Sunday, November 03, 2024

West Bank refugee camp gets foretaste of UNRWA's demise

Chloe Rouveyrolles-Bazire
Sun 3 November 2024 

The UNRWA office in Nur Shams was almost totally destroyed in the Israeli raid (JAAFAR ASHTIYEH) (JAAFAR ASHTIYEH/AFP/AFP)

Residents of Nur Shams camp in the occupied West Bank are fearful for their future after an Israeli raid this week damaged the UN agency for Palestinian refugees office there.

The 13,000 inhabitants of the camp near the northern city of Tulkarem depend heavily on the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees.

UNRWA notably runs two schools, a clinic and sanitation services in Nur Shams.


Stunned refugees watched as workers cleared rubble from around the office, which was almost totally destroyed in an "anti-terrorist" operation on Thursday.

"For us, it's UNRWA or nothing," Shafiq Ahmad Jad, who runs a phone shop in the camp, told AFP.

"For the refugees... they look to UNRWA as their mother," said Hanadi Jabr Abu Taqa, an agency official in charge of the northern West Bank.

"So imagine if they lost their mother."

UNRWA chief Philippe Lazzarini blamed the destruction on Israeli forces, saying they had "severely damaged" the office.

But the military firmly denied the accusations, telling AFP that the damage was "likely" caused by explosives planted by "terrorists".

The office will have to be relocated, "a significant investment" according to Roland Friedrich, the agency's head in the West Bank.

"The psychological impact, of course, is devastating," he added after speaking to residents on Saturday.

- 'Attack on right of return' -

From his phone shop whose facade was torn off, Jad watched as excavators removed rubble and technicians repaired communications cabling.

He said he believed the chaos was linked to the Israeli parliament's adoption late last month of a law banning "UNRWA's activities on Israeli territory".

Were the agency to disappear even from the Palestinian territories like Tulkarem, he said the streets would fill with even more rubbish and sick people would go without care.

"To want to eliminate it is to want to eliminate the Palestinian question," Jad said.

Fellow camp resident Mohammed Said Amar, in his 70s, said Israel was attacking UNRWA "for political ends, to abolish the right of return".

He was referring to the principle that Palestinians who fled the land or were expelled when Israel was created in 1948 have the right to return, as do their descendants.

He insisted that Palestinian armed groups did not use the UNRWA premises, which locals consider "sacred".

If the army destroyed the building, as he believed, this meant it always wanted to target it.

Nihaya al-Jundi fumed that daily life was paralysed after every raid and that impassable roads left residents isolated.

Nur Shams needs international organisations like UNRWA to rebuild, said Jundi, whose centre for the disabled was damaged and where the wheelchair ramp collapsed.

The camp, established in the early 1950s, was long a fairly quiet, tight-knit community.

But in recent years, armed movements have taken root there against a backdrop of violence between Palestinians and Israelis, economic insecurity and no political horizons.

- 'They worry' -

Two days after the Israeli operation, the internet was still not repaired and some main roads remained an obstacle course.

UNRWA's operations have resumed, however.

"The first thing we do is that we make sure that we announce that the schools are open," said the agency's Jabr Abu Taqa.

"We know how important it is for us to bring the children to what they consider a safe haven," she added.

As she strolled through the camp, many anxious residents approached her.

One young man pointed to a ransacked barber's shop and asked: "What did he do to deserve this, the barber? He no longer has work, money. What will he do?"

Mustafa Shibah, 70, worried about his grandchildren. He turned his radio's volume all the way up during the raids -- but the little ones were not fooled.

"My granddaughter wakes up (from the raids) and bursts into tears," he said.

"They worry, they have trouble getting to school because of the (damaged) road."

For him, the threats to UNRWA are just the latest example of the suffering of Nur Shams residents who feel abandoned by Palestinians elsewhere.

"Why is it only us that have to pay while they dance in Ramallah and have a good life in Hebron?" he asked.

He said Israel "feels they can do anything" with no one to stop them.

crb/cyj-amj/jd/srm


Israel’s ban on Unrwa will annihilate healthcare for Palestinians

The Guardian
Fri 1 November 2024 


A Palestinian man surrounded by children cooks at a Unwra school used as shelter in Gaza City on 27 November 2023.Photograph: Omar El-Qattaa/AFP/Getty


Two bills passed in the Israeli Knesset on Monday ban the UN relief and works agency (Unrwa) from operating in Israeli territory and prohibit Israeli authorities from any contact with the agency (Israeli parliament votes to ban Unrwa from Israel within 90 days, 28 October). The legislation will stop all Unrwa’s operations in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, where it provides education and health services to hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. It will also severely restrict Unrwa activities in the Gaza Strip, where the agency depends on coordination with Israel to provide humanitarian aid.

This legislation blitz comes on top of an existing health crisis in the West Bank, related to the Palestinian Authority’s fiscal crisis with Israel’s withholding of tax revenues, to the suspension of 40%-50% of travel permits for medical care within Israel since 7 October 2023, and also related to the decrease in Israel-provided healthcare in the West Bank.

As Israeli physicians who have long treated Palestinian patients in Israel and in volunteer-run clinics in the West Bank and East Jerusalem – with the aid of humanitarian organisations such as Unrwa – and who can no longer contact the organisation or get medications or medical supplies for our patients, we feel it is necessary we speak out against this blatant injustice.

Importantly, numerous Israeli physicians and medical personnel have recently co-signed a support letter for the American medical professionals who are against the ongoing health crisis in Gaza, and sent it directly to the White House, urging Joe Biden and Kamala Harris to stop the disaster in Gaza.

The Israeli legislation scheme against Unrwa is going to annihilate healthcare in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, on top of the unbearable catastrophe in the Gaza Strip.

Michal Feldon Paediatric rheumatologist, Daphna Shochat Endocrinologist
Tel Aviv, Israel


‘There is no alternative’: Israel’s ban on vital Unrwa services will be a catastrophe for Gaza

Bethan McKernan in Ramallah and Julian Borger in Jerusalem
Sat 2 November 2024 
The Guardian

Bags of flour being distributed by Unrwa staff to Palestinians in Khan Younis in Gaza.Photograph: Haitham Imad/EPA


Bin bags were piling up at one end of the chaotic main thoroughfare in Shuafat refugee camp on Friday morning as shoppers walked by, stepping over a stream of wastewater trickling from a nearby drainpipe. Poor sanitation is just one of the UN-administered Palestinian camp’s problems – but things will get much worse.

Despite huge international pressure not to jeopardise the work of Unrwa, the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, the Israeli parliament voted this week to ban the organisation from operating on its soil. It also declared it a terror group, in effect severing all cooperation and communication between the UN agency and the Jewish state.

At present it is unclear how the new laws, which are supposed to come into effect in 90 days, will affect aid in Gaza, where UN officials say humanitarian efforts for 2.3 million people are “completely dependent” on Unrwa staff, facilities and logistical capabilities. Another 900,000 Palestinians in the West Bank rely on the organisation for basic services, which the semi-autonomous Palestinian Authority does not have the capacity to take over, leading to fears it could collapse altogether.

“I have studied Unrwa for many years; I can emphatically say there is no alternative. It is not like other UN agencies in terms of the scope and scale of what the international community and Israel has asked it to provide while there is no solution to the conflict,” said Dr Maya Rosenfeld, a sociologist and anthropologist at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

“Emergency providers can step in for a short time, but they cannot replace what Unrwa does long-term. It is too big to fail,” she added.

The new bills could yet be vetoed by the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, if he can be persuaded to by western allies who support Unrwa’s activities. The legislation will also be challenged in petitions made by human rights groups to Israel’s supreme court.

At stake are 96 schools in the West Bank serving 45,000 students, as well as 43 health centres, food distribution services for refugee families, and psychological support services, according to the agency’s website. Before the war in Gaza, Unrwa operated 278 schools for 290,000 students, ran 22 medical centres, and distributed food packages to 1.1 million people. It now serves as a crucial emergency lifeline.

The anti-Unrwa legislation, passed by a 92-10 vote in the Knesset late on Monday evening, marks an all-time low in Israel’s relationship with the UN, which it has long accused of bias.

Decades of friction came to a head in the aftermath of Hamas’s 7 October attack last year, in which Israel alleged 12 Unrwa employees took part. The agency fired several staff members as a result of an independent inquiry but says that Israel’s wider accusations that as many as 10% of its 13,000 staff in Gaza support the Palestinian militant group are unfounded.

If the ban is operationalised, Israel would stop issuing entry and work permits to foreign Unrwa staff, and would end coordination with the Israeli military to permit aid shipments into Gaza, in effect blocking aid delivery into the beleaguered territory.

“Hundreds of thousands of people will slip from acute food insecurity into mass starvation,” said Chris Gunness, who was an Unrwa spokesperson from 2007 to 2020.

In besieged northern Gaza, where Israel last month renewed a ferocious aerial and ground offensive critics say is designed to force the estimated 400,000 remaining people to leave for the relative safety of the south, conditions are already the worst of the war to date. On Friday, the heads of UN agencies described the situation as “apocalyptic”. Banning Unrwa would mean the humanitarian response everywhere else in the strip would also fail, Gunness added.

“There will be no one to receive them, put shelter over their heads, provide food, water, medicine and sanitation products for women and girls. In the longer term, the children Unrwa educates in Gaza – already deep in trauma after the most brutal civilian bombardment since the second world war – will become a lost generation … This will seriously undermine the prospects of peace in the Middle East for many years,” he said.

Israel has said it will work with international partners – who have heavily criticised the anti-Unrwa move – to “facilitate humanitarian aid to civilians in Gaza in a way that does not threaten Israel’s security”, but is yet to propose an alternative aid structure.

In Jerusalem, if the ban went ahead, Unrwa would have to shutter its headquarters in the half of the city annexed by Israel, effectively ending its presence there. In Shuafat, the only one of 27 refugee camps across the Palestinian territories on the annexed Jerusalem side of Israel’s West Bank separation wall, 16,500 people would immediately be cut off from health and education services.

“You see how things are here,” said Samer al-Qam, 47, gesturing around Shuafat’s chaotic main street. “Unrwa runs the camp’s schools, and the health clinic. It’s a major employer. Are the Israelis going to come and do it? This is not just about Unrwa … I think it’s about getting rid of Palestinians completely.”

Aida Saleh, 67, said: “I am diabetic and I need the Unrwa clinic for my insulin. Yes, it would be better if we didn’t have to rely on it, but if Israel will not give us rights there is no other choice.”

Unrwa’s mandate is to provide life-giving services to anyone who has “lost both home and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict”, a mission widened after the 1967 war, when the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories began. The agency is also charged with caring for descendants of refugees; the population it serves now numbers more than 5.6 million across Palestine, Lebanon, Jordan and Syria.

From an initial focus on relief, as the decades passed Unrwa channelled its resources into education, healthcare and social services. The total regional budget in 2023 was about $1.6bn, funded almost entirely by voluntary national contributions, with the biggest donor being the US ($422m).

Dependence on the US and the voluntary nature of the funding has made Unrwa vulnerable in the past. The Trump administration cut funding in 2018, claiming other countries were not paying enough and that the agency was “a hurdle to peace”. Much of the funding gap was made up by other countries until the Biden administration ordered it resumed in 2021.

Several western donors suspended funding for the agency after the 7 October allegations, although all but one – the US – have now restored financial support.

In Israel, the wisdom of the ban has been questioned, given the Biden administration’s latest insistence that Israel take immediate action to let more humanitarian aid into Gaza. Potential punishments could include a halt to US weapons transfers.

The measure is “populist” and “political”, according to Shira Efron, a senior director at the Israeli Policy Forum thinktank, speaking to the Times of Israel.

“The country is fighting in Gaza, fighting in Lebanon; it’s finished round two in Iran, which could develop into round three; there are threats from Iraq, Syria, and Yemen; Israel is trying to keep a lid on the West Bank,” she said. “To have this legislation now misses the strategic point.”
UK

Union looking to challenge abolition of Winter Fuel Payment

Rory Poulter
Sun 3 November 2024 


-Credit: (Image: Getty)

The Unite union, which is a major financial backer of Labour MPs, is launching a legal challenge to overturn the abolition of the Winter Fuel Payment. The abolition of the payment, which is worth £100-£300, has left 10 million pensioners out of pocket ahead of the winter.

Some estimates suggest as many as 4,000 of older people may die as a result of medical conditions made worse by living in a cold and damp house. The Chancellor, Rachel Reeves, has faced condemnation from backbench Labour MPs, charities and the opposition for removing the universal payment by limiting it the poorest individuals who qualify for Pension Credit.


But now she and the government face the embarrassment of a challenge from a Labour-supporting union that has donated more than £500,000 to more than 80 of the party’s MPs sitting in the House of Commons.

Unite has launched a judicial review process on behalf of the union and its retired members to overturn the government’s decision to cut the winter fuel payment to all but the poorest pensioners. It has sent a pre-action protocol letter to Liz Kendal the secretary of state at the Department for Works and Pensions (DWP), requesting the government reverse the removal the Winter Fuel Payment and repeal the regulations introduced in August 2024.

Unite’s case is built on the belief that the government has acted unlawfully, and its action will have a terrible effect on millions of older people in society and will likely cause an increase in cold related deaths. The government has been given until November 7 to respond to the letter and reverse its decision or face an application to the High Court to mount a full judicial review to decide on whether the decision was legal.

The Unite General Secretary, Sharon Graham, who has often criticised the Labour leadership, said: “People do not understand, I do not understand how a Labour government has taken away the fuel allowance of millions of pensioners just as winter approaches.

“Given the failure to rectify this in the budget, Unite has now commenced judicial review proceedings challenging the legality of the policy. It is not too late for Labour to register the hurt that this cruel policy has caused, step back from picking the pockets of pensioners and do the right thing.”

The union has identified several of its members to put forward as test cases, all of whom are on low incomes in retirement, but none of them qualify for pension credit and therefore are no longer eligible for the Winter Fuel Payment.

Unite is challenging the removal of the Winter Fuel Payment on several grounds including:

• The government had a legal duty to refer the cut to the Social Security Advisory Committee. Its failure to do so makes the regulations void.

• The government should have gathered considerable evidence about the policy on the impact of the cut, meaning that the decision is irrational.

• Under the Equality Act there is a Public Sector Equality Duty to consider the impact of the decision particularly on the disabled who have higher heating costs.

• The requirement to take into account relevant considerations has been breached, including relating to fuel poverty and financial circumstances of those living just above the pension credit threshold.

• In Wales there is a specific legal duty to consider the full impact of the policy, this was ignored

• The Human Rights Act requires particular areas of vulnerability to be taken into account, which could include the impact of the policy on older people, those with a disability and potentially on race.

The union said that given the cut has already come into effect and the worsening winter weather it is hopeful the High Court will grant an early hearing.
Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer previously defended the "tough" decision to cut the universal benefit.

Sir Keir said the cut was necessary because of the state of the country’s finances, accusing previous governments of avoiding confronting issues like the cost of winter fuel payments. In Scotland, a couple has also been given permission to proceed with their own legal bid against both the UK and Scottish governments over scrapping the benefit.

Trade union threatens legal action over winter fuel cut

Christopher McKeon, PA Political Correspondent
Sun 3 November 2024 


A major trade union has threatened legal action over the Government’s decision to means-test winter fuel payments.

Around 10 million pensioners will no longer receive the benefit from this winter after the Government decided to restrict payments to people on pension credit in a bid to save money.

Ministers said the move was necessary to help fill a £22 billion “black hole” they claim the previous government left in this year’s spending plans.

But the trade union Unite said it believed the cut to winter fuel payments would have a “terrible effect” on millions of pensioners and demanded the Government reverse its decision or face a judicial review.

Unite general secretary Sharon Graham said: “People do not understand, I do not understand how a Labour government has taken away the fuel allowance of millions of pensioners just as winter approaches.

“Given the failure to rectify this in the budget, Unite has now commenced judicial review proceedings challenging the legality of the policy.

“It is not too late for Labour to register the hurt that this cruel policy has caused, step back from picking the pockets of pensioners and do the right thing.”

The union said it believed the Government had breached its legal duties by not referring the cut to the Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC) and by failing to consider the impact on disabled people, among other grounds.

Ministers are not required to refer regulations on benefits to the SSAC if they are a matter of “urgency”, something the Government relied on when implementing the winter fuel cut.

The Government also conducted an “equalities analysis”, which was released under the Freedom of Information Act, but has been criticised for not carrying out a full impact assessment of the policy.

Unite has given the Government until November 7 to respond to a pre-action letter sent last week and reverse the cut, otherwise it would request permission from the High Court for a full judicial review.

The push for a judicial review of the policy will further strain relations between Labour and Unite, which had previously been a significant donor to the party.

The union has already expressed opposition to the winter fuel payment cut, staging a protest outside this year’s Labour Party conference over the issue.

A Government spokesperson said: “We are committed to supporting pensioners – with millions set to see their state pension rise by up to £1,700 this parliament through our commitment to the triple lock.

“Over a million pensioners will still receive the winter fuel payment, and our drive to boost pension credit take up has already seen a 152% increase in claims. While many others will also benefit from the £150 warm home discount to help with their energy bills over winter.”



Pro-Palestine protestor arrested after allegedly lying down in path of chartist march

Elen Johnston
Sun 3 November 2024 

The protestor restrained by police (Image: Newsquest) (Image: Newsquest)

A MAN was arrested by police after allegedly lying down in the path of the Newport Rising Festival chartist march, says witnesses.

The annual Newport Rising Festival took place yesterday evening (November 2) in memory of the chartist uprising.

The event saw thousands march down Stow Hill with lit torches in memory of the last large-scale armed uprising in Britain in 1839.

A protest by Newport Palestine Solidarity Campaign was held on the right-hand side of Stow Hill as the chartist march walked past.

A demonstrator with a megaphone chanted ‘we charge you with genocide’ and others held up a banner and signs.

The large banner read ‘No Gwent in Genocide. Gwent councils stop investing in war crimes’.

Two police officers had one man restrained to the ground on the right-hand side as the chartist march walked past.

The protestor restrained on the ground chanted ‘free free Palestine’.

Before the man was arrested and taken away, six police officers could be seen stood around him.

A spokesperson for Gwent Police said: "A 57-year-old man from Newport was arrested on suspicion of the wilful obstruction of a highway. He was later released under investigation."

The pro-Palestine protestor lay down on the road on Stow Hill where the festival’s march was about to walk through, said two witnesses.

A witness said: “He (the man restrained) lied down on the road and when he refused to move the police took him to the side of the road.”

Newport Rising Festival 2024: thousands turn out in memory of chartist uprising

Elen Johnston
Sun 3 November 2024 

Those marching carrying lit torches
 (Image: Alex Iacob) 

NEWPORT RISING FESTIVAL, which was held on November 2, commemorated the 185th anniversary of the Chartist uprising.

The event began at Bell Vue Park where guests enjoyed live music and fire performances.

At the start of the march, a speech was read out which ended with the speaker shouting ‘Westgate is ours’ - which received loud applause.

The procession could be seen as a long line of lit torches lighting up the dark night in the park.

Those attending were of all ages and generations with even dogs wearing lights turning up to take part.

The lit torches carried down Stow Hill (Image: Alex Iacob)

As they headed down Stow Hill, residents leaned out of their windows and stood on their doors steps in pyjamas to get a glimpse of the march.

On the raised pavement next to the Church on Stow Hill, a woman dressed in 1800s traditional clothing chanted ‘find my sons’.

A local resident, Helen, said: “It was wonderful. It brings the town together. The event has grown and grown over the years.”

David Mayer, who has lived in Newport since 1984 said: “I have been here since we started celebrating the festival.

“Ten chartists were buried here in the dead of night in four graves. We are at the moment looking to see if we can locate them with modern technology.”

The history of the uprising

In 1839, on November 4, thousands of chartist supporters – led by John Frost – marched to the Westgate Hotel in Newport.

On the cold night, more than five thousand ordinary workers gathered in the South Wales Valleys to march through Newport.

Those marching hoped to liberate comrades they believed were imprisoned in the building.

The Westgate Hotel Building (Image: Alex Iacob)

It was the last large-scale armed rebellion against authority in Britain and played a significant role in the journey to modern democracy.

While it remains unclear who initially opened fire, this resulted in a fierce battle killing and wounding many.

The Chartists fought for the vote and the right of the common people to have their voices heard.



Thousands of people carry burning torches through Newport in spectacular event

To honour the 185th anniversary of the Chartist uprising, a historic fight by working people demanding the right to vote

Bethany Gavaghan
Sun 3 November 2024 

-Credit: (Image: The Newport Rising Festival)

 (November 2).

This march is held every year to remember the tragic day in 1839 when soldiers killed 22 Chartists and injured many others. The Newport Uprising became an important step in Britain’s path toward modern democracy. You can read witness testimonies here.

Before the torchlit march, crowds enjoyed live music and a thrilling fire show at Belle Vue Park. Shavanah Taj, the General Secretary of TUC Cymru, spoke to the crowd, and actor Julian Lewis-Jones, known for his role in House of the Dragon, gave a special speech in memory of the Chartists. Together, they led the crowd on a mile-long walk to Westgate Square, the site of the deadly 1839 clash between Chartists and troops.

At the front of the march, leaders carried a symbolic “Charter” made by local artist Lucilla Jones. This symbolized the original 1839 People’s Charter, a powerful petition signed by 1.3 million people demanding voting rights for workers and a secret ballot. At the time, Parliament rejected these demands, causing anger throughout the country.


Almost 2,000 people carried burning torches marched through Newport
 -Credit:The Newport Rising Festival

In Westgate Square, participants heard the reading of the Riot Act, a reminder of the same warning given to the Chartists in 1839 just before soldiers opened fire. The Newport Rising Festival is organized by the group Our Chartist Heritage. They work to keep Newport’s role in the history of democracy alive for future generations.

Alongside the march, the festival includes other events, such as performances by Welsh folk and rock bands, the Chartist Convention at St. Woolos Cathedral, and the official Chartist Commemoration at the cathedral cemetery on November 4.

Eoghan Mortell, chair of the festival committee, said: “The turnout this year has been amazing. People across Newport and South Wales are really embracing their Chartist heritage and recognizing how important this city is in the story of how the vote was won for ordinary working people.”

He also noted that the new Newport Rising ‘Hub’ opened in the city centre this summer, helping build even more interest in the Chartist story and giving the festival a strong foundation for future growth. The Newport Rising Festival is a powerul reminder of the sacrifices made for democracy - still relevant today as people continue to work to protect democratic rights.

 Full event details can be found on the Newport Rising website.



Chartism

Amy J. Lloyd | University of Cambridge


In May 1838 the People's Charter was published by the London Working Men's Association. It petitioned for the just representation of all Britons in the House of Commons, with its soon-to-be familiar "Six Points" being: universal suffrage, annual elections for Parliament, equal electoral districts, secret ballot, payment of MPs, and the abolition of property qualifications for MPs. Radical proposals for the time, this document would become the rallying cry of a popular, vast, working-class movement which, over the next decade, would petition the British government on three occasions—in 1839, 1842 and 1848—for the adoption of the Charter's Six Points. However, on all three occasions, not only was this Chartist movement rebuffed, but it also met with great government repression. Following its final unsuccessful effort in 1848, the movement experienced a slow decline and death. The quick growth, popularity and demise of this popular working-class movement raises a number of interesting questions: what were the causes of Chartism, who joined the movement, why did it fail to achieve any of its goals and what was its overall significance to British history? Finally, with twelve Chartist newspapers being reproduced in this collection, what role did newspapers play in the movement?

Causes of Chartism
Chartism was both a political reaction to a series of setbacks suffered by the working classes during the 1830s, and a response to economic hardship. Chartism was only a mass movement in times of depression, with peaks of activity coinciding with troughs in the economy. However, it was more than just a 'knife and fork'1 question, with not all the active centres of Chartism being in depressed areas. Instead, there was an important political dimension to the growth and popularity of Chartism. In 1832 the Reform Act had extended the vote to members of the propertied middle classes. Since working-class leaders had been campaigning with the middle classes for a wider franchise, they consequently felt betrayed by the resulting Act, which essentially excluded the working classes. Moreover, the subsequent actions of the ensuing Whig government—including the 1834 New Poor Law, the transportation of the Tolpuddle martyrs (leaders of a union of agricultural labourers), the institution of borough and county police, and the war on the unstamped press—served to further confirm, in the eyes of the working classes, the government as a powerful, malevolent machine dedicated to repressing Britain's workers. The solution that was put forward—and that became popular—was to try to change the basis of political representation, as it was the unrepresentative political system that allowed the middle classes and the aristocracy to suppress the working classes; only when every man had the vote, it was argued, would the British parliament operate with equality and justice. It was thus that a large proportion of the working classes in Britain during the late 1830s and 1840s sought to remedy their social and economic grievances through an essentially political movement.

First Phase (1836-40)
The Chartist movement brought together a number of existing causes, organisations and grievances that had been gaining force through the early and mid 1830s. The government's repressive measures during these years had led to a revival of working- and middle-class radicalism, particularly in London and Birmingham, which was fed by the proliferation of cheap, illegal, unstamped, radical newspapers, such as Henry Hetherington's Poor Man's Guardian. Moreover, in northern England, the campaign against the New Poor Law had turned into a great popular movement in 1836 and 1837. In May 1838 members of the London Working Men's Association (which had been formed in 1836) published the People's Charter, which embodied the agenda many radical reformers had been putting forward for the past few years. The Charter proved to be an effective rallying point, and was quickly adopted by many radical organisations. Anti-Poor Law agitation in the North swiftly transformed into Chartism and, by the autumn of that year, a popular movement had been formed. A strategy had likewise been decided on: there would be a national petition and the formation of an elected National Convention, both of which would put pressure on the government to accept the radical reforms. The National Convention assembled in London in February 1839, and a petition was organised which ultimately collected 1.28 million signatures. However, on 12 July, by an overwhelming vote of 235 to 46, a motion to even consider the Chartist petition was rejected by the House of Commons. With this failure and the collapse of the Convention, some Chartists started planning risings, there having already been a riot at a Chartist gathering in Birmingham in early July. Only one rising occurred: on the night of 3-4 November, more than 7,000 colliers and ironworkers marched on the town of Newport in South Wales; they were met by soldiers and more than twenty people were killed in the ensuing battle. Arrests followed, and between June 1839 and June 1840, more than 500 Chartists, including most of the movement's leaders, were imprisoned.

Second Phase (1840-42)
Following these arrests, there was a pause in activity. In July 1840 the National Charter Association (NCA) was formed in Manchester to coordinate future Chartist activities, with Feargus O'Connor at the helm. With his Chartist newspaper (The Northern Star), organisational skills, spellbinding oratory and sheer force of personality, he would go on to dominate the movement after 1840, enormously popular among Chartism's rank-and-file. In 1842, in the midst of a severe industrial depression, Chartism revived and membership of the NCA rose to 50,000, with 400 branches. A second National Convention was organised by the NCA. It presented a second petition to Parliament with about 3.32 million signatures, which was again refused a hearing on 2 May by 287 votes to 49. This was followed in July and August by a series of strikes that swept across the industrial districts of Britain and involved up to half a million workers. While the strikes had not been organised by Chartists—although many participated—it was the Chartists who received the blame and a wave of arrests followed.

Third Phase (1843-48)
The failure of the second petition and the subsequent repression was followed by another lull in Chartist activities. O'Connor tried to divert Chartism to new channels, launching a Land Plan in 1845 that aimed to return labourers to the land. Around 70,000 subscribed, although only 250 people eventually received land. The scheme was criticised by O'Connor's rivals as a sideshow that diverted the movement from its main goals, and it eventually wound up in 1851.

With popular revolutions breaking out across Europe and economic distress returning to Britain in 1848, Chartism revived for the last time, returning to mass demonstrations and petitioning. During this final phase, Chartism attracted substantial support from recent Irish immigrants, who had fled Ireland's potato famine. Riots, born of economic distress but blamed on the Chartists, broke out in London, Manchester and Glasgow in March. A third elected Convention met on 4 April. On 10 April a peaceful mass rally was held on Kennington Common in London (plans for which had so alarmed the government that 85,000 special constables had been drafted in) and the petition was presented to parliament; containing a purported six million signatures (although it was later found to contain fewer than two million "real" signatures) it was again rejected. This rejection was followed by serious protests in London, Manchester, Liverpool and Bradford, which were—worryingly for the government—fuelled by links with revolutionaries in Ireland, France and Italy. Arrests quickly followed and Chartism subsequently fell into decline. Lingering on for a further decade, it was never again a mass movement.

Who Were the Chartists?
In identifying who joined the Chartist movement, there are three important factors to consider: locality, class and gender. The heartland of Chartism in England was the textile districts of Yorkshire and Lancashire, with other strong centres in the Midlands, London and the North East. In Scotland, Chartism was particularly strong in the area around Glasgow. Chartism was also more popular in medium-sized, single-industry towns and depressed industrial villages, rather than major provincial centres, and it floundered in purely agricultural areas. The movement appealed primarily to domestic outworkers (such as handloom weavers) threatened by mechanized production, rather than factory operatives who enjoyed a somewhat higher standard of living. Indeed, Chartism was primarily a working-class movement, although not all the leaders were working-class. While it was not an outright expression of class politics, as the working class was far too fragmented during this period, it was certainly pervaded by a sense of class. Finally, while Chartism was primarily a male movement, many women were also involved—particularly during the early years.

Chartist Culture
Alongside the mass meetings, Chartism's rank-and-file members also enjoyed a vibrant, localised associational culture. Local groups typically met weekly (usually on Sunday) in their own hall or a hired room; meetings often incorporated readings from The Northern Star, lectures and discussions. Fellowship at chapels or mechanics' institutes was also integral to Chartism, with such activities as concerts, dances and sports teams. Some Chartists also became involved in the provision of education, setting up evening and Sunday schools. Consequently, people often joined Chartist associations for reasons that had little to do with politics—for example, to find companionship or a sense of purpose. Chartism was thus very much associated with the world of working-class leisure, with a multitude of activities organised by and for working people.

Keeping the Movement Together
There were a number of elements that held such a diverse movement as Chartism together, providing what often seemed to be very localised activity with a national framework and purpose. First, the movement had a handful of national leaders who spoke across the country in vast, open-air meetings, carrying forth the Chartist message and raising enthusiasm for the movement. These touring leaders were supplemented and directed by formal organisations. In 1838 and 1839 the movement was coordinated to some extent by local working men's associations. With the widespread arrests of the movement's leaders in 1839 and 1840, the NCA was founded to give the movement a permanent organisation; along with the NCA, several other organisations, such as the Universal Suffrage Central Committee for Scotland, were also founded. Finally, Chartism was held together by its press, which disseminated its message across Britain. Many Chartist groups and leaders had their own periodicals or newspapers, as did many regions. For example, the North East had The Northern Liberator, Scotland's Central Committee had its Chartist Circular, and James Bronterre O'Brien (a prominent leader) edited several newspapers including The Southern Star. However, by far the most successful, influential and widely-read Chartist newspaper was The Northern Star. Started in Leeds by Feargus O'Connor in 1837 and selling up to 50,000 copies per week by 1839, it became the acknowledged organ of the Chartist movement. It provided the movement with an essential means of communication, national unity, continuity and organisation, and also assisted O'Connor's rise to the top of the Chartist leadership.

Why Did Chartism Fail to Achieve Its Goals?
Historians have posited a number of reasons for the ultimate failure of Chartism. First, despite the best efforts of some and the existence of The Northern Star, the movement was ultimately quite divided, both regionally and within its leadership. Chartists agreed on the Charter, but there were many differences within the movement regarding aims and strategy. For example, Chartists were very divided over the use of physical force to achieve the Charter and whether to form an alliance with the middle-class radicals. Second, there was little parliamentary or solid middle-class support. Instead, Parliament was determined not only to reject the Chartist petitions, but also to repress the movement through force and imprisonment. This repression was critical in weakening the movement and repeated failures sapped the movement's momentum. Finally, it has been argued that reforming legislation during the 1840s—including the Factory Acts and the repeal of the Corn Laws—served to morally rehabilitate the State, thus undermining the belief (central to Chartism) that the State was systematically corrupt and hostile to the welfare of working people, and that only a reformed parliament could improve the condition of the working class.

Chartism's Importance
While it failed to achieve its goals, this should not obscure Chartism's wider importance as a popular nineteenth-century working-class movement. It roused a mass of working men and women, allowing them to assert their right to be seen as full citizens. Moreover, while the Charter was not implemented, the movement nevertheless had a significant political impact, putting with immediacy the 'Condition of England Question' on the political agenda during the 1840s. Finally, it should be mentioned that some Chartists would live to see the achievement of some of their goals, as, within three-quarters of a century, five of Chartism's Six Points (the exception being annual elections to Parliament) would ultimately be enacted—albeit at different times and under different auspices.



NOTES

1 A term commonly used in the Chartist literature. It used to be believed that most working-class people who joined Chartism joined due to hard economic times, motivated by hunger. Hence, a 'knife and fork' question.



BIBLIOGRAPHY

Epstein, J. The Lion of Freedom: Feargus O'Connor and the Chartist Movement, 1832-1842. London: Croom Helm, 1982.

Jones, David. Chartism and the Chartists. London: Allan Lane, 1975.

Jones, Gareth Stedman. Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History, 1832-1982. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

Royle, Edward. Chartism. Third edition. London: Longman, 1996.

Thompson, Dorothy. The Chartists. London: Temple Smith, 1984.

Ward, J.T. Chartism. London: Batsford, 1973.



CITATION: Lloyd, Amy J.: "Chartism." British Library Newspapers. Detroit: Gale, 2007.