Friday, January 10, 2025

Burn, Hollywood, Burn?


January 10, 2025
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Image by Nick Roney.

“L.A. is vast. It is a city and a county. It is a global place, a Pacific Rim space, a ‘Third World’ metropolis. It has all the contradictions of the world and all the world is condensed in it. The homes of rich, poor, middle class, Black, white, Asian, Latino have burned. Fire is coming for all of us.” – Viet Thanh Nguyen

As I sit at my desk to write, the light shining through my office window is a distinct orange, and the sky outside is a murky, polluted shade of brown. The air quality is horrendous, and my eyes are dry and itchy. My throat is sore. Two major fires are still raging out of control in Los Angeles, the city I love, with little to no containment. Another has just erupted in Woodland Hills. Fortunately, we’re in a safe zone away from the infernos. Many more are not so lucky.

Scrolling through the latest fire updates on social media, I quickly find commenters who are cheering on the flames as if they’ve been ignited to smoke out the wealthy elites from their mansions. They are gleeful. Conspiracists I come across believe this is all a planned land grab (by whom I’m unsure), while others spread lies that the shadowy Deep State, the ones behind weather-altering chemtrails, is somehow responsible. 

I gather that most of these folks don’t live in Los Angeles (or the real world?), and I’m sure very few could point out the location of Eagle Rock on a map. Yet, here they are, experts on fire ecology and the history of Los Angeles.

I see, as per usual during a big L.A. fire, that a few are passing around Mike Davis’s fantastic essay, “The Case for Letting Malibu Burn,” not because of Davis’s thesis that the poor, by capitalist design, suffer most during a natural disaster but because they seem to believe he was some kind of schadenfreude. It’s a shameful disservice to his legacy and a twisted misreading of Davis’s important work.

A fervent critic of the conditions that lead to inequality, Mike Davis was not one to celebrate misery. He would have had nothing but empathy for those impacted by these flames (okay, maybe not James Wood). As I think about Mike, his daughter Róisín messages me. Her childhood home and school have burned to the ground.

Another friend posts a short video of a smoldering foundation, remnants of his garage/art studio. He’s lost everything, years of work. His family was lucky to escape. A GoFundMe pops up; a friend of a friend needs help. The place they rent is gone.

I get it, though. Many people do not empathize with Los Angeles or those of us who live here, even though L.A. is one of the country’s most culturally significant, diverse, and fascinating cities. It’s become a natural reaction to hate this place. The city has been relentlessly portrayed in the media, magazines, film, and television as vapid – a bastion of rich, self-obsessed Hollywood liberals, freeways, and smog. It’s an easy city to despise if you are afraid of what you do not know, and no single person knows everything about Los Angeles.

L.A. is endlessly complicated, and the reality of what’s behind these fires, which will forever reshape its battered landscape and charred souls, is no different.

The totality of the destruction of these flames is impossible to comprehend. They’ve destroyed museums, schools, mobile home parks, senior centers, stores, restaurants, encampments, apartment buildings, fire stations, countless homes, and many historical and cultural landmarks. It’s hard to keep track. Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced. The historic Black community of Altadena has been decimated. People have died, animals have suffocated, and families across the economic spectrum have lost everything.

Yes, Mike Davis and others predicted much of this, but never at this scale or with this ferocity. Like much of the West, Southern California has long been shaped by wildfires. We know the extremes of these disasters could have been mitigated had the city instituted stricter building codes decades ago, preserved agricultural buffers, and restricted the development of homes in the more fire-prone areas of Topanga, Malibu canyons, and the foothills of the San Gabriels. And yes, as Davis rightly pointed out, native California plants adapted to the region’s wildfire were replaced by invasive grasses brought along by European settlers looking to “green” the browning landscape, only to increase fire risk. These fires, in part, are colonial blowback.

Of course, this is essential to understanding what’s happening, but it doesn’t explain everything.

What caused these flames is still unknown. Arson is suspected, and there are worries that downed powerlines initiated the first spark, more casualties of California’s faltering electric grid. However, what is known is that these fires, Eaton and Palisades, are the worst the city has witnessed in terms of size and damage. We also know that the prime culprit, which mainstream media almost universally refuses to address, is our rapidly warming climate.

Los Angeles has had no significant rainfall in over eight months, and the plants and soil are excruciatingly dry and ripe to burn. This is all part of turbulent weather patterns that none of us can escape. Four of the driest ten years since the city began keeping tabs in 1877 have occurred in the last decade. The summer of 2024 was the hottest ever; eight of the warmest summers on record have happened since 2014. We live amidst the most radical climate upheaval in human history, full of fury and unpredictability.

The normal fire season in Los Angeles typically ends in November. When the warm Santa Ana winds kick up at this time of year, as they do, they don’t cause much fuss, as we’ve usually had enough rain to temper the risks that accompany them. This year, however, dry, hurricane-level Santa Anas blowing from the Great Basin were the strongest we’ve experienced in over a decade, exceeding 100 mph. Of course, fire loves wind, and wind spreads fire. While these winds may not be linked directly to climate change (there is some debate), they are now occurring well into the winter, prolonging and intensifying Southern California’s already worsening fire threats.

To say these flames are unprecedented in the modern era would be an understatement. On its own, the Eaton fire is the worst Los Angeles has ever experienced; combined with the fire in the Palisades, it is all unfathomable. Over 5,000 structures have burned in the Palisades alone. The number of homes destroyed in Altadena and Pasadena remains unknown, but 8,000 are still at risk. Combined, these fires are the most costly in U.S. history.

One thing is for sure: L.A. was utterly unprepared for the mayhem, and Mayor Karen Bass, with her cutting over $17 million from the Fire Dept. budget, must absorb some blame. But the saga is much larger than Bass’s flagrant missteps. Like so many cities across the country, Los Angeles was not ready for this singular climate calamity (water running out?), of which we know many more are to come. Will lessons be learned, or will mistakes be repeated? My money is on the latter.

Once the ashes cool, the smoke recedes, and the sun shines, Los Angeles will again look to rebuild what has been lost, as has followed many other disasters. I fear there will be little debate, and when these fires strike again, internet trolls will contend that L.A. deserves its fate while failing to expose the fossil fuel cartel for fanning the flames.

I understand it’s easier to blame Angelenos than face the truth that our world is forever changing, but please, for the sake of the fire’s victims, leave the collective punishment rationale to those committing genocide in Gaza.

If you have the means, please consider dropping some cash to these Black Family GoFundMe campaigns.

JOSHUA FRANK is co-editor of CounterPunch and co-host of CounterPunch Radio. His latest book is Atomic Days: The Untold Story of the Most Toxic Place in America, published by Haymarket Books. He can be reached at joshua@counterpunch.org. You can troll him on Bluesky @joshuafrank.bsky.social

Beyond the Illusion: The Dark Dreams of a Unified Reich


 January 10, 2025

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Photograph Source: Office of Speaker Mike Johnson – Public Domain

Before even taking office, Trump has conjured grotesque visions of what he once called the dreams of a “unified Reich.” His delusions of grandeur, disdain for reason and truth, sycophantic worship of billionaires and despots, militarism, and embrace of white supremacy signal the rebirth of authoritarianism on a scale that recalls the horrors of the Third Reich, Pinochet’s Chile, and Putin’s Russia.

The true outrage lies not only in Trump’s madness but in the cowardice, corruption, and complicity of the press, politicians, and pundits. These enablers-from Mark Zuckerberg, Elon Musk, and Jeff Bezos to the legacy media and Vichy Republicans, among others—are part of what   Arwa Mahdawi in The Guardian calls the “obsequiousness Olympics,”  all of whom are defined through their hollow platitudes and refusal to confront the sinister revival of history’s worst atrocities. While they offer cosmetic commentary and reporting, the world burns—children are slaughtered in Gaza, the specter of nuclear war grows, and fascism spreads like wildfire across the globe. Trump’s rhetoric of military invasions and mass incarceration of immigrants has been normalized, ignoring the historical consequences of such virulent messaging. This indifference underscores the erosion of democracy and the abandonment of democratic rights and civic responsibility.

The Machinery of Neoliberal Authoritarianism

Silence, civic illiteracy, and the G.O.P.’s embrace of ruthless dictatorships have plunged the United States into a moral abyss. Algorithmic authoritarianism and neoliberalism’s “disimagination machines” have gutted the public sphere, eroding critical thought with conformity and turning truth into the enemy of politics and everyday life. Historical consciousness is now deemed as dangerous, and dissent is branded as treason. The impending horrors of Trump’s presidency are starkly evident in his escalating rhetoric of vengeance, labeling critics and political opponents as “the enemy within.” This is not governance—it is a declaration of war on democracy itself.

Donald Trump is not the cause but the culmination of America’s descent into authoritarianism. As Chris Hedges aptly observes, “Donald Trump is a symptom of our diseased society. He is not its cause. He is what is vomited up out of decay.” This decay has been decades in the making. Since the 1980s, neoliberalism has unleashed a legacy of relentless misery, staggering inequality, systemic corruption, and an unapologetic allegiance to white supremacy and Christian nationalism.

For generations, the United States has been willing to place a For Sale sign on its politics, institutions, and professed ideals. But today, we are witnessing a consolidation of power into “an ever-smaller set of hands”—a deepening and betrayal not just of democracy but of the very possibility of justice. Trump represents the endpoint of this trajectory: the embodiment of an unrestrained gangster capitalism that now clings to fascist politics as its final stronghold—a desperate, violent grasp for unchecked power amid a collapsing moral and social order.

Democracy, once a beacon of promise, has been hollowed out. To many Americans, it no longer symbolizes collective aspiration but serves as a thin veil for the crimes of the financial elite. Trump is not an aberration but the inevitable endpoint of gangster capitalism—a system defined by moral rot, unbridled corruption, and the erosion of civic rights. Under its reign, everything—public goods, human dignity, even the future itself—has been reduced to a commodity, bought and sold to the highest bidder.

It bears repeating: Trump is not the cause but the symptom of democracy’s unraveling. As Wendy Brown so astutely observes, the Democratic Party has failed to grasp the profound ways neoliberalism has corroded the very foundations of democratic life. She eloquently writes:

Trump did not turn the nation in a hard-right direction, and if the liberal political establishment doesn’t ask what wind he caught in his sails, it will remain clueless about the wellsprings and fuel of contemporary antidemocratic thinking and practices. It will ignore the cratered prospects and anxiety of the working and middle classes wrought by neoliberalism and financialization; the unconscionable alignment of the Democratic Party with those forces for decades; a scandalously unaccountable and largely bought mainstream media and the challenges of siloed social media; neoliberalism’s direct and indirect assault on democratic principles and practices; degraded and denigrated public education; and mounting anxiety about constitutional democracy’s seeming inability to meet the greatest challenges of our time, especially but not only the climate catastrophe and the devastating global deformations and inequalities emanating from two centuries of Euro-Atlantic empire. Without facing these things, we will not develop democratic prospects for the coming century.

Rise of the Totalitarian Subject

What we are witnessing today is the rise of a reengineered “totalitarian subject,” forged in the wreckage of institutions that once upheld the common good, basic rights and  civil liberties, replaced by machinery designed to sustain authoritarian rule. This subject is governed by fear, surrendering their agency to the grip of cult-like devotion and the iron hand of strongman figures. They are ensnared in a culture of ignorance, enveloped by the fog of anti-intellectualism, and animated by a disdain for difference and the Other. They are imprisoned in what Zadie Smith calls the dreams of a language of autoimprisonment and the blinding poison of consent. Their worldview is reductive, confined to rigid binaries of good and evil, where complexity is obliterated in favor of simplicity.

This is a subject that values emotion over reason, exalts a toxic machismo that glorifies violence, and harbors a seething contempt for women, LGBTQ+ individuals, immigrants, Black people, and anyone who does not conform to the narrow, exclusionary ideal of white Christian nationalism. Their identity is an unsettling fusion of economic, religious, and educational fundamentalisms, designed to crush critical thought and enforce conformity.

The totalitarian subject thrives in a milieu of manufactured crises and engineered divisions, where cruelty becomes virtue and the lust for domination is mistaken for strength. This is not merely a political condition but a moral disintegration—a retreat from shared humanity into the sterile, unyielding embrace of authoritarianism. Under the GOP, the creation of the totalitarian subject—shaped by regressive values, stunted agency, and a warped sense of morality—intersects with a broader assault on the very meaning of citizenship.

As Susan Rinkunas observes, the far-right’s xenophobic rhetoric has seeped into mainstream discourse, legitimizing calls to abolish birthright citizenship and redefining citizenship as a privilege reserved for white men. This authoritarian agenda is unmistakable in the GOP’s relentless efforts to dismantle foundational protections and rights, including the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act, the Pregnancy Discrimination Act, and even the hard-won freedoms secured under Roe v. Wade. Together, these attacks hollow out the democratic ideals of inclusion and equality, leaving behind a fractured and exclusionary vision of America defined, as professor of constitutional law Michele Goodwin notes, by “a coalition of Christian fundamentalists, white nationalists, and power-hungry Republicans displeased that women and Black people have made gains in the modern fight for full citizenship.”

The Struggle for Youth and Democracy

Our fight is a generational one, waged for young people who are being systematically sacrificed at the altar of greed and authoritarianism. They are slaughtered by wars that enrich the few, brutalized as mere consumer pawns, shackled by oppressive debt, robbed of historical memory, and rendered disposable by a society that treats them as surplus. These are not isolated injustices but part of a broader assault on democracy itself, now hollowed out by gangster capitalism and reduced to a mere swindle of fulfillment.

Oligarchic gangster capitalism, with its brazen consolidation of power and wealth, has overtaken neoliberalism as the dominant force masquerading as democracy. This ideological and economic rot will persist until the public rejects the false equation of capitalism with democracy. When money drives politics, and human rights are subordinated to capital accumulation, democracy crumbles—along with morality, justice, and the rule of law.

Yet, even in the face of such devastation, hope endures. Hope and resistance, though wounded, remain the flames that keep the possibility of a better world alive. Without hope, there is only fear, complicity, and the stench of death. We must nurture this hope, transforming it into a collective will for justice, a vision for a multi-racial working class rising like a phoenix from the ashes of despair. This is not a struggle for the faint of heart—it is a ferocious battle requiring courage, vision, and mass action.

The New Year’s Call to Resistance: Hope in the Face of Fascism

As we step into a new year, the shadows of fascism loom large, threatening to extinguish the very essence of democracy, justice, and human dignity. Yet, in these dark times, we must cling to what Antonio Gramsci so aptly described as the “optimism of the will.” We are called not merely to resist but to envision and enact a transformative movement—a grand narrative of collective power capable of dismantling the death machine of oligarchic gangster capitalism and resurrecting the promise of a meaningful democracy.

This is no time for passive despair. The horror we face must be named, confronted, and transformed into a collective force of resistance. The stakes have never been higher, and failure is no longer an option.

The year ahead must be one of fierce struggle and unyielding militant, collective hope—a time when justice finds its voice again, the working class unites with social movements in acts of defiance and imagination, and a radical democracy rises anew from the ashes of authoritarian decay. Only through relentless resistance and the rekindling of solidarity can we stem the tide of despair and reclaim the dream of a just and equitable world—a democracy built on equality, justice, and freedom.

The time to act is not tomorrow, not someday—it is now. We must wield the educational force of culture, universities, and every platform of communication to expose the machinery of fascist power, policies, and values, rendering them unmistakable and unignorable. Education must become the heartbeat of a politics committed to shaping ideas, transforming mass consciousness, and envisioning futures beyond the chains of domination. This is particularly urgent at a time when the left seems clueless about the role of education in shaping a subject vulnerable to the poisonous lure of fascism.[i]

We must breathe life into the general strike, making it a weapon of both national and international resistance. We must bring the gears of militarization to a halt, dismantle the networks of domestic terrorism, and confront the oligarchic systems driving this march toward authoritarian ruin.

Silence is not neutrality—it is complicity. Inaction is not prudence—it is surrender. This is not a time for hesitation but for mass struggle. The moment demands that we fight, reclaim the transformative vision of radical democracy, and revive solidarity as a political and moral force. We must unite to build a world where shared humanity triumphs over division, and where hope rises above fear. The stakes could not be higher: the future of democracy, the survival of justice, and humanity itself hang in the balance. The time to act is now.

Notes.

[i] While figures on the left, such as Cornel West, Robin D.G. Kelly, Jeffrey St. Clair, and Angela Davis, recognize the critical role education plays within dominant cultural apparatuses, there remains a noticeable gap in broader left discourse on this issue. Many progressive conferences, for instance, often overlook the inclusion of prominent leftist educational theorists in their programs. Similarly, only a handful of online platforms—such as CounterpunchTruthoutFast CapitalismRise Up TimesCommon Dreams, and Uncommon Thought—consistently emphasize education as a vital political force. Bridging this gap is essential if the left is to fully engage with education as a transformative tool in the struggle for justice and democracy.

Henry A. Giroux currently holds the McMaster University Chair for Scholarship in the Public Interest in the English and Cultural Studies Department and is the Paulo Freire Distinguished Scholar in Critical Pedagogy. His most recent books include: The Terror of the Unforeseen (Los Angeles Review of books, 2019), On Critical Pedagogy, 2nd edition (Bloomsbury, 2020); Race, Politics, and Pandemic Pedagogy: Education in a Time of Crisis (Bloomsbury 2021); Pedagogy of Resistance: Against Manufactured Ignorance (Bloomsbury 2022) and Insurrections: Education in the Age of Counter-Revolutionary Politics (Bloomsbury, 2023), and coauthored with Anthony DiMaggio, Fascism on Trial: Education and the Possibility of Democracy (Bloomsbury, 2025). Giroux is also a member of Truthout’s board of directors.