Sunday, December 08, 2024

How the UK  right lost interest in climate change

Yesterday
LEFT FOOT FORWARD

As right-wing populist movements gain ground, we’re witnessing a deliberate undermining of climate science and policy at a time when extreme weather events, such as floods that claimed hundreds of lives in Spain and hurricanes that ravaged communities in Florida, confirm the need for urgent and bold action.



The shift in attitudes towards climate action within right-wing political circles has been striking. Whatever we think about Boris Johnson, at least he ‘talked the talk’ about climate change. Then again, he liked to talk the talk about most things and how genuine he was about the cause, given that he once praised the weather forecasts of climate sceptic conspiracy theorist Piers Morgan, is anybody’s guess.

Labelling him a ‘net zero zealot,’ as the right-wing online magazine Spiked did, might be a bit strong though, but not surprising. Like many right-wing news sources, Spiked regularly features anti-environmental and climate science denial content with provocative headlines like: “Climate alarmism is misleading the public,” and “Let’s get fracking on with it.”

Nonetheless, climate progress was made during Johnson’s tenure. As it was under his predecessor. An often-forgotten part of Theresa May’s legacy was putting net zero by 2050 into legislation, something that achieved rare political consensus in June 2019.

Four years later, the former PM waded back into the climate change debate, warning the UK was “falling behind” other countries in the fight against climate change. In an apparent dig at net zero sceptics, including fellow Tories David Frost and Jacob Rees-Mogg, May also warned of “an increasingly vocal minority … looking to delay action on climate change.”

Today, climate action is under ever-creaking strain. Far-right figures like Nigel Farage are doing their best to undermine climate efforts. Worryingly in Europe, right-wing populist parties opposed to climate action are gaining power and popularity, alongside influential and politically connected climate sceptic organisations that further fuel resistance to change.

One such example is MMC Brussels, a think-tank funded by Viktor Orban’s Hungarian government, which is actively working to fracture the EU’s consensus on climate change. Frank Furedi, the group’s executive director, sees an opportunity to cultivate a new generation of climate sceptics within the heart of European politics.

“I hope to influence the people working around the bubble, particularly the younger employees and intellectuals,” he told Politico. His end goal is to create a “coalition of people who I would call genuinely sceptical.” But he insists on one thing – don’t call them “climate deniers.” According to Furedi, that label is a gross oversimplification.

Reform UK, much like the far-right movements across Europe, is built on a Eurosceptic, anti-immigration model and has openly rejected the net zero target. Unfortunately, there are few signs of the party losing momentum, with recent polls showing it has the support of 18 percent of voters.

The divisive, opportunistic politics championed by Farage and Reform seem to resonate with those disillusioned by mainstream parties, and the party is unashamed in its climate denial position.

A ‘Net Zero Referendum’

Farage has pledged to abolish the net zero target entirely, arguing that it has driven up energy costs and is “making us poorer and colder.” Drawing on tactics from the Brexit campaign, Farage has spearheaded a ‘Net Zero Referendum’ under the slogan ‘Vote Power, Not Poverty.’ Backed by climate science deniers, he echoes the talking points of groups like the Net Zero Scrutiny Group of MPs, who argue that the war in Ukraine justifies increased fossil fuel extraction and lifting the fracking moratorium.

Reform’s deputy leader Richard Tice says he wants to fight the next election against the “extreme cult of net zero.”

But Reform’s strange fixation on climate change denial not only dismisses scientific consensus but contradicts with the views of the majority of the UK public. A survey published by King’s College London on December 4, shows a majority of Britons believe climate change is one of the most, if not the single most, important problems the country faces – up from 46% last year

.

In this sense, Reform’s misinformation on climate change may ultimately backfire (we can live in hope!) At the moment, Reform draws most of its support from older voters who vote the way they do mostly over immigration, coupled to a vague sense that the country is not what it once was and certainly does not deliver for them. Climate change is much less of a priority and certainly not the obsession that it is for some of the anti-climate change voices that claim to speak for them. There is some evidence though that indifference is fraying at the edges, but it’s really important that people like Ed Miliband, through their words and actions, change the narrative around climate change from a massive problem from which we will all suffer, into an opportunity from which we can all benefit. Once that begins to happen, the likes of Farage and Tice will begin to appear more like dinosaurs, even to Reform supporters.

Then there’s Elon Musk, who has described himself as “pro-environment” and “super pro-climate,” but threw his weight behind the re-election of Donald Trump, a man who famously called global warming a hoax.

The Tesla billionaire is reportedly planning a $100 million donation to Reform as a “payback” to Keir Starmer. The Sunday Times reported that Musk might channel the funds through the UK branch of his platform X to bypass regulations that prevent foreign donations to British political parties.

Musk made his support for Reform clear after former Conservative minister Andrea Jenkyns defected to the party. When one X user claimed “Reform will win the next election”, Musk replied to the post with: “Yes.”



With Trump about to re-enter the White House, the big question is whether Musk will influence the easily swayed Trump on climate change, or if it will be the other way around, with Musk, increasingly embracing right-wing politics, becoming more ambivalent about climate action?

As he grew closer with Musk during the election campaign, Trump notably softened his rhetoric on electric vehicles. After months of criticising electric cars and promising to halt their sales, he backtracked somewhat.

Talking to a crowd in Michigan, he said: “I’m constantly talking about electric vehicles, but I don’t mean I’m against them. I’m totally for them. I’ve driven them and they are incredible, but they’re not for everybody.”

Musk took credit for Trump’s apparent change of heart. “I can be persuasive,” he told Tesla shareholders, adding: “A lot of his [Trump’s] friends now have Teslas, and they all love it. And he’s a huge fan of the Cybertruck. So, I think those may be contributing factors.”

What also might aid Trump’s softening position on climate change, is the fact large numbers of Americans support the United States taking steps to address global climate change and back an energy landscape that prioritises renewable sources like wind and solar, as the Pew Research Centre found.

With renewable energy becoming more popular in the US, Trump’s push to expand oil and gas may be less effective.

Climate action facing mounting pressure in UK

In Britain, aka the “51st” state which, as we know, tends to follow the US model on many things, climate action is facing mounting pressure.

The Climate Change Committee’s 2023 report argues that the UK is losing its long-standing reputation as a global leader in tackling climate change. The report also notes that the UK has failed to leverage the momentum from its relatively successful COP presidency to advance its climate goals.

Unlike Boris Johnson, there were never any doubts about Rishi Sunak’s position of climate action. As chancellor, he was hesitant to invest in green initiatives, and as prime minister, his climate scepticism became even more pronounced. Rishi Sunak has “set us back” on climate change and left the UK at risk of falling behind other countries, Chris Stark, head of the Climate Change Committee (CCC) told the BBC in April.

The new Conservative Party leader, Kemi Badenoch, is even more overt in her climate scepticism than her predecessor. A self-proclaimed “net zero sceptic,” Badenoch has suggested that the UK’s net zero targets could “bankrupt the country” and has criticised the “radical environmental policies” previously introduced by the Conservative Party in her leadership manifesto. She also dismissed Labour’s proposed ban on new North Sea oil and gas licenses as “foolish.”

While she has stopped short of calling for the complete abandonment of net zero, she did describe it in 2022 as “unilateral economic disarmament.”

During her leadership bid, Badenoch received financial backing from Neil Record, chair of the climate denial group Net Zero Watch. Just this week, DeSmog revealed that Victoria Hewson, Badenoch’s policy chief, previously argued, while working for the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), which has received funding from BP, that legally binding targets like the 2050 net zero goal are “arbitrary” and “distort decision-making.” She also called the 2050 target a “huge own goal.”

Following the announcement of the new 81 percent emissions reduction target by 2035 at the COP29 summit last month, Badenoch accused Keir Starmer of prioritising “short-term publicity” over long-term planning.

Keir Starmer’s pledge to cut the UK’s emissions by 81 percent by 2035 is undoubtedly ambitious. With the election of Trump and the absence of the leaders of the United States, China, Brazil, Germany and France at the summit, this was in important statement of intent. But, as the Institute for Government notes, politicians often find it easier to set targets than to deliver, and, as we know, Starmer himself isn’t immune to U-turning.

Nonetheless, if the Conservative Party continues to adopt climate sceptic positions, they risk alienating the majority of voters who prioritise climate action. As Greenpeace UK’s policy director Doug Parr put it: “The UK is not the US in terms of public attitudes to climate change. Reform voters tend to be more net zero sceptic, but they are not opposed to climate action.

“If the Tories increasingly adopt a net zero or climate sceptic attitude, they are putting a ceiling on their own votes.”

Chris Venables, director of politics at Green Alliance, is more cautious, saying the group was “really alarmed” by the shift in tone. “It’s a really worrying time for climate politics in the UK,” he said.

As right-wing populist movements gain ground, we’re witnessing a deliberate undermining of climate science and policy at a time when extreme weather events, such as floods that claimed hundreds of lives in Spain and hurricanes that ravaged communities in Florida, confirm the need for urgent and bold action. Whether the growing public support for climate action can overcome the right’s divisive and irrational position on the issue, remains uncertain. The stakes though have never been higher.

Right-wing media watch – Right-wing press blame ‘woke BBC’ over Barba Banda award

The BBC, a favourite target of the anti-woke brigade, is once again under fire, this time over its decision to award Zambian footballer Barbra Banda the title of Women’s Footballer of the Year.

Banda, who – and this is the crucial detail – topped the public vote for the award, has been at the centre of controversy due to speculation about her gender eligibility. Some reports have suggested she was withdrawn from the 2018 and 2022 Women’s Africa Cup of Nations after allegedly failing gender tests. However, Banda’s agent, her club, and the Confederation of African Football have all denied these claims, stating she did not undergo any gender eligibility tests and was instead withdrawn by the Football Association of Zambia.

Despite Banda’s public support, her award has been met with criticism from figures like author J.K. Rowling, a vocal critic of transgender and DSD (Differences in Sexual Development) athletes in women’s sports. Rowling, whose comments have often stirred controversy, took to social media to slam the BBC’s decision, claiming the broadcaster was “spitting directly in women’s faces” by awarding the title to Banda.

Many notable figures in sport condemned the trolling of the 24-year-old footballer. Emma Hayes, head coach of the US women’s football team, called the online abuse Banda has faced “ridiculous.”

“Barbra Banda is an amazing football player,” said Hayes. “It is ridiculous that she has to endure questions like this, to be quite honest with you. She has our support. She’s someone who’s done a tremendous amount, not just for her club but for her country, and what a brilliant season she’s had,” said Hayes.

Retired US forward Megan Rapinoe also voiced her support, praising Banda on social media for her inspirational play. “This is so deserved as is every bit of your success. You stand so much taller than the tiny people trying to tear you down,” she said.

But as well as Banda being the target, so is the BBC. Michael Deacon, assistant editor at the Telegraph, argued that Banda’s award was evidence of the BBC’s so-called “woke” agenda.

“Despite vocal resistance from the British public, this pious, poisonous progressivism is now ingrained in our major institutions,” read the sub-header.




Deacon referenced Elon Musk’s comments that “the tide has turned” on wokery in the US, before arguing that such claims were “wishful thinking” for the UK. “It’s because they’ve won,” Deacon declared, seemingly oblivious to the fact that the BBC’s award decision was based on a public vote, not some ideological agenda.

“Their views and values are now firmly embedded throughout our country’s major institutions. They prevail in the civil service, universities, schools, the NHS, the arts, and even, comically, luxury car manufacturers – as we’ve all seen, thanks to the excruciating new advert for Jaguar,” he continued.

The article finally gets to the point of the title, describing how the BBC announced that it was presenting its “Women’s Footballer of the Year” award to Barbra Banda.

“As JK Rowling put it, in response: “Presumably the BBC decided this was more time-efficient than going door-to-door to spit directly in women’s faces,” writes Deacon.

Fortunately, many Telegraph readers saw through the rhetoric. One pointed out the flaw in Deacon’s argument: “It was a public vote, though…” Another remarked: “The BBC had no role in choosing Banda as its winner. The award’s shortlist was decided by a panel of independent football experts, and the winner was then selected by public vote. But I suspect the journalist knows this.”

In the end, the right-wing press’s latest attempt to weaponise the “woke” narrative against the BBC falls flat. The public has spoken, and the BBC simply honoured the result. Yet, for some, it’s easier to blame the broadcaster than to accept that the award was a reflection of public support for a talented player like Barbra Banda.

Smear of the week – Tories revive their attack on civil servants

With Labour in power, we may have thought the relentless assault on civil servants might finally be over. After all, figures like Jacob Rees-Mogg and Boris Johnson who respectively branded civil servants as “workshy” and blamed them for the Partygate scandal, have been relegated to the political dustbin.

Yet, this week, civil servants were back on the front pages, the subject of a new smear campaign.

On December 4, the Telegraph dedicated its lead front page story to: ‘Whitehall reverts to working from home – Labour oversees drop in office numbers as private sector hauls staff back to the office.



According to their analysis, attendance at 13 government departments has fallen since Keir Starmer won the election. Meanwhile, the private sector has supposedly reversed the trend, pushing workers back into the office.

Seizing the opportunity to stir up further controversy over Labour’s budget, the article added: “It comes despite Rachel Reeves signing off inflation-busting pay rises of up to 6 percent for millions of public sector workers at a cost of £10billion.”

Adding further fuel to the fire, the Telegraph quoted Richard Tice, who minimises his own contribution to public spending by squirreling money away in a tax haven and who warned of a “nightmare” in Whitehall.

“Public sector spending is rising, their attendance at work is falling, and productivity is collapsing. This leads to a vicious circle where the government says we need a bigger public sector. This will destroy growth and, if we carry on like this, bankruptcy awaits,” said Tice.

The article also cites a Tory source, claiming Labour has gone soft on working from home.

Given the chaos of Downing Street’s handling of the pandemic, you’d think the Tories and their media allies might hang their heads in shame on the issue of working from home.

But no, the smear continues, tapping into the conservative narrative that civil servants have it too easy.

What the Telegraph conveniently overlooks is the reality of working from home: a policy that reduces costs on office space, promotes work-life balance, and even contributes to a greener environment. Far from weakening the public sector, it enhances morale, aids retention, and attracts top talent. Yet, the ‘Torygraph’ continues its crusade, insisting that working from home is somehow a scandal worthy of front-page attention.

This latest smear comes after the Tories accused Labour of “stuffing” the civil service with supporters and donors.

The Whitehall watchdog, the Civil Service Commission (CSC), even launched an investigation following complaints by the opposition that the government had given people jobs without going through the proper procedure.

Awkwardly for the Tories, the report found that 550 “appointments by exception” were made by the new government in July and August, “considerably lower” than the Tories’ time in office, when 61,815 civil service jobs were handed out in that way at a rate of 1,287 a month.

Following its publication, the Tories were accused of a ‘desperate smear campaign.’ A Labour source said:

“This report destroys the Tory Party’s desperate smear campaign and exposes their rank hypocrisy after they made more than four times as many civil service appointments a month without competition.”

And so say all of us!

Gabrielle Pickard-Whitehead is author of Right-Wing Watch

 

MSC Criticized for South Asian Demolition Sales

Alang
Alang's shipbreaking plots as seen from space (file image)

Published Dec 8, 2024 3:49 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

 

An environmental and human rights campaign group has asked MSC to change its ship recycling policy. The NGO Shipbreaking Platform, a global coalition of advocacy groups focused on shipbreaking practices, has highlighted MSC’s continued practice of selling old tonnage for eventual demolition on tidal beaches in South Asia. These transactions are typically brokered by an intermediary, or cash buyer, giving the shipowner an arms-length transaction with top-price scrapyards. If MSC restricted its cash buyer to resell to a scrapper in Turkey - the main EU-compliant alternative region - it would greatly reduce the demolition sale price, and therefore reduce MSC's revenue.

In the last two years, MSC has scrapped 27 vessels, and most have ended up in the possession of scrapyards in Alang, India. Some of the recycled vessels include MSC Floriana and MSC Giovanna, which left from Spanish and Turkish waters (respectively) to India. According to the coalition, this is a violation of European and international law prohibiting the export of hazardous waste from OECD to non-OECD countries.

No yards in India, Pakistan or Bangladesh have been certified for safety and environmental compliance under the EU Ship Recycling Regulation (SRR). Thus, European shipowners are prohibited from directly exporting vessels for scrapping in South Asia, where the overwhelming majority of demolition sales occur.   

Alang is home to about 135 shipbreaking yards with an overall capacity of 4.5 million light displacement tonnage (LDT). As a hub for cost-efficient shipbreaking, Alang has been found to have breaches of international labor rights and safety standards, though many of these yards have worked to meet shipping-industry expectations.

As the world’s largest ocean carrier, commanding a 20 percent share of the global operated container fleet, the NGO Shipbreaking Platform argues that MSC should be at the forefront of promoting safe ship recycling practices. The carrier is already implementing some positive contributions to curb illegal waste trade. Earlier this year, MSC UK launched the Waste Shipment Intelligence Service in collaboration with the UK Environmental Agency, aiming to stop transboundary shipment of illegal waste onboard its vessels.

“Whilst we applaud MSC for its commitment to assist in combating illegal waste trade, it is ironic that MSC is continuing to dump its toxic waste on beaches in South Asia. We urge MSC to reform its ship recycling policy to ensure that its end-of-life vessels are disposed of in line with the highest safety and environmental standards,” said Ingvild Jenssen, Executive Director, NGO Shipbreaking Platform.

MSC maintains that it audits scrapping yards to ensure compliance with the Hong Kong Convention (HKC) on safe recycling of ships, though the HKC does not in itself satisfy EU compliance requirements.

A new legal precedent could be in the offing, with Germany recently charging ship owners for illegally exporting vessels to South Asia for scrapping. In March next year, two shipowners will appear before the Rendsburg District Court for violating German and European waste laws. Analysts argue that this case could set a precedent, leading to additional cases of similar violations – and potentially force EU owners to accept less revenue from their demolition sales.

 

Australia Ramps Up Fight Against Foreign Illegal Fishing Operators

ABF
An illegal fishing vessel caught near the Torres Strait, June 2024 (File image courtesy ABF)

Published Dec 8, 2024 8:18 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

 

The Australian Border Force has set up a new operation to target illegal foreign fishing vessels off the coast of the Northern Territory, where an increasing number of illicit Indonesian fishing operators have been spotted in recent months. 

The newly-launched Operation Lunar will work alongside a similar operation launched in December 2023 in the Kimberley Marine Park off Western Australia, and a long-running monitoring program in the Torres Strait. The new operation will draw on assets from the Australian Defence Force, the ABF, and the Australian Fisheries Management Authority, the agency said. 

This is an area of high activity for the ABF: so far this fiscal year, it has interdicted more than 150 fishing vessels and prosecuted more than 80 illegal foreign fishermen. 

"Illegal foreign fishers will not be tolerated in Australian waters and my message to them is clear: you will be found and we will intercept you. You will lose your catch, your equipment, potentially your vessel, and you may be arrested and prosecuted under Australian law," said Rear Admiral Brett Sonter, Commander of Maritime Border Command. 

He warned that the agency will also be watching for human smugglers who try to use illegal fishing routes, and he thanked First Nations for their assistance in spotting unlawful activity on the water. 

"I cannot emphasise enough how important local knowledge and observations of First Nations communities is in the NT, in terms our informing our work to detect foreign fishing vessels across more than 10,000 kilometers of vast coastline," he said. 

 

France's First Hydrogen-Powered Inland Cargo Vessel Enters Service

Zulu 06
Image courtesy Sogestran

Published Dec 8, 2024 3:13 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

The Sogestran Group has commissioned France's first-ever hydrogen-powered river vessel, the Zulu 06. 

The 55-meter vessel, formally christened on the Seine in Paris on Tuesday, has a cargo capacity of 400 tons. It is designed to deliver small deck cargoes for customers in the urban environment of Paris. It was designed by LMG Marin with a power system supplied by ABB Marine & Ports, with two 200 kW hydrogen fuel cells delivered by Ballard. It carries 300 kilos of compressed hydrogen, which is enough for seven days of operation between refills. The system is the first of its kind in France, and the operator hopes to demonstrate a new, clean business model for transporting goods by water in a large city. 

"With the launch of the Zulu 06, we witness a major breakthrough for river transport and the energy transition in France," said François Durovray, the French Minister of Transport, who attended the vessel's inauguration. "This project is a prime example of European cooperation and synergy between public and private stakeholders for green mobility."

The project came from the EU-funded FLAGSHIPS initiative, a six-year program dedicated to advancing zero-emission waterborne transport. Construction was carried out in Romania, followed by propulsion system outfitting in France. 

"While the hydrogen industry is still maturing, every innovation like the Zulu 06 accelerates its democratization, ultimately building a robust value chain," said Pascal Girardet, Chairman and CEO of the Sogestran Group.

The next vessel in the FLAGSHIPS program is the FPS Waal, operated by Future Proof Shipping. The Waal is a conversion project to turn a conventional inland container feeder into a zero-emissions vessel for operations on the Rhine. 

 

Who is Paying for Cambodia's Massive New Canal?

Funan Techo Canal
Courtesy Ministry of Economy and Finance, Cambodia

Published Dec 8, 2024 1:59 PM by The Lowy Interpreter

 

 

[By Grace Stanhope and Hannah Buckley]

Speculation swirls around Cambodia’s newest megaproject, the Funan Techo Canal. It’s a US$1.7 billion project (at least) – but where’s the money coming from?

The 180-kilometer waterway will link two major rivers in the south of the country, the Mekong and Bassac, with the Gulf of Thailand. It will enable Cambodia to export directly to world markets, reducing reliance on Vietnamese ports which currently transport one-third of Cambodia’s exports. That dependence, and the associated costs, are a source of great frustration for Cambodia.

Funan Techo Canal (Cambodia National Mekong Committee)

A groundbreaking ceremony was held on 5 August, coinciding auspiciously with the birthday of former leader Hun Sen. Completion is scheduled (quite ambitiously, given normal infrastructure project slippages) for 2028. The state media coverage was frenzied with every capital, provincial and private television station “requested” to broadcast the ceremony, and there is a clear sense that this project is a personal legacy for Hun Sen – it even shares his honorific title. Techo is a Khmer word meaning powerful or strong, bestowed by the Cambodian king on army commanders, and Hun Sen insists Cambodian media use it in his title or risk unspecified “legal action”.

But despite the robust demonstrations of state support, it has not been smooth sailing. The United States and Vietnam were alarmed by claims that the canal may be used for military access, invoking parallel fears related to China’s funding of Cambodia’s mysterious Ream naval base upgrade.

Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Manet waves to a crowd with images of his himself and his father, former prime minister Hun Sen, on wide display during the groundbreaking ceremony of the Funan Techo Canal in Kandal province (Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP via Getty Images)

The regional politics of any intervention in the flow of the Mekong are also deeply vexed. In its mandatory submission to the Mekong River Commission, Cambodia chose not to undertake a Prior Consultation, claiming that the canal does not constitute a diversion of the river system, to the chagrin of its neighbors. The lower level of detail and clarity required for a notification rather than a consultation at the Mekong River Commission leaves the canal project even more exposed to claims of environmental and social degradation.

Adding to the confusion is a shadowy money trail. A US$1.7 billion bill would squeeze the budget of Cambodia, a UN-designated “Least Developed Country” with a tax-to-GDP ratio less than half that of the OECD average. But the government staunchly denies taking on any loan to pay for the project. What gives?

Plenty of international media reporting around the canal has asserted that it is “Chinese-funded.” It’s worth interrogating that claim. Certainly, the contractor undertaking the works is a Chinese state-owned enterprise, the China Road and Bridge Corporation or CRBC. And in the past China has provided financing from its state policy banks for dozens of major infrastructure projects in Cambodia, including road and airport upgrades, expressways and energy transmission lines. In fact, China is Cambodia’s largest bilateral creditor, with debt amounting to US$4.11 billion in 2023, mostly for infrastructure projects.

In late 2023, the Cambodian government described the arrangement as a build-operate-transfer scheme (BOT), but by June 2024, the details (or at least the narrative) had evolved. It now appears that 51% of the project will be financed by Cambodian companies, including two state-owned firms and a third co-investor, unnamed at this stage. That slim majority allows the government to claim Cambodian “ownership” of the megaproject, even though it’s unclear where the Cambodian companies are sourcing their finance. It wouldn’t be unheard of for Chinese loans to be diverted through the Cambodian entities.

The remaining 49% will be delivered under a BOT scheme by CRBC, whereby CRBC build and operate the canal for 50 years and then transfer ownership to the Cambodian government once costs have been recouped.

Economic modelling for the canal has not been made public, so its financial viability is up for debate. Government estimates expect US$88 million in canal freight earnings in the first year of operation. Other numbers are also floating around, including an improbable US$8 billion in first year revenue. That would be equivalent to a quarter of Cambodia’s yearly GDP. BOT schemes are nominally “debt-free”, but they nonetheless rely on the project being profitable enough that the private entity (in this case CRBC) can recover its costs.

Unless a state policy bank (China Export-Import Bank or China Development Bank) is lending the money to CRBC, this project wouldn’t qualify as official development finance. That hasn’t been confirmed, but it also hasn’t been ruled out. If it were true, it would substantially alter the current trajectory of the China-Cambodia bilateral development relationship. If earlier reports were accurate and the project is entirely funded by China, that commitment alone would equal a roughly four-fold increase on 2021 and 2022 levels (correspondingly, a commitment to fund 49% of the project would imply a doubling).

The financing details are not the only aspect rife with conjecture. A few extra spanners in the proverbial works include speculation that the project will spur controversial sand mining and exports; suspicions that the cost is vastly underestimated, given a shorter canal in Thailand is projected to take 10 years and cost $28 billion; and its official designation as an “unsolicited” project, suggesting that the concept was brought to the Cambodian government by CRBC, rather than originating with Cambodian officials.

Progress on this megaproject will be watched very closely. Here’s hoping the information starts flowing before the water does.

Grace Stanhope is a Research Associate in the Lowy Institute’s Indo-Pacific Development Centre working on the Southeast Asia Aid Map, a tool that tracks and analyses foreign aid and development finance flows to Southeast Asia from 2015 onwards.

Hannah Buckley is a Research Assistant at the Lowy Institute, contributing to the Southeast Asia Aid Map project. She is completing a Master of International Relations at UNSW.

This article appears courtesy of The Lowy Interpreter and may be found in its original form here

The opinions expressed herein are the author's and not necessarily those of The Maritime Executive.

Feminism


“We won’t solve the problem of violence against women simply by changing the laws”


Sunday 8 December 2024, by Maria




Spain is often regarded as a model in the fight against gender-based and sexual violence. Maria from Anticapitalistas spoke to l’Anticapitaliste.

What has been the impact of the law on “comprehensive protection measures against domestic violence” passed in 2004?

The law was a fundamental step in recognising the existence of structural violence that women suffer as women, as a manifestation of the historically unequal power relations between women and men. Male violence is expressed in many areas, although its application has been reduced to cases where the violence is perpetrated by a partner or ex-partner. This limitation was criticised by the feminist movement and, almost 20 years later, the need for a law to combat sexual violence has become clear, giving reason to this criticism. The impact could perhaps have been greater if, from the outset, a comprehensive response to the violence suffered by women in all spheres had been provided, and not just focused on the private sphere of conjugal or couple relationships.

As a comprehensive law, it recognises that the approach and responses to this violence must be multidisciplinary and includes measures in many areas: prevention, education, media and advertising, support for victims, etc. However, it focuses more on the criminal dimension, as the law itself states: “the criminal response that all manifestations of violence regulated by law must receive will be tackled resolutely”.

In the area of advertising, it can be seen that the law has not been applied in a “resolute” manner. Over the past 20 years, we have seen numerous campaigns by the women’s movement denouncing, for example, the pink and blue toy catalogues every Christmas, but few if any measures, or even fines, have been applied against the companies responsible to ensure that this does not happen again. In terms of education, much greater progress could have been made, and in a much stronger way, but this has not been the case. With the rise of the far right and its presence in the institutions, the few advances that have been made in the field of education have been called into question, with initiatives such as the “parental pin” proposed by the far right party VOX a few years ago (providing for parental authorisation for children’s participation in activities related to issues of gender violence, among others).

Applying the penal code as the main measure is the failure of violence prevention, it’s the last response of the state, it shouldn’t be the first or the main one. The idea is that if we continue to generate “healthy children of patriarchy”, we cannot think that by severely applying the punishment they deserve for the violence they perpetrate, the problem will be solved. It’s not because we increase penalties that violence will decrease, there’s enough evidence to support that. It is by focusing on structural and symbolic violence, rather than trying to determine the sanctions to be applied in the case of direct violence, that we will succeed in reducing violence and building societies free from oppression.

Repressive measures have succeeded in changing common sense with regard to the recognition of violence that used to be legal, such as punishing your wife with a slap if she doesn’t make dinner, or hitting her for cheating on you, because these actions now carry a criminal penalty. “You can no longer act as you did before”. They have also made it possible to avoid reducing violence to its physical form, and it is now hard to find anyone who doesn’t know that violence can also be and is verbal and psychological, and that it generates after-effects in the same way as physical violence.

But the application of a well-oiled repressive machinery, without other accompanying responses, has also had perverse effects, such as the climate of victimisation in which men now live. In today’s imagination, there is the idea that a woman has the power to ruin a man’s life simply by lodging a complaint, whereas her protection before the courts and this power are not so automatic. The insistence on false complaints (everyone claims to know of cases where women have used the law to take revenge), the fact that men claim to be criminalised and the continual “Not all men” show how far we have failed to reverse the narrative that violence is an individual problem and not a social one.

For many, this change in common sense has been experienced as something imposed, rather than as a logical step forward in rights and social justice.

Has the number of feminicides been significantly reduced?

According to data from the National Statistics Institute (www.ine.es) on the number of women murdered by their partner or ex-partner between 1999 and 2023, there has been no significant reduction in feminicide. In 1999, there were 54 feminicides and last year 58. The years with the lowest number of victims (49) were 2016, 2017, 2021 and 2022, and the year with the highest number (76) was 2008.

While it is true that in the last decade the number of feminicides has fallen compared to the previous decade, not reaching 60 victims, whereas in the previous decade it was more common to exceed this number, I believe that we are still a long way from being able to say that this reduction is significant. Nevertheless, the trend is towards a reduction.

In France, we are debating the introduction of the notion of consent in the legal definition of rape. A bit like the “Sólo sí est sí” [Only a yes is a yes] law of 25 August 2022 does? What did it allow?

I really think it’s too early to know what the law has achieved, in addition to the latest reform that the PSOE has incorporated, from what I understand, it gives rise to a legislative framework very similar to the one we had in reality. The media noise generated around this issue has not exactly been positive, and it will have many undesirable effects (for example, the announcement of the release of rapists by reducing the penalties of the law has reinforced punitive populism), and the “Errejon case”, which occurred only a few weeks ago, puts the finishing touches to the issue in a negative way.

The “Soló si es sí” campaign is in response to criticism from a feminist movement that has highlighted a highly sexist and patriarchal judicial system. One of the movement’s main demands was to eliminate the distinction between abuse and aggression, to broaden the concept of sexual aggression, emphasising our sexual freedom to decide on the relationships we have, the practices we indulge in, the limits we set ourselves, to be a subject and not just an object of desire and pleasure.

But this law was not conceived by feminist groups as a whole, and it is a mistake that its development was limited to a dialogue between institutional feminism and an obsolete and patriarchal judiciary, without the autonomous feminist and civil movement being able to play a specific role. Thus, while the law echoes the demands of the movement, it also incorporates its punitive tendency, focusing on judicialisation and giving a particular voice to the most abolitionist approaches. Abolitionism, criminalisation and judicialisation tend to go hand in hand; indeed, in its original formulation, it included issues such as penalising landlords for renting properties used for prostitution, reflecting the abolitionist and criminalising attitude towards sex workers. Also absent from the debate was a commitment to a new formulation of feminist justice.

It is a law designed “against sexual assault”, not a law “for sexual freedoms”, despite its name, but it is nevertheless a major step forward: it emphasises the rights of victims, rather than focusing on perpetrators, and does not require a criminal complaint to be made in order to access remedies, which is what happened in the law on gender-based violence. Focusing on this rather than on whether or not violence is perpetrated is a step forward, even if it generates debate about consent and what has been called the shift from a “culture of violence” to a “culture of consent”.

Does putting the clear and manifest expression of affirmative consent put the victims at the centre?

The transition from a demonstration of violence to a demonstration of consent is not necessarily simpler or more liberating for the victim; we still need to change the ideas that justify aggression and exonerate aggressors from all responsibility. How do we deal with the fact that many women are sexually assaulted in the context of family and friends? Dismantling what we call the ‘rape culture’ remains a task to be accomplished. Consent as such is a problematic and ambiguous concept: what behaviours and practices are recognised as manifestations of consent, what are they, and according to what cultural codes should we understand non-verbal consent? The logic of affirmative demonstration implies an understanding that all sexual intercourse is potentially a sexual assault from which we must protect ourselves. It implies a vision of sexuality full of fears and dangers, in which women are potential victims and not subjects with the right to enjoy their bodies and their sexuality. All this while the debate revolves around punishment and involves regulating and criminalising.

Assuming that without consent, “without yes, there is sexual assault” places many sexual relationships governed by other logics in potentially punishable areas.

The commitment to a culture of consent makes it desirable to regulate and standardise the sexual process, which affects the very process of development, discovery, experimentation and the ability to set one’s own limits. I’m not against consent, but I am against punitive regulation of consent. Unilateral consent on the part of women makes us reluctant subjects. We take it for granted that we are the ones who must consent, that we are not attracted to sex, that we do not desire, that we do not touch, that we do not take pleasure? It’s the idea that “they always want it”, or that we don’t like it. It’s more a question of wanting to have sex or not, than of consenting. That’s why I think it’s better to talk about sexual freedom rather than consent.

Beyond the legal aspects, how is society progressing in terms of gender violence?

After a few years in the heat of strike action, when it seemed that feminism was hegemonic and that progress had been made, we are now witnessing with horror the macho counter-reaction. It seems that the gap between the sexes is obvious and that men have been left behind. In the words of bell hooks, “there has never been a collective and determined demand for boys and men to join the feminist movement to liberate themselves from patriarchy”, and I think this is one of the tasks ahead of us.

We have come a long way and we know that legislative changes are important, even if they have their limits. We won’t solve the problem of violence simply by changing the laws. We need real and profound changes in social structures. If male violence, as we know, is structural, until we break down patriarchy and live in non-patriarchal societies, the direct violence we suffer will not stop.

Translated by International Viewpoint from l’Anticapitaliste.