professional Mechanical Engineer in California. He owns and operates a consulting engineering firm in Los Angeles.

Myanmar: If sanctions aren’t the solution, what is?

The local population invariably pays the price for financial punishment of the regime. 

So better for the world to directly support communities instead.

Whatever the generals lose in one area, they can take somewhere else: Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Senior General Min Aung Hlaing at a military parade in Naypyidaw last year (Myo Kyaw Soe/Xinhua via Getty Images)

MORTEN B. PEDERSEN
Published 20 May 2024 Myanmar

The decision by Australia in February last year to impose sanctions on 16 members of Myanmar’s ruling junta, as well as two military holding companies, received rare praise from a wide range of Myanmar resistance groups, international activists, and trade unions who had long been dissatisfied with Australia’s Myanmar policy.

A year later, in February this year, when two Myanmar government banks and three private companies supplying jet fuel to the military were added to the sanctions list, there were almost standing applause.

This is symptomatic of a world where many activists see sanctions on the military regime as the primary measure of “good policy”. Unfortunately, the obsession with sanctions draws attention away from other important issues, notably the nature and quality of international aid to the Myanmar people.

Don’t get me wrong. There are strong normative reasons for imposing sanctions on Myanmar’s military rulers. Sanctions signal support for international law and lend weight to the broader policy of ostracising the military regime, which is deeply illegitimate and guilty of mass atrocities. They also provide a measure of symbolic support for the resistance, which has called for sanctions to support their cause.

No Myanmar general is going to be shamed by Western criticism into changing their behaviour or induced by a travel ban to surrender their power and privileges.

With so many people believing that sanctions are simply the right thing to do, not imposing them also have significant reputational costs for Australia.

But as a strategic tool, sanctions are overrated. No Myanmar general is going to be shamed by Western criticism into changing their behaviour or induced by a travel ban to surrender their power and privileges as the resistance demands.

In theory, by targeting the flows of arms and finance to the regime, sanctions may weaken the junta’s military capabilities and help tip the balance of power on the battlefield. But the main sources of military revenue are simply out of reach.

As the de facto government of the rump state of Myanmar, the junta has inherited the state’s money printing press, as well as its sovereign borrowing rights, and the ability to set foreign exchange rates. Moreover, it is skimming hundreds of millions of dollars annually off the drugs trade and other illicit economic activity through a combination of protection payments and official “whitewashing” of private profits of unknown origin.

Sure, sanctions bite. But any pain the military regime feels will invariably be transferred to other groups. Indeed, given the military’s control of key levers of the economy, the term “targeted sanctions” employed by governments such as Australia’s is really a misnomer. Whatever the generals lose in one area, they can take somewhere else.

Anyone who thinks sanctions are the solution should take a closer look at daily life in Myanmar. While the population is suffering from run-amok inflation and shortages of vital goods such as medicine, there are no indications that the junta has had to reduce its arms spending. On the contrary, the number of air strikes on resistance forces and local communities continues to rise month by month.

A woman attends her new born baby in February this year after delivering at a secret hospital opened in May 2022 and hidden in the jungle of Kayah State (Thierry Falise via Getty Images)

But if sanctions aren’t the solution, what is?

To answer that question, we need to take step back and look at what is happening on the ground in Myanmar. With the military suffering defeat after defeat on the battlefield and gradually retreating from large parts of the country, resistance groups have started building parallel state structures and providing public services in “liberated areas” outside of central state control.

Across Myanmar, new political authorities are claiming jurisdiction to govern significant territories and populations. They are establishing new government institutions; pronouncing better laws and policies; and providing security, health, and education for millions of people. While much of this is still rudimentary, they are effectively building mini states.

At the grassroots level, thousands of community-based organisations are delivering humanitarian assistance to conflict-affected populations, while local communities are building their own roads and schools, and hiring their own teachers and nurses.

This fragmentation of authority may seem confusing – and even threatening – to many outsiders who see it as a symptom of state failure. But it can also be viewed as the basis for a new kind of state, better suited to unifying and serving Myanmar’s diverse ethnic communities who have suffered greatly from decades of overcentralisation and continuous civil war.

When asked, senior Australian government officials invariably say their primary goal in Myanmar is to help its long-suffering population. And many of their critics presumably would agree.

By supporting, these emerging local governance structures, Australia could help the resistance by increasing its relevance to the daily struggles of local people. It could also help vulnerable communities by expanding humanitarian assistance and basic social services. And it could help the country by supporting longer-term institution-building and establishing the basis for a new federal democratic union.

All of this would help the Myanmar people in ways that sanctions never will.


The Lowy Institute will be launching Morten Pedersen’s Analysis, Outrage is not a policy: Coming to terms with Myanmar’s fragmented state, at the National Press Club in Canberra tonight. You can register to attend the free event or watch it live online from 6:30pm.

The yakuza have resorted to stealing Pokemon cards. Japan is worried about the next generation of gangsters

Tokuryu are anonymous gangsters and tech-savvy young people hired for specific jobs

Mari Yamaguchi
INDEPENDENT UK

Police officers raid the headquarters of the yakuza crime syndicate in September 2021 (AFP)

A senior member of the infamous Japanese yakuza gang was arrested for allegedly stealing Pokemon cards near Tokyo in April.

The case has been seen as an example of Japanese crime groups struggling with declining membership and resorting to petty criminal behaviour.


Police agents who were busy dealing with thousands of yakuza members just a few years ago have noticed something new: unorganized and loosely connected groups they believe are behind a series of crimes once dominated by yakuza.


Police call them “tokuryu,” anonymous gangsters and tech-savvy young people hired for specific jobs. They often cooperate with yakuza, obscuring the boundary between them and making police investigations more difficult, experts and authorities say.

A senior member of yakuza was arrested for allegedly stealing Pokemon cards near Tokyo in April 2024, a case seen as an example of Japanese organized crime groups struggling with declining membership (Kyodo News)

The Tokyo metropolitan police are currently investigating six suspects in their 20s and 30s, most of them without connections to one another, who are believed to have been hired on social media to kill, transport and burn the bodies of an older couple at a riverbank of Nasu, 200 kilometers (124 miles) northeast of Tokyo.

“It’s a crime carried out like a part-time job,” Taihei Ogawa, a former police investigator and crime analyst, said on an online talk show. “Tasks are divided, making it difficult for police to track down where instructions come from.”

The yakuza membership has shrunk to 20,400 last year, one-third what it was two decades ago, according to the National Police Agency. It attributed the decline largely to legislation passed to combat organized crime that includes measures like barring members of designated groups from opening bank accounts, renting apartments, buying cell phones or insurance.

Yakuza once operated from well-marked offices, often with signs out front and symbols of their trade such as lanterns and samurai swords visible through the windows. They were often portrayed in films and cartoons as noble outlaws with a code of honor. Their typical rackets were extortion, gambling, prostitution, gunrunning, drug trafficking and construction kickbacks.

Police officers investigate at the site where Nagasaki Mayor Iccho Ito was assassinated by gunshot

But gang violence in a number of neighborhoods, including the 2007 fatal shooting of Nagasaki Mayor Iccho Ito during his election campaign, have since led the government to tighten gun control, racketeering laws and other anti-gang measures.


Local residents and businesses have also stepped up and filed dozens of lawsuits against yakuza groups to bar them from their communities. In December 2022, Fukuoka city filed for a court injunction to close down an office led by the Kobe Yamaguchi-gumi branch of yakuza near elementary and junior high schools and forced it off the street six months later.

The aging of yakuza members and their financial difficulties have also hobbled the syndicate, experts say.

The number of arrested yakuza members in 2023 declined to 9,610, compared to 22,495 in 2014, according to the police.

Yakuza crackdowns have driven many members to quit and sent others underground. But they also prompted younger generations to join “tokuryu” groups rather than the traditional criminal structures, Noboru Suetomi, a criminologist and expert on yakuza, said in his recent article.


The National Police Agency describes “tokuryu” as “anonymous and fluid” groups that repeatedly form and disband via social media to carry out swindling, illegal betting, prostitution and other crimes often remotely, including from overseas.

They recruit a number of participants who are not connected to each other and assign them specific roles. While often cooperating with conventional yakuza, they invest their earnings into illegal businesses, the agency said. “They have become a threat to public safety."

While numbers are hard to track, more than 10,000 people were arrested from 2021 to 2023 for alleged swindling, illegal drug trade other crimes, such as forgery of identification cards, which were linked to “tokuryu,” records show.

In April 2022, police busted a ring of 19 people recruited anonymously who operated a fake telecom company out of Cambodia and swindled an elderly Japanese. In 2023, Tokyo police arrested six people who got in touch via social media and carried out a high-profile daytime robbery of watches and jewelry worth 300 million yen ($1.92 million) at a store in Tokyo’s posh Ginza district.

National Police chief Yasuhiro Tsuyuki, at a meeting Monday of top prefectural criminal investigators, said “tokuryu” have been part of surging cases of swindling via social media and have become a “serious concern.” He urged police across the country to make unified efforts to tackle the problem and also cooperate with authorities abroad.


Tsuyuki has said police must drastically change their anti-organized crime measures to keep up with the new menace, calling for organizational restructuring and cooperation across investigative departments, from cyber to robbery and fraud.

To reinforce measures, the police in April launched a joint investigation unit specializing in social media and telephone scams. The agency also stepped up policing in entertainment districts and measures against juvenile delinquents and motorcycle gangs.

Horses still ride despite troubled company’s looming ouster from Golden Gate Park

Despite its looming eviction from Golden Gate Park, Chaparral Corporation continued offering lessons and said it was almost all booked up in its final week at the site. 

| Source:Jungho Kim for The Standard

By Jennifer Wadsworth

THE STANDARD

Published May 19, 2024 

A horseback-riding company ordered to shut down over longstanding accusations of mistreating animals and workers alike is still offering lessons—and apparently plans to do so for as long as it can until it decamps next week.

The San Francisco Recreation and Parks Department revoked Chaparral Corporation’s permits to operate in Golden Gate Park and Camp Mather last week in response to The Standard’s investigation into the company’s troubling track record. The owners emailed their customers on Friday saying they would leave Bercut Equitation Field within 10 days.

But lessons and trail rides continued over the ensuing days, including late Sunday morning when The Standard observed at least three clients and as many instructors at Bercut Equitation Field.

Related

Broken horses: Investigation uncovers years of injuries, mistreatment at Golden Gate Park

An employee who was wrapping up a session with a young child confirmed that lessons would continue until next week, but referred questions about the lease and permit to the company’s owners.

Sue Pennell, who runs Chaparral with co-founder Shawn Mott, didn’t return a call or text for comment Sunday about their plans for winding things down until eviction day.

Someone who answered the company’s main phone number Sunday afternoon said trail rides and lessons would continue until May 25 at the Golden Gate Park location and that they were all booked up except for one afternoon slot the following day.

Lessons continued at Chaparral Corporation's Golden Gate Park site on Sunday, where at least three instructors were on duty. | Source:Jennifer Wadsworth / The Standard

Chaparral has operated in Golden Gate Park since 2019. In interviews with The Standard, former employees described sordid conditions and a grueling work environment that may have contributed to injuries and alarming incidents at the site.

Last year, a woman accused the company of gross negligence after she was allegedly thrown from a horse during a beginner riding lesson, breaking her back and pelvis.

In addition to getting ousted from Golden Gate Park, Chaparral will also be kicked out of Camp Mather and lose its gig at a city-owned summer camp near Yosemite. It also forfeits any chance of expanding to McLaren Park—city officials say they’re looking for another company instead.

An instructor guides a horse after wrapping up a lesson on Sunday, just days after the city revoked the company’s permit to operate and little more than a week before its official eviction from the site. | Source:Jennifer Wadsworth / The Standard

Chaparral’s troubles in San Francisco have invited scrutiny over its operations in the South Bay and Peninsula.

On Saturday, Milpitas Vice Mayor Evelyn Chua told The Standard in a text message she was directing the city to look into Chaparral’s operations and whether there are any animal cruelty ordinances the city could enforce to hold them accountable.

“If we don’t have one,” Chua wrote, “I’ll initiate for one at [Tuesday’s] Council Meeting.”

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A New And Better Way To Detect Media Censorship

 May 20, 2024  

By Eurasia Review

Worldwide news media are facing increasing pressure from autocrats to report favourably about their leaders and party politics. Political scientists launch a new computational method that can detect such media censorship by states while it is happening. This method provides valuable insights for communicating regime-driven media capture to the public. It is now described in detail in the scientific journal ‘Democratization’. 

One of the first steps of would-be autocrats is to control the media, as seen in recent cases in Russia, Hungary, and Turkey. Most autocratic regimes today execute control not by monopolising media production, but by using legal, economic, and physical measures to sway the editorial choices of both public and private media in their favour. All to portray themselves and their party politics favourably to the public. Prominent examples of such measures are loosely defined laws, like anti-terrorism and anti-fake-news laws, used to silence opposition voices.

So far, expert surveys were employed to detect instances of such media capture by states. While these surveys are valuable, the authors argue they are inadequate. Their new computational method has the precision to uncover the influence of media capture on editorial decisions, assess immediate impacts from new censorship laws, and differentiate between various media outlets.

Comparing agenda and tone

Very simply explained, the computational method compares media agenda and tone of independent versus regime-owned outlets and through time. ‘Agenda and tone are two crucial components that autocrats aim to influence to emphasize topics favourable for their legitimacy and force a positive tone when mentioning the regime, especially its leader’, explain the authors.

Through this comparison the loss of editorial independence at the level of individual outlets are brought to the surface on a monthly or even weekly basis. ‘This takes into account that the process of media capture often does not progress uniformly across the media landscape. While some outlets remain independent from the regime, others, such as those owned by the state, the ruling party, or the leader’s family or allies, are already fully captured.’

Tested as a valid method

To test the validity of this method, the authors applied it to the case of Nicaragua, where the regime has intensively cracked down on the media sector in the last years. ‘The country made for an ideal candidate, because it has experienced a steep deterioration of its media freedom in the last decade and the regime’s attacks on opposition media are well documented’, state the authors. Their method proved able to show how outlets responded differently to regime pressure. ‘We found clear differences in agenda and tone between the regime-owned outlets and the opposition outlets. And during and after the regime’s media crackdown, independent outlets shifted from a more critical stance to approximating regime preferences in tone and agenda.

According to the authors, future research should evaluate the validity of their method across different media systems and stages of autocratization or democratization. ‘But the methodology could potentially revolutionize the future study of media capture,’ they conclude. ‘It provides valuable insights for both researchers and for communicating regime-driven media capture to the public. It has the potential to reveal differences in outlets’ resilience to repressive laws and allows for the timely assessment of the impact of seemingly innocuous fake-news or libel laws.’

 

US conducts subcritical nuclear test in Nevada

Posted May. 20, 2024 07:52,   

Updated May. 20, 2024 07:52

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The U.S. conducted a subcritical nuclear test, which didn’t result in a nuclear explosion, for the first time since September 2021, two years and eight months ago, amidst the escalating nuclear race among the U.S., China, and Russia.

The National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA), under the U.S. Department of Energy, announced that it successfully conducted a 'subcritical' nuclear test last Tuesday at the Principal Underground Laboratory for Subcritical Experimentation (PULSE) facility in Nevada. A subcritical nuclear test is a test to see if nuclear material can be compressed to a certain level by detonating it with explosives. However, it does not reach the critical point that triggers a chain nuclear reaction, so a nuclear explosion does not occur.

The United States has not conducted an actual nuclear explosion test since 1992. However, the Obama administration conducted four subcritical nuclear tests, the Trump administration conducted three, and the Biden administration has also conducted three subcritical nuclear tests, including this one.

The test was a 'tit-for-tat' response to Russian President Vladimir Putin's recent order to practice the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons. Russia has been increasingly escalating its nuclear threats as its conflict with the United States intensifies following its invasion of Ukraine. Last year, it suspended its participation in the New START nuclear arms reduction treaty with the United States and withdrew its ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT).

In response, the Biden administration announced last year that it would develop a new tactical nuclear weapon, the B61-13 nuclear gravity bomb. The U.S. Congress has also approved a series of nuclear weapons modernization budgets, including funding for the development of a sea-launched nuclear cruise missile (SLCM) and a new intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) called the Sentinel.

In an op-ed for Foreign Policy (FP), Rose Gottemoeller, former Deputy Secretary General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), writes, “The fabric of nuclear deterrence is changing, its mind game adjusting to a new era of nuclear brinkmanship. By working together with allies, the United States can drive nuclear statecraft forward in ways that strengthen deterrence.”


워싱턴=문병기 weappon@donga.com

Navajo Nation Urges Congress to Extend Radiation Exposure Compensation Act


“Our people have borne the cost of America’s nuclear program in their health and well-being,” said one Navajo leader.

By Shondiin Silversmith ,

ARIZONAMIRROR

May 19, 2024

A message about uranium mine cancer deaths is seen painted on an abandoned tank on Navajo land, near Cameron, Arizona, on September 12, 2022

.DAVID MCNEW / GETTY IMAGES

This story was originally published by Arizona Mirror.

Kathleen Tsosie remembers seeing her dad come home every evening with his clothes covered in dirt. As a little girl, she never questioned why, and she was often more excited to see if he had any leftover food in his lunchbox.

“We used to go through his lunch and eat whatever he didn’t eat,” Tsosie said, recalling when she was around 4 years old. “And he always had cold water that came back from the mountain.”

Tsosie’s father, grandfather, and uncles all worked as uranium miners on the Navajo Nation near Cove, Arizona, from the 1940s to the 1960s. The dirt Tsosie’s father was caked in when he arrived home came from the mines, and the cold water he brought back was from the nearby springs.

Tsosie grew up in Cove, a remote community located at the foothills of the Chuska mountain range in northeastern Arizona. There are 56 abandoned mines located in the Cove area, according to the Environmental Protection Agency.

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In the late 1960s, Tsosie said her grandfather started getting sick. She remembers herding sheep with him and how he would often rest under a tree, asking her to push on his chest because it hurt.

Tsosie said she was about 7 years old when her uncles took her grandfather to the hospital. At the time, she didn’t know why he was sick, but later on, she learned he had cancer. Her grandfather died in October 1967.

Over a decade later, Tsosie’s father also started getting sick. She remembers when he came to visit her in Wyoming; she was rubbing his shoulders when she felt a lump. She told him to get it checked out because he complained about how painful it was.

Her father was diagnosed with cancer in 1984 and went through treatments, but died in April 1985.

“When my dad passed away, everybody knew it was from the mine,” Tsosie said. He was just the latest on a long list of Navajo men from her community who worked in the uranium mines and ended up getting sick and passing away.

She recalls how her father used to tell her that, one day, it may happen to him, but she did not want to believe him. Her dad worked in the uranium mines for over 20 years.

The sickness did not stop there. In February of 2007, Tsosie was diagnosed with breast cancer, and she would spend years in treatment and eventually go into remission in December 2007.

But, this year, Tsosie got the news in February that her cancer has returned, and she is now taking the steps toward getting treatment.

Tsosie’s family history with uranium mining and growing up in an area downwind from nuclear testing sites is similar to many Navajo families in Arizona, Utah and New Mexico. Her family is among the thousands potentially impacted by radiation from nuclear weapon testing, according to National Cancer Institute research.

Because of that history, Tsosie became an advocate for issues related to downwinders and uranium mine workers from the Navajo Nation, including the continuation of the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act.

The Radiation Exposure Compensation Act, or RECA, provides a program that compensates individuals who become ill because of exposure to radiation from the United States’ development and testing of nuclear weapons.

RECA was initially set to expire in 2022, but President Joe Biden signed a measure extending the program for two more years. Now, it’s set to expire in less than a month.

Tsosie first heard of the program in the 1990s after her mother applied for it because her father was a uranium mine worker. She remembers the day her mother got a compensation check for $100,000 and handed it to her.

“She gave it to me, and she said, ‘This is from your dad,’” Tsosie said, adding that her mother didn’t go into many details at the time, only saying that families with loved ones who died of cancer were getting checks.

Tsosie said she was upset about the check because her father had died, and $100,000 was nothing in comparison.

“I was really mad, and that’s just how the federal government thinks of us as Navajo people,” she explained.

The second time she worked with RECA was for her own case. After her cancer treatments concluded in December 2007, she took some time to heal before determining in March 2008 whether she qualified for RECA. She did qualify and received compensation.

Since RECA was passed in 1990, more than 55,000 claims have been filed. Of those, more than 41,000 claims, or about 75%, have been approved — and roughly $2.6 billion had been paid out as of the end of 2022.

Claims for “downwinders” yield $50,000. For uranium mines and mill workers providing ore to construct nuclear weapons, claimants typically receive $100,000.

Proving that exposure to nuclear waste and radiation causes cancers and other diseases is difficult. However, the federal program doesn’t require claimants to prove causation: They only have to show that they or a relative had a qualifying disease after working or living in certain locations during specific time frames.

In July 2023, the U.S. Senate voted to expand and extend the RECA program, and it was attached as an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act, which funds the Department of Defense.

It could have extended health care coverage and compensation to more uranium industry workers and “downwinders” exposed to radiation in several new regions — Colorado, Missouri, New Mexico, Idaho, Montana, and Guam — and expanded coverage to new parts of Arizona, Nevada and Utah.

The defense spending bill for 2024 was signed into law on Dec. 22 by Biden, but the RECA expansion was cut from the final bill before it landed on his desk.

When she heard that the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act amendments failed to pass, Tsosie said it really impacted her, and she cried because so many people deserve that funding.

“I know what it feels like. I know what it feels like to suffer,” she said.

Without an extension, RECA is set to expire in June, and the deadline for claims to be postmarked is June 10, 2024, according to the DOJ.
Navajo leaders advocate for RECA

The sunset of the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act is approaching fast, and leaders from the Navajo Nation are urging Congress to act on the expansion bill that has been waiting for the U.S. House of Representatives to take it up for more than two months.

“Time is running out,” Justin Ahasteen, the executive director of the Navajo Nation Washington Office, said in a press release.

“Every day without these amendments means another day without justice for our people,” he added. “We urge Congress to stand on the right side of history and pass these crucial amendments.”

Republican Sen. Josh Hawley from Missouri introduced S. 3853 – The Radiation Exposure Compensation Reauthorization Act, which funds RECA past its June sunset date for another six years.

The bill passed through the U.S. Senate with a bipartisan 69-30 vote on March 7. But since being sent to the House on March 11, the bill hasn’t moved.

The RECA expansion bill would include more communities downwind of nuclear test sites in the United States and Guam. It would extend eligibility for uranium workers to include those who worked after 1971. Communities harmed by radioactive waste from the tests could apply for the program, and expansion would also boost compensation payments to account for inflation.

“The Navajo Nation calls for immediate passage of S. 3853,” Ahasteen said in a press release. “This is to ensure that justice is no longer delayed for the Navajo people and other affected communities.”

Ahasteen told the Arizona Mirror in an interview that congressional leaders holding the bill back due to the program’s expense is not a good enough reason not to pass it.

“They keep referencing the cost and saying it’s too expensive,” he said. But, he explained, the RECA expansion is only a sliver of U.S. spending on foreign aid or nuclear development.

And it shouldn’t even be a matter of cost, Ahasteen said, because people have given their lives and their health in the interest of national security.

“The bill has been paid with the lives and the health of the American workers who were exposed unjustly to radiation because the federal government kept it from them and they lied about the dangers,” he said.

From 1945 to 1992, the U.S. conducted a total of 1,030 nuclear tests, according to the Arms Control Association.

Many were conducted at the Nevada Test Site, with 928 nuclear tests conducted at the site between 1951 and 1992, according to the Nevada National Security Site. About 100 of those were atmospheric tests, and the rest were underground detonations.

According to the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation, atmospheric tests involved unrestrained releases of radioactive materials directly into the environment, causing the largest collective dose of radiation thus far from man-made radiation sources.

Between the 1940s and 1990s, thousands of uranium mines operated in the United States, according to the United States Environmental Protection Agency. Most operated in Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, New Mexico and Arizona, typically on federal and tribal lands.

The number of mining locations associated with uranium is around 15,000, according to the EPA, and of those, more than 4,000 have documented uranium production.

Navajo Nation leaders advocated and worked with officials in Washington, D.C., for decades to get the amendments added to the RECA that would benefit more Navajo people who have been impacted by uranium mining, as well as radiation exposure.

Their efforts continue with the current expansion bill: Navajo Nation President Buu Nygren, Navajo Nation Council Speaker Crystalyne Curley and the Navajo Nation Washington Office team have been working on an advocacy push this week with congressional leaders.

“Our people have borne the cost of America’s nuclear program in their health and well-being,” Nygren said in a written statement. “The amendments we advocate for today are not merely legislative changes; they are affirmations of justice and a commitment to heal the wounds of the past.”

On May 14, Nygren and Curley met with former Navajo uranium miners and members of Congress to urge passage of the amendments before RECA expires in a few weeks.

“As the Navajo Nation, we feel that that’s the best fit for us, especially for our miners,” Curley told the Mirror about her support of the expansion bill.

Curley said she’s spent her time in Washington educating congressional leaders about the Navajo Nation and the impact uranium mining has had on their people.

“A lot of our Navajo fathers, grandparents, and uncles went into these mines without any protection,” she said. “And now, many decades later, we’re dealing with the health effects.”

The legacy of uranium mining has impacted the Navajo Nation for decades, from abandoned mines to contaminated waste disposal.

From 1944 to 1986, nearly 30 million tons of uranium ore were extracted from Navajo lands, according to the EPA, and hundreds of Navajo people worked in the mines, often living and raising families in close proximity to the mines and mills.

Ahasteen said those numbers show exactly how large the uranium operations were on the Navajo Nation and the impact it would have on the Navajo people.

“There are photos on record to show Navajo people being exploited, not given any proper protective equipment, but (the federal government) knew about the dangers of radiation since the ’40s,” Ahasteen said. “They were given a shovel and a hard hat, and they were told: Go to work. You’ll earn lots of money. You’ll have a nice life, and we did that, but it didn’t work so well for us.”

Although the mines are no longer operational across the Navajo Nation, contamination continues, including 523 abandoned uranium mines in addition to homes and water sources with heightened levels of radiation.

The health risks associated with this contamination include the possibility of lung cancer from inhaling radioactive particles, as well as bone cancer and impaired kidney function resulting from exposure to radionuclides in drinking water.

“We want to remind all of the members of Congress that it was because of the Navajo Nation that we are where we are today,” Ahasteen said. “It is because of the uranium workers (that) the United States is the nuclear power that it is today.”

Ahasteen said the Navajo people have demonstrated their patriotism for the U.S. time and time again, but the country continues not to recognize that.

“That’s really what’s appalling,” he added.

As of December 2022, the U.S. Department of Justice stated that 7,704 claims from tribal citizens representing 24 tribal nations had been filed with the RECA program, 5,310 had been granted and more than $362.5 million had been awarded.

Navajo people make up 86% of the claimants, according to the DOJ, and they have received awards totaling more than $297 million.

RECA’s downwind affected area covers land within multiple federally recognized tribal nations, including the Navajo, Hopi and White Mountain Apache.

Ahasteen provided RECA claim numbers for Arizona as of April 2023. A total of 15,603 RECA claims had been submitted in Arizona, 3,052 of which came from the Navajo Nation.

“That accounts for about 20% of all claims in Arizona,” he said.

In New Mexico, he said that there were a total of 7,300 claims, and 2,900 were Navajo.

“That means 40% of all of New Mexico claims are Navajo,” Ahasteen said. “Combined between Arizona and New Mexico, Navajo makes up about a fourth of all RECA claims.”

Ahasteen said it is disappointing that the program is approaching expiration and that the expansion bill still hasn’t moved in the House.

“We are hopeful that when it is brought to the House floor for a vote, Congress will speak, and they will move forward with the amendments because it’s the right thing to do,” he added.

SHONDIIN SILVERSMITH is an award-winning Native journalist based on the Navajo Nation. Silversmith has covered Indigenous communities for more than 10 years, and covers Arizona’s 22 federally recognized sovereign tribal nations, as well as national and international Indigenous issues.

Arizona Mirror is part of States Newsroo

OPINION

Once again, the ‘military-industrial complex’ is calling the shots in the US

By Azubuike Ishiekwene
19 May 2024 
Azubuike Ishiekwene is the editor-in-chief at Leadership Media Group.

Although it accounted for only about 3% of the US GDP two years ago, the military-industrial complex has been linked with nearly every bad thing – from the overthrow and murder of radical Chilean president Salvador Allende Gossens to the Vietnam War, and from the Iran-Contra Affair to Gulf Wars 1 and 2.

I was chatting with a friend last week, who, mid-speech, redirected our conversation to the situation in the Middle East. She wanted to know what the mood in the US was. More than 9,000 kilometres away in Nigeria, from where she was calling, she didn’t quite trust the media accounts. Since I was visiting the US, she thought I might have a better reading of the pulse.

Her call coincided with the decision by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to launch a ground offensive in Rafah, in spite of warnings about compounding the current humanitarian disaster in Gaza where more than 32,000 Palestinians have been killed, not counting bodies still under the rubble.

No one is sure how many more dead would be counted before Netanyahu finds the last Hamas, but is there still a chance – just one chance – that the dog in this deadly hunt will hear the hunter’s restraining whistle? Is the US unable or unwilling or both unable and unwilling to call on Netanyahu to stop?
Calling America

I told the caller that the honest answer was, I don’t know. The mood on US campuses is clear. Students from Columbia to Yale and from Harvard to New York and the University of Texas in Austin, pitched tents outside for days in running battles with the police to demand an end to the war. They wanted the Biden administration to call Netanyahu to order.

There were counter-protests, all right, but the overwhelming majority of students across US college campuses made their voices loud and clear: Israel had gone too far in avenging October 7.

That was the mood on the campuses.

It wasn’t very different on the streets, either. You could say that is to be expected. Two of three cab drivers I used were persons with Arab roots who wore their grief on their sleeves.

They were not all Hamas sympathisers, just ordinary folks who might still have remained in Palestine under better leadership, but in whose eyes the worst Palestine leaders now look like saints, thanks to Israel’s ruthless war in Gaza. But you don’t have to be an Arab or Jew or Greek to ask, who can stop Netanyahu? You just have to be human to see that if two wrongs don’t make a right, a third only compounds it.

So, who does the US listen to and why does it matter in the war in Gaza? In politico-speak, those who move the hand that moves the most powerful country in the world are called the “military-industrial complex”.
What is the complex?

This is how Meta AI defines it: “The military-industrial complex (MIC) refers to the interconnected network of relationships between the military, defence contractors and the federal government. It involves the collaboration and cooperation between these entities to produce and profit from military weapons, equipment and services.

“The term was first used by President Dwight D Eisenhower in his farewell address in 1961, where he warned of the potential dangers of an unchecked alliance between the military, defence contractors and politicians.”

If there’s anyone who ought to know that a threesome involving the military, defence contractors and politicians can hardly end in any good, it was Eisenhower. He was on two of the three sides; and Dick Cheney who became vice-president decades later, was on the last two – defence contractor and politician.

Eisenhower led two of the most consequential military campaigns in World War 2, before he later became president.

This complex is not large. In number terms, it would be a tiny fraction of the number of college students who besieged dozens of campuses last week, calling for an end to the war in Gaza. Statistics in 2009 suggested that it includes around 1,100 lobbyists who represent about 400 clients from the defence sector, mostly companies that make losses from peace.
Size matters not

But you would be mistaken to judge its influence by its size. Although it accounted for about 3% of the US GDP two years ago, these folks, famous mostly for their notorious exploits, have been linked with nearly every bad thing from the overthrow and murder of radical Chilean president Salvador Allende Gossens to the Vietnam War and from the Iran-Contra Affair to Gulf Wars 1 and 2.

As bad things go, the last one was the baddest. This complex instigated the US invasion of Iraq in spite of all evidence to the contrary. It made up its own convenient evidence, bomb after bomb, as hundreds of lives were destroyed and centuries of civilisation in Mesopotamia were pillaged and ruined.

After the war, one of the last surviving White House peaceniks, Barack Obama, said in a declassified document: “Isis [Islamic State], is a direct outgrowth of al-Qaeda in Iraq that grew out of our invasion, which is an example of unintended consequences – which is why we should generally aim before we shoot.”

Unfortunately, even Obama the Dove shot before aiming in Libya.

In the Middle East, the complex has President Biden by the balls. That was what I told the caller from Nigeria. It doesn’t matter what the students are saying on college campuses or what the cab drivers think – the complex has Biden by the balls. And what a hold they have on him and on anyone in the White House in an election year! The complex has got Israel’s back. Biden is damned if he calls out Netanyahu. Damned if he doesn’t.
Owners of America

That’s what I told the caller. The Igbo of southeastern Nigeria have a profound way of saying it that is lacking in the English language: “Ana enwe obodo enwe! [A town is owned and the owners call the shots!]”

It’s a hard thing to say, even harder, perhaps, to accept. Because the logic of accepting that the complex owns America and has its ear is to deny the agency of actors within the system who may hold different, even stridently opposing views.

But think of it this way: Why would America, a beacon of the rule of law, conveniently hide under its non-signatory status to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to allow Israel to continue bombarding Gaza in spite of warnings by the court and the UN of an impending humanitarian catastrophe?

Why would Biden, who regretted voting for the war in Iraq, and who as president, has prioritised diplomacy, become so impotent over Gaza? It’s the complex, folks! They’ve got him by the balls in an election year!

And Netanyahu knows this, as do large sections of the Western media largely controlled by vested interests in the Middle East conflict. Netanyahu knows that Israel’s invincibility is an American yarn. The students said as much in their placards and graffiti last week, but who’s listening?

Certainly not Biden, who along with his British ally, Rishi Sunak, scrambled military assets to defend Israel on 15 April when Iran launched what might otherwise have been a devastating retaliatory attack on Israel. The yarn of Israel’s invincibility, largely overplayed in the Western media, continues to feed the war. For how long? How many more lives before enough is enough?
What price peace?

On the whole, the world is in a far more peaceful place today than it was in the 20th century when millions of people died from senseless, bloody conflicts over ego and territory. Yet, it has taken bloody hard work to bring us here, where prosperity is not only measured by the complex’s profit from wars, but also by how many ordinary folks around the world have bread on their table and milk for their babies.

Now, it seems like from South Sudan to Yemen and from the meat grinder in Ukraine to Gaza, the world is adrift again, one war at a time, as America defies the voices of its own children.

Someone must stop, listen and act. If not Biden, then who? 

DM

GLOBALIZATION 2.0 

OUTSOURCING OUTSOURCED

As US hikes China tariffs, imports soar from Vietnam

• US imports from Vietnam largely match Vietnam imports from China • Vietnam has huge trade surplus with US, relies on China input • Vietnam is most sanctioned country in US over Xinjiang ban

BY FRANCESCO GUARASCIO HANOI

PUBLISHED ON MAY 20, 2024 |

THE SURGE: At over $114bn last year, US imports of goods from Vietnam were more than twice as big as in 2018 when the Sino-American trade war began, which boosted the Southeast Asian nation’s appeal among manufacturers and traders who sought to reduce risks linked to China-US tensions.
As the United States intensifies efforts to reduce trade with China by hiking tariffs, it has greatly boosted imports from Vietnam, which relies on Chinese input for much of its exports, data show.
The surge in the China-Vietnam-US trade has vastly widened trade imbalances, with the Southeast Asian country last year posting a surplus with Washington close to $105bn — 2.5 times bigger than in 2018 when the Trump administration first put heavy tariffs on Chinese goods.
Vietnam now has the fourth-highest trade surplus with the United States, lower only than China, Mexico and the European Union.
The increasingly symbiotic relationship emerges from trade, customs and investment data reviewed by Reuters from the United Nations, the US, Vietnam and China, and is confirmed by preliminary estimates from the World Bank and half a dozen economists and supply chains experts.
It shows that Vietnam’s export boom has been fuelled by imports from neighbouring China, with inflows from China almost exactly matching the value and swings of exports to the United States in recent years.
In preliminary estimates shared with Reuters, the World Bank reckons a 96% correlation between the two flows, up from 84% before Donald Trump’s presidency.
“The surge in Chinese imports in Vietnam coinciding with the increase in Vietnamese exports to the US may be seen by the US as Chinese firms using Vietnam to skirt the additional tariffs imposed on their goods,” said Darren Tay, lead economist at research firm BMI, noting that could lead to tariffs against Vietnam after US elections.
The growing trade imbalance comes as Vietnam seeks to obtain market economy status in Washington after President Joe Biden pushed to elevate diplomatic ties with its former foe.
At over $114bn last year, US imports of goods from Vietnam were more than twice as big as in 2018 when the Sino-American trade war began, which boosted the Southeast Asian nation’s appeal among manufacturers and traders who sought to reduce risks linked to China-US tensions.
That surge accounted for more than half the $110bn drop since 2018 in imports from Beijing, US trade data show.
In key industries such as textiles and electric equipment, “Vietnam captured more than 60% of China’s loss,” said Nguyen Hung, a specialist in supply chains at RMIT University Vietnam.
But Chinese input remains crucial, as much of what Vietnam exports to Washington is made of parts and components produced in China, data show.
Imported components accounted in 2022 for about 80% of the value of Vietnam’s export of electronics — the US’s main import from Hanoi — according to data from the Asian Development Bank.
One-third of Vietnam’s imports come from China, mostly electronics and components, according to Vietnam data which did not provide further detail.
Around 90% of intermediate goods imported by Vietnam’s electronics and textile industries in 2020 were subsequently “embodied in exports”, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development said in a report, noting that was higher than a decade earlier and far above the average in industrialised countries.
The symbiotic relationship is reflected in latest data: In the first quarter of this year, US imports from Vietnam amounted to $29bn, while Vietnam’s imports from China totalled $30.5bn, mirroring similarly corresponding flows in past quarters and years.
As inflation remains high, the White House has remained quiet on Vietnam’s large trade surplus, but that may change after the November vote, analysts say.
“A possible scenario is that after elections, whoever wins may change the policy towards Vietnam,” said Nguyen Ba Hung, principal economist at ADB’s Vietnam mission, noting that would however raise US import costs.
The US embassy in Hanoi declined to comment on trade imbalances.
Vietnam’s foreign and trade ministries did not reply to requests for comment.
China’s commerce ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Cotton and panels

The surge in the China-Vietnam-US trade reflects the rise in investments in the Southeast Asian manufacturing hub, as companies relocate some activities from China.
Many of those manufacturers are Chinese firms that add value in their new factories in Northern Vietnam but still rely heavily on supply chains from their homeland.
But in some cases the trade involves finished products labelled as “Made in Vietnam” despite no value being added in the country, as the US Department of Commerce concluded in an investigation over solar panels last year. A separate probe on aluminium cables and second on allegedly unfairly subsidised solar panels are underway.
Another reason Vietnam is drawing US scrutiny is its exposure to Xinjiang, the Chinese region from where the US bans imports over accusations of human rights violations against minority Uyghurs.
Xinjiang is China’s main source of cotton and polysilicon used in solar panels. Both are key for Vietnam’s industry, whose exports of cotton apparel and solar panels accounted for about 9% of exports to the US last year.
Vietnam is the country with the highest volume of shipments by value denied entry into the US over Uyghur forced labour risks, according to US customs data.
Vietnam’s import of raw cotton from China fell by 11% last year to 214,000 tonnes, but it was roughly twice as big as in 2018.
China also exported to Vietnam at least $1.5bn-worth of cotton apparel, up from nearly $1.3bn in 2022. Meanwhile, US imports of cotton clothes from Vietnam fell by 25% to $5.3bn last year, according to the data, which may not include all cotton items.
The fall in US imports came as Vietnam last year surpassed China as the main exporter of products covered by the Xinjiang ban, said Hung Nguyen of RMIT. — Reuters

  FOR PROFIT HEALTHCARE U$A
Canceled Steward contract leads to lawsuit from military healthcare provider

Lawyers for Brighton Marine say Steward Health Care is blocking transfer of ‘thousands’ of military patients

Brighton Marine Inc., a provider of military and veterans healthcare, has sued Steward Health Care, alleging its patients should be allowed to shift away from Steward hospitals, like Saint Elizabeth Medical Center seen here, to another hospital system. Steward has threatened Brighton Marine with legal action if they try, lawyers for the Boston-based company say. (Matt Stone/Boston Herald)

By MATTHEW MEDSGER | mmedsger@bostonherald.com | Boston Herald
May 19, 2024 a

A new lawsuit targeting Steward Healthcare has been filed by a Massachusetts military and veterans healthcare company that wants to seek a new service provider after it says it was stonewalled by the bankrupt hospital operator.

In addition to their recent bankruptcy filing, Steward Health Care System is facing several lawsuits from vendors and their employees seeking relief from the apparently financially troubled Texas-based company.

According to court filings, Boston-based Brighton Marine Inc. joined the list of plaintiffs lined up against Steward late last week, when they alleged that the hospital system is refusing to hold up its end of an agreement over the care provided to “thousands” of local military members, veterans, and their families.

Lawyers for BMI allege that Steward’s much-reported financial difficulties have forced them to terminate — effective May 31 — an “Amended and Restated Management and Services Agreement” contract under which Steward is to provide care for some of the 15,000 Department of Defense beneficiary patients currently using Brighton Marine’s health care services.

Under the terms of that agreement, Brighton Marine is allowed to terminate the contract with Steward and shift those patients to other providers, its lawyers told the U.S. Bankruptcy Court, if it has reason to believe Steward is unable to adequately care for military healthcare beneficiaries.

The agreement allows “BMI to proactively diagnose and address any deterioration in Steward’s financial condition that might jeopardize Steward’s ability to provide healthcare to the military personnel, veterans, and their families enrolled in the BMI Plan.”                                                

Steward’s financial woes, including at least $50 million in back rent owed to its landlords, became apparent to BMI in January, its lawyers told the court.

Over the next several months, representatives of BMI tried to get Steward to share their financial information so that the hospital operator could demonstrate they were providing contractually required levels of care to military patients. Steward failed to share that information, according to court filings.

Not only that, Steward apparently refused to acknowledge the voided contract, and threatened to sue Brighton Marine and prospective healthcare vendors if they attempted to look elsewhere for patient care.

“Steward is actively interfering with BMI’s ability to comply with its contractual obligations to DoD,” BMI’s lawyers wrote. “Because Steward disputes the termination and has declined to cooperate in the ordinary transition of responsibility for administering the BMI Plan to another provider, BMI has been injured and faces the prospect of further imminent harm absent declaratory relief.

Brighton Marine is asking the court to declare the termination of their contract with Steward valid under the terms of that agreement, to force Steward to facilitate the transition of thousands of patients to another provider, and for the healthcare system to cover BMI’s legal fees.

Steward did not respond immediately to inquiries seeking comment on the Brighton complaint.

According to Steward’s bankruptcy attorneys, the company has about $9 billion in debt obligations.

Steward got its start in 2010 by buying six “struggling” Massachusetts hospitals in a $895 million deal approved by then Attorney General Martha Coakley. Caritas Christi Health Care CEO Dr. Ralph de la Torre, now the CEO of Steward, told the Herald in 2010 that the sale would benefit “our patients, employees and pensioners and tremendously benefits the communities.”

Gov. Maura Healey has activated an “emergency operations plan” to deal with the potential for bankruptcy-related service disruptions at Steward’s eight operational facilities in Massachusetts.

Steward operates St. Elizabeth’s Medical Center in Brighton, Carney Hospital in Dorchester, Good Samaritan Medical Center in Brockton, Holyoke Hospitals in Haverhill and Methuen, Morton Hospital in Taunton, Nashoba Valley Medical Center in Ayer, and Saint Anne’s Hospital in Fall River. Norwood Hospital closed in 2020 due to flooding, and the company recently closed New England Sinai Hospital permanently on April 2.