Saturday, April 05, 2025

The Fire This Time



 April 4, 2025
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Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

We live in perilous times. The mobilizing passions of fascism are no longer a distant echo of history—they are here, surging through the United States like an electric current. We are in a  period of social, ideological, and racial cleansing.

First, the notion of government as a democratizing public good and institution of social responsibility—that once held power to account, protected the vulnerable, and nurtured the ideals of justice and collective responsibility—is being methodically destroyed. The common good, once seen as the essence of democratic life, has become the enemy of the neoliberal fascist state. It is not merely being neglected—it is being assaulted, stripped bare, and left to rot in the shadows of privatization, greed, and brutality—the main features of gangster capitalism. Public institutions are hollowed out, courts are under siege, regulatory bodies are politicized and disempowered, and the mechanisms of governance now serve only the most ruthless forms of concentrated financial and political power.

Second, we are witnessing a form of ideological cleansing—a scorched-earth assault on critical consciousness. Education, both public and higher, is under siege, stripped of its democratic mission to cultivate informed judgment, critical thinking, and the capacity to make corrupt power visible. What once served as a space for reflection, dissent, and civic engagement is being transformed into a battlefield of ideological control, where questioning authority is replaced by obedience, and pedagogy is reduced to training, conformity, and propaganda. Education is explicitly no longer on the side of empowerment for the many. It has become an ideological tool of massive repression, indoctrination, surveillance, and an adjunct of the billionaire elite and the walking dead with blood in their mouths.

Books that illuminate injustice, affirm histories of resistance, and introduce critical ideas are being banned. Entire fields of knowledge—gender studies, critical race theory, decolonial thought—are outlawed. Professors are fired, blacklisted, or harassed for daring to speak the truth, especially those who denounce the genocidal violence being waged by Israel, which has now taken the lives of over 50,000 Palestinians, many of them children. Journalists are doxxed, detained, or demonized.

Cultural institutions are defunded or coerced into silence. The arts are no longer sacred; they are now suspect. Social media platforms and news outlets are intimidated, policed, and purged. Elite law firms are targeted,  intimidated, silenced or forced into complicity by the Trump administration. Scott Cummings rightly argues President Donald Trump’s recent speech to the Department of Justice was meant as a declaration of war against lawyers. Some prestigious law firms and attorneys—once alleged guardians of justice—now grovel before authoritarianism in acts of staggering complicity. The public sphere is shrinking under the weight of repression.

Third—and perhaps most alarming—is the escalating campaign of racial cleansing—a war against the most vulnerable, on bodies, on the flesh, and on visceral forms of agency. This is not hyperbole. Immigrants are caged in squalid detention centers, separated from their families, deported without due process to detention centers in Louisiana or to Guantanamo, or simply disappeared. Muslims are vilified, surveilled, and targeted with impunity. Black and brown communities are over-policed and under-protected, sacrificed to the machinery of carceral violence. State terrorism is normalized.  The state is actively criminalizing existence itself for all those who do not fit the white Christian nationalist fantasy of purity, obedience, and subjugation.

This is a war not only against people, but against memory, imagination, and the very capacity to think, make connections, and to dream a different future. The unimaginable has become policy. The unthinkable now passes for normal.

Consider just a glimpse of the horror now unfolding:

Venezuelan migrants are being disappeared into a notorious maximum-security torture dungeon  in El Salvador run by Nayib Bukele, a ruthless dictator, punished not for crimes, but for the ink on their skin. A legendary British punk band, the UK Subs, denied entry for voicing dissent against Trump’s authoritarian policies. A French scientist barred at the border for criticizing Trump, who with sneering smile, tears up the Constitution with performative contempt. Trump violates court orders with impunity. Student visas are revoked in the dead of night. Their dorm rooms raided, their wrists bound in handcuffs, they are forced into unmarked cars by agents of a system that is both cruel and clandestine. Young people—Mahmoud Khalil, Rumeysa Ozturk, Ranjani Srinivasan, Yunseo Chung—are disappeared, imprisoned in Louisiana, and await deportation under a regime of malignant legalities.  cloaked in legalese. These are not arrests—they are abductions. Not justice—but the slow machinery of fear made flesh. Dissent is now branded as terrorism, and those who challenge Trump’s authoritarian grip vanish into the void—arrested, erased, rendered disposable.

Trump’s totalitarian machine is waging a relentless war on colleges and universities. As Chris Hedges observes, the administration has threatened to strip federal funding from more than 60 elite higher education institutions under the guise of protecting Jewish students—while already pulling $500 million from Columbia University, an action that has nothing to do with combating antisemitism. The charge is a smokescreen, a cynical pretext to silence protest and crush dissent—especially in support of Palestinian freedom. As Rashid Khalidi observes, “It was never about eliminating antisemitism. It was always about silencing Palestine. That is what the gagging of protesting students, and now the gagging of faculty, was always meant to lead to.”

Elite universities once proud of their intellectual autonomy are being transformed into fortified zones of surveillance and submission.  Columbia among the most glaring, where the campus now resembles a police precinct more than a place of progressive ideas and democratic values. Only now, as the darkness thickens, are a handful of journalists and liberal commentators awakening to the authoritarian siege on higher education—a siege some of us have been naming for decades.

Americans are not witnessing a slow drift toward authoritarianism. They are living through the violent, coordinated seizure of democratic life by fascist forces emboldened by indifference,  cruelty, and the architecture of unaccountable power.

Under such circumstances, it is crucial for people to pay attention to the political crisis that is unfolding. This means being attentive,  learning from history, analyzing the mobilizing passions of fascism as a system—one directly related to the forces of gangster capitalism and the force of white supremacy and white Christian nationalism. Language matters, and those willing to fight against the fascist tide must rethink the meaning of education, resistance, bearing witness, and solidarity. And action is imperative: build alliances, flood the streets, defend critical education, amplify resistance, and refuse to be silent.

In the face of this rising tide, resistance must no longer be fragmented, polite, or confined to isolated corners of dissent. As Sherilyn Ifill notes, “it is not  enough to fight. You have to meet the moment.” Cultural critics, educators, artists, journalists, social workers, and others must wield their craft like weapons—telling prohibited stories, defying censorship, reigniting the radical imagination. Educators must refuse complicity, defending classrooms as sanctuaries of truth and critical inquiry, even when the risks are great. Students must organize, disrupt, and reclaim their campuses—not as consumers of credentialing, but as insurgents of liberation.

Academics, including faculty and administrators, must form a common front to stop the insidious assault on higher education.  Journalists must break the silence, not by chasing access or neutrality, but by naming injustice with moral clarity. Organizers, activists, and everyday people must converge—across race, class, gender, and nation—into a broad front of democratic refusal. This is a moment not just for outrage, but for audacity—for reclaiming hope as a political act, and courage as a shared ethic. Fascism feeds on fear and isolation. As Robin D. G. Kelley brilliantly argues, it must be met with solidarity, imagination, and relentless struggle, based on a revived class politics. In a culture of immediacy, cruelty, and staggering inequality, power must be named for its actions, and the language of critique and hope must give way to mass collective action.  History is not watching—it is demanding. The only question is whether anti-fascist forces will rise to meet it.

This darkness is not without precedent, nor is it without models of resistance.  During the rise of fascism in Europe, teachers and intellectuals in Nazi-occupied France joined the underground, distributing banned literature and teaching forbidden truths in secret classrooms. In apartheid South Africa, students in Soweto sparked a nationwide uprising, defying bullets with the cry that liberation begins with education. In the American South, Black freedom fighters risked their lives to build freedom schools, challenge police terror, and reimagine democracy in the face of white supremacy. The Zapatistas in Chiapas created autonomous zones rooted in dignity, justice, and Indigenous knowledge. Palestinian writers, youth, freedom fighters, and teachers continue to create under siege powerful examples of resistance, insisting through every poem, every painting, every lesson, that their people will not be erased, their memories will survive, and settler-colonialism will not only be relentlessly resisted but will be defeated. There is no other choice.

Today, movements like Black Lives Matter, Abolitionist Futures, Extinction Rebellion, Sunrise Movement, March for Our Lives and Indigenous Rights Movements are keeping alive the traditions of collective struggle. Courageous campus coalitions, in spite of the shameful crackdowns by the government and in some cases universities themselves, are resisting militarized policing and corporate capture of higher education. Migrant justice organizations are building sanctuary networks to protect those the state seeks to expel. These are not just moments of protest—they are blueprints for democratic rebirth. The task now is to connect these diverse movements in a mass movement with the power to wage strikes, engage in direct action, teach-ins, and use any viable non-violent form of resistance to overcome the fascist nightmare spreading across the globe.

The stakes could not be higher. This is a time to reimagine justice, to reclaim the promise of a radical democracy yet to be realized. Fascism feeds on despair, cynicism, and silence—but history teaches otherwise. Again and again, it is when ordinary people refuse to be silent, when they teach, create, march, strike, and speak with fierce clarity, that the foundations of tyranny begin to crack. Fascism has returned from the shadows of history to once more dismantle justice, equality, and freedom. But its resurgence must not be mistaken for fate. It is not the final script of a defeated democratic future—it is a warning. And with that warning comes a call to breathe life into a vision of democracy rooted in solidarity and imagination, to turn resistance into a hammer that shatters the machinery of cruelty, the policies of disposability, and the totalitarian and oligarchic opportunists who feed on fear. As we stand before the terrifying rise of authoritarianism, it becomes undeniable: the fire we face is not some distant, abstract peril, but a fierce and immediate struggle — the fire this time is the fascist capture of America. This is the moment to make education central to politics, to shape history with intention, to summon a collective courage rooted in the demands of freedom, equality, and justice—to act together with a militant hope that does not yield. Fascism will not prevail—unless we let it. In times like these, resistance is not a choice; it is the condition of survival.

Henry A. Giroux currently holds the McMaster University Chair for Scholarship in the Public Interest in the English and Cultural Studies Department and is the Paulo Freire Distinguished Scholar in Critical Pedagogy. His most recent books include: The Terror of the Unforeseen (Los Angeles Review of books, 2019), On Critical Pedagogy, 2nd edition (Bloomsbury, 2020); Race, Politics, and Pandemic Pedagogy: Education in a Time of Crisis (Bloomsbury 2021); Pedagogy of Resistance: Against Manufactured Ignorance (Bloomsbury 2022) and Insurrections: Education in the Age of Counter-Revolutionary Politics (Bloomsbury, 2023), and coauthored with Anthony DiMaggio, Fascism on Trial: Education and the Possibility of Democracy (Bloomsbury, 2025). Giroux is also a member of Truthout’s board of directors.

Families of Duterte drug war victims demand probe into online threats


By  AFP
April 4, 2025


Family of Philippine drug war victims protest after receiving online harassment since former president Rodrigo Duterte's arrest - Copyright AFP Jam STA ROSA

Family members of people killed during former Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte’s bloody crackdown on drugs demanded an investigation Friday into what they say has been a flood of online threats since his arrest.

Duterte was detained on March 11 and put on a plane to the International Criminal Court in the Netherlands the same day to face a charge of crimes against humanity tied to his drug war, in which thousands of mostly poor were killed.

On Friday, the relatives of four of those slain and their lawyer, Kristina Conti, filed complaints asking the National Bureau of Investigation “to identify the names, addresses and IP addresses” of alleged Duterte supporters responsible for online threats and disinformation targeting them.

Conti said her own social media pages had been bombarded with “hate speech, expletives and misogynistic remarks”.

“People might think that if the victims are gone, the case against Duterte will be dissolved too. So we are taking these threats seriously,” she told reporters after filing the complaints, warning that online threats can escalate into physical harm.

Sheerah Escudero, whose brother was found dead in 2017 with his head wrapped in packaging tape at the height of the bloody crackdown, was among the complainants.

Escudero said people on social media had accused her of being a liar and a drug addict, with some even sending personal messages telling her she deserved to be killed and beheaded.

“We are just calling for justice, but they are twisting our narratives and accusing us of spreading fake news,” an emotional Escudero said.

Following Duterte’s arrest, AFP fact-checkers saw dozens of online posts by his supporters targeting the families of drug war victims, seeking to discredit their accounts of extrajudicial killings.

In one Facebook post, a photo of a drug war widow holding a portrait of her late husband was altered to claim she was lying about her husband’s death.

Conti said they have identified specific pro-Duterte vloggers and pages as responsible for the disinformation that fueled the online attacks.

She added the online harassment seemed systematic based on the dates and time stamps, but noted they have yet to determine if these were funded by the Duterte camp.

“But definitely, the sentiments are pro-Duterte,” Conti said.

The complainants held a meeting with NBI officials who said they would assign an agent to look into their complaints.

While no timeline for an investigation has been set, Conti said once the report is completed, they will study the possibility of filing libel or civil cases.


Philippines


Duterte in The Hague

Friday 4 April 2025, by Alex de Jong


Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte gained international notoriety with his violent ‘war on drugs’ – a campaign of violence targeting the country’s poor that claimed thousands of lives. He is now in a cell in The Hague, awaiting trial at the International Criminal Court, but it remains to be seen what will happen in the Philippines.


Duterte came to power in 2016 after a resounding election victory. He was often mentioned in the same breath as Trump and Brexit as expressions of the right-wing breakthrough that year but, early in his presidency, Duterte formed an awkward alliance with part of the Philippine Left.

Much of Duterte’s success was due to specific domestic circumstances. After popular protests overthrew dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986, ‘democracy’ was restored in the Philippines. From then on, the power struggle within the country’s capitalist class was again largely fought out through elections. Successive presidents promised to deliver on the high hopes of better times called forth by the uprising against Marcos never tackled the causes of much of the misery in the country.

Countering the poverty of small farmers would require land reform. Better and more jobs would require large-scale policies that go against the interests of capitalists who got rich thanks to cheap labour-power and the export of cheap commodities. Unlike many other countries, the Philippine economy saw high growth rates for much of the post-2008 period but many ordinary Filipinos noticed little of this.

Duterte cleverly exploited discontent over the gap between lofty rhetoric and the daily reality of persistent poverty. The support for Duterte should largely be seen as an expression of dissatisfaction with the political system as it had taken shape after 1986. He was a relative outsider and promised to do everything differently. With his sleeves rolled up, coarse language and often misogynistic jokes, he cultivated a folksy and macho image. Duterte promised to end temporary contracts and tackle exploitation by foreign investors. He would be, he declared, the country’s first leftist, even socialist president.

Another recurring element in Duterte’s election campaign was the promise of violence. Crime, especially that committed by drug addicts, had brought the country to the brink of collapse, he insisted time and time again. Duterte promised to intervene with brute force. The fish in the Pasay river would gorge themselves on the dumped bodies, the presidential candidate declared. Duterte was by no means the first Filipino politician to promise repressive law-and-order policies, but he went particularly far in doing so. [1]

It quickly became clear that Duterte’s ‘progressive’ statements during the campaign did not amount to much. But even before his official inauguration as president, the killings began. Alleged drug addicts were hunted down and killed in increasing numbers. Overwhelmingly, the victims belonged to country’s poor and exploited, pedicab drivers, builders, street vendors… At first, victims were wrapped in tape and stabbed to death. The tape smothers the screams and keeps in the blood. Then, victims were increasingly shot in the streets. Cardboard signs with texts like ‘I was a pusher’ were often left next to the corpses. Others were shot to death in supposed shoot-outs with the police.
Strange comrades

Duterte’s presidency had another striking feature: his alliance with part of the Filipino Left. In the Philippines, the Maoist Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) has been waging a guerrilla war for decades. [2] Besides the underground CPP, there is a network of above-ground political and social organizations that share the CPP’s vision for Philippine society. This is called the National-Democratic or ND bloc.

NDs had been working together with Duterte already for many years. During his roughly three decades as mayor of Davao City, Duterte had fostered relations with both the aboveground NDs and the CPP. It was also in Davao City that he first implanted his violent brand of crime-fighting; the ‘Davao Death Squad’ killed hundreds during Duterte’s mayorship. In the final stages of the 2016 presidential campaign, it became clear that the NDs, who initially supported another bourgeois politician, had switched to Duterte.

What followed after Duterte’s election was one of the strangest episodes in Philippine politics. Duterte rewarded his ND supporters with the offer of cabinet posts in his government. The National-Democratic Front (NDF, the diplomatic wing of the CPP) nominated prominent ND leaders to serve under Duterte: Rafael Mariano of the peasant movement KMP, academic Judy Taguiwalo, now of IBON foundation, and Liza Maza, a former Member of the House of Representatives for ND party-lists took on Cabinet level posts. Joel Maglunsod, also a former party-list representative and leader of the ND labour centre Kilusang Mayo Uno, became Undersecretary for the Department of Labor and Employment.

ND expectations for Duterte reached new heights. Jose Maria Sison, the first chairperson of the CPP and, in 2016, head of the NDF had been one of the first ND leaders to give Duterte his blessing. Sison, a former lecturer of Duterte, expressed high hopes for the negotiations with the Duterte government and looked forward to returning home from his exile in the Netherlands. The CPP itself described its relationship with the president as the forging of an alliance. During Duterte’s first State of the Nation Address in 2016, usually the occasion for large-scale protests, NDs marched behind a banner calling for support for Duterte’s ‘progressive programmes’. After the rally, Duterte met with ND-leaders in the presidential palace, posing for photos with fists raised. For the ND movement, the choice to work with Duterte was clear, wrote one of its members of the House of Representatives: ‘choose the side which has allied with the revolutionary forces in promoting the welfare of the people. Choose the political force capable of uniting the people against foreign domination, feudal oppression, and systemic corruption’. [3]

Fellow-travellers of the NDs went along with this strange alliance, even as the death toll of the so-called war on drugs kept rising. The killings were actually the work of drug lords silencing their minions, E. San Juan Jr. wrote in November 2017. Duterte had ‘exploded the century-long stranglehold of global finance capitalism’. [4] ‘Duterte’s anti-imperialist policy goes beyond rhetoric; it is real and persistent’, another academic declared. [5]Marawi, a city in the south of country, was overrun by IS-inspired militants in May 2017. Online, rumours swirled that the attack on Marawi was a CIA plot to destabilize Duterte. The NDF claimed that it had ordered its guerrilla-fighters to assist the government army. [6] The previously unthinkable had become real.

By then, the alliance with the NDs had already started to crack. In early 2017, Duterte lifted the ceasefire with the CPP. Once president, it became quickly become clear to Duterte that the army was a much more useful ally, and this army is obviously very hostile to the guerrillas and what it considers its sympathizers. But the ND cabinet members stayed at their posts. The last one, Liza Maza, resigned in August 2018.
Comeback of the Marcos dynasty

Another key ally of Duterte was the Marcos dynasty. The dictator’s family had always maintained a power base in the north of the country and had long been working on their political comeback. In 2010, Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos Jr, now president, campaigned for the Senate—incidentally along the NDs. In 2016, he narrowly lost the vice-presidential election but his alliance with Sara Duterte, the daughter of, earned Ferdinand Marcos Jr the presidency in 2022. Sara Duterte became vice-president.

The fact that Duterte has now been arrested has everything to do with the break-up of this alliance. Sara Duterte and the Marcos camp are not only embroiled in a fierce war of words, including death threats. Marcos and his allies have been working for months to undermine the position of the Duterte family through revelations of corruption. Why the alliance fell apart is not clear, but this is not really important either. It is mostly a vulgar fight for power and wealth. There are some differences though. Under Duterte, the Philippines developed closer ties with China. This was a rather controversial step, as the Philippines is faced with continuing Chinese claims over part of its territorial waters. With a China-obsessed Trump in the White House, Marcos Jr. has again shifted towards the US.

In the Philippines, Duterte still enjoys considerable support. If he were to stand trial there, his supporters would try to delay the trial or perhaps even let it end in acquittal. The advantage of a trial in The Hague for Marcos is that Duterte is much weaker there.

Opportunistic alliances ending in bitter enmity, violence, corruption… in all this, Duterte was not unique. What was special was how far he went, how deadly his rule was. The death toll from government violence during his presidency is estimated at somewhere between 6,000 and 30,000. [7] A trial in The Hague would be a fitting end to a political career that was as bizarre as it was repugnant.

But would the end of Duterte’s career also mean the end of Dutertismo? Filipino socialist Herbert Docena is worried, writing on Facebook: ‘Duterte will seize the moment to portray himself as the victim, standing up to the “white” imperialists enforcing selective justice, the morality of power.’ Duterte would not be entirely incorrect. He is not in jail because he is a mass murderer, but because he is a mass murderer who is losing to a rival dynasty. In the Philippines, Duterte’s arrest has led to several rallies in support of the former president. For now, it is an open question whether Sara Duterte or someone else will be able to galvanise anger over Duterte’s arrest. Filipino journalist and human rights activist Carlos Conde said Duterte’s arrest was a ‘pleasant surprise’ as justice in the Philippines was almost impossible to hope for. That Durterte is now finally detained will hopefully offer some comfort to the loved ones of his victims.

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Footnotes


[1] Alex de Jong, ‘The Philippines’ New Strongman’, https://jacobin.com/2016/05/philipp...


[2] Much of the literature on Maoism in the Philippines only covers the period up to the 1990s. For a general history, see, among others, Kathleen Weekley, The Communist Party of the Philippines, 1968-1993: A Story of its Theory and Practice (Manila, 2006). Another useful book is P.N. Abinales, Fellow Traveler: Essays on Filipino Communism (Manila, 2001). Joseph Scalice has written on especially the genesis of the movement. See Joseph Scalice, The Drama of Dictatorship. Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines (New York, 2023). In recent years, the CPP-led guerilla has declined in strength: Alex de Jong, ‘After decades, an insurgency falters. Philippine Maoists under pressure’, https://tempestmag.org/2025/01/afte....


[3] Mong Palatino, ‘How to be a Leftist in the time of Duterte’, https://manilatoday.net/how-to-be-a...


[4] E. San Juan Jr., ‘Interviewing Dr. Kenneth Bauzon on The Duterte Presidency Before The 2016 US Elections’, https://countercurrents.org/2016/11/interviewing-dr-kenneth-bauzon-on-the-duterte-presidency-before-the-2016-us-elections/].


[5] Andre Vltchek, ‘Tough-Talking Philippine President Duterte’, https://countercurrents.org/2016/12/tough-talking-philippine-president-duterte].


[6] ‘NDFP orders NPA to help AFP fight terrorists in Marawi’, https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/90349....


[7] Patricia Evangelista provides an account of the so-called ‘war on drugs’ in: Some People Need Killing. A Memoir of Murder in My Country (New York, 2023).



Alex de Jong is editor of Grenzeloos, the journal of the Dutch section of the Fourth International.


International Viewpoint is published under the responsibility of the Bureau of the Fourth International. Signed articles do not necessarily reflect editorial policy. Articles can be reprinted with acknowledgement, and a live link if possible.

(Video) Climate change is a class issue

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Sarah Glynn and John Clarke presented their new book, Climate Change is a Class Issue, at a February 16 meeting of the Global Ecosocialist NetworkClimate Change is a Class Issue is a vital new publication that explains the link between capitalism and the climate crisis, and discusses the solution: ecosocialism.

Glynn is a writer and activist who has worked as an architect in England and as a university lecturer in Scotland, researching issues around lower-income housing and multiculturalism. She is now based in Strasbourg, where she works for the Kurdish Freedom Movement and writes a weekly column on Kurdish news.

Clarke is active in anti-poverty struggles and part of an organisation called 230 Fightback, which is resisting gentrification and fighting for social housing in Toronto’s Downtown East in Canada. He also writes regularly for various publications on a range of issues related to working class resistance and popular struggles.

The discussion was moderated by Paul Le Blanc, an activist and US historian who has written extensively on labour and social movements in the US and Europe. He is a member of the Global Ecosocialist Network and Pittsburgh Green New Deal, among other organisations.




USA

The attacks on us all


Saturday 5 April 2025, by Solidarity Steering Committee


A multi-front attack is in full swing — not only on supporters of Palestinian freedom, but on everyone’s First Amendment and civil rights. The abduction of Mahmoud Khalil, the peremptory deportation of Brown Medicine Dr. Rasha Alawieh, the attempt to detain and deport Columbia University Ph.D student Ranjani Srinivasan who’s fled to seek asylum in Canada, and the seizure of Georgetown University scholar Badar Khan Suri — none of these, and many more cases that haven’t attracted public attention, are happening in isolation.


The same Trump executive orders withdrawing $400 million in federal grants to Columbia University — whose administration’s response will live forever in the chronicles of cynical cowardice — are now also pulling $175 million from the University of Pennsylvania for the unrelated offense of allowing transgender athletes to compete in male sports.

These are not separate issues or individual cases to be legally parsed on their own. The open intention of the Trump regime and the gaggle of billionaires, far-right ideologues and white-supremacist Christian nationalists behind it, is to destroy, intimidate and convert U.S. universities and colleges into fully obedient agencies of corporate power and political reaction.

The same agenda is evident in the drive to criminalize Diversity, Equality and Inclusion (DEI) programs in the public and private sector, cripple Social Security and Medicaid, pulverize the federal work force and wipe out the agencies that serve military veterans, school children and the rights of workers to organize unions and survive on the job.

Attacking the brave and powerful Palestine solidarity movement on U.S. campuses and communities is a wedge to pursue this all-out rightwing offensive. Palestine in its own right, of course, is an absolutely central global issue as the full-scale joint Israeli-U.S. genocide in Gaza has resumed with Israel’s defense minister vowing “total destruction” of what’s left of that territory and its 2.2 million people.

To review a few basic facts: Mahmoud Khalil, the Columbia graduate with a green card and eight-month pregnant wife Noor Abdalla, was grabbed March 8 by Department of Homeland Security plainclothes agents as the couple returned to their university-owned residence. Columbia had ignored Khalil‘s requests for protection as he’d sensed he was being followed.

A prominent activist during last year’s encampment and a negotiator for the peaceful resolution of the occupation, Khalil has never been charged with any crime or university disciplinary action. Upon being told his “student visa” (nonexistent) and then his green card were “revoked,” Mahmoud was taken to New Jersey and whisked to an isolated Louisiana detention facility before courts could intervene. A federal judge has ordered the case to be moved back to New Jersey. These days, whether the Trump regime will obey remains to be seen.

Columbia student Yunseo Chung, 20, is a permanent resident who has lived in the United States since age 7. Now at an undisclosed location, she’s suing to prevent being deported after ICE agents raided and searched Columbia residences on the pretext that the school or its residences are“harboring and concealing illegal aliens on its campus.” Supposedly, participation in pro-Palestinian demonstrations makes her “a detriment to U.S. foreign policy goals” under the terms of a 1952 McCarthy-era law authorizing deportation on those grounds.

Dr. Alawieh, the kidney specialist, surgeon and assistant professor at Brown University, returning from a trip to Lebanon, was detained for 36 hours and then put on a return flight — in blatant violation of an emergency court order barring her deportation. The ostensible “grounds for removal” was her attendance at the funeral of Hasan Nasrallah, the Hezbollah leader assassinated by Israel, where tens of thousands of Lebanese were present.

These are far from the only cases of Trump’s agents ignoring a court order, as illustrated by the mass removal of alleged Venezuelan “gang members” — absent any proof or shred of legal process — to an infamous deadly prison in El Salvador.

Ranjani Srinivasan, whose doctoral work in urban planning is almost completed, was “disenrolled” by Columbia after ICE agents arrived at her apartment and, failing to gain entry to detain her, said her visa was cancelled and informed her that she had 15 days to leave the country. Now seeking asylum in Canada but not disclosing her location to protect her safety, she’s told CBC News that she had no actual involvement in campus protests (she was apparently spotted in a crowd last spring at a time when her campus residence had been blocked off).

Columbia’s despicable behavior in suppressing and expelling students last year is now compounded with its cowardly kowtowing to a set of draconian demands from the Trump White House, including not only banning masks — notably, Mahmoud Khalil was easily targeted because he didn’t mask — and placing its Middle East, African and Asian Studies center under “external trusteeship.”

Badar Khan Suri is a Georgetown professor and postdoctoral scholar on religion and peace processes in the Middle East and South Asia, legally in the United States on a research scholar and professor visa. An Indian national who lives with his U.S. citizen wife and three children in Rosslyn, Virginia, when he arrived home March 17 after a Ramadan iftar meal celebration, Suri was taken into custody by masked federal agents without beiing accused of any crime.

In just over 72 hours, he was transferred to multiple immigration detention centers and then to an ICE staging center in Alexandria, Louisiana. (His colleagues suspect that the government’s real target is his Palestinian-American wife Mapheze Saleh, who as a citizen can’t be rounded up for deportation.)

By the time you’re reading this statement, the outrages perpetrated by the gangster Trump regime will have proliferated further.
What’s at stake

In two short months, Trump’s rule has become a metastatic cancer on the already-weakened body of democratic rights in the United States. In fact, over the years preceding the current reign of terror, Trump, the right wing and their stacked Supreme Court majority have chalked up some significant accomplishments — including turning the historic Voting Rights Act into a dead letter, wiping out campaign finance laws so that billionaire parasites like Elon Musk and the Adelsons can purchase the government, and of course abolishing federal abortion rights.

The present course — on many fronts, from rule by executive decree to terrorizing immigrant communities and pro-Palestinian activists to abolishing birthright citizenship — leads toward the substantive destruction of constitutional government in the United States. Only some decorative wallpaper will be left in place to disguise the rot.

Civil liberties organizations and attorneys for targets of deportation are energetically intervening in court cases and sounding the alarm in media outlets. But from the top leadership of the Democratic Party comes deafening silence on the destruction of Gaza and rampant ethnic cleansing in the occupied West Bank. And while dozens of Democratic members of Congress have issued a letter challenging Mahmoud Khalil’s detention, minority leader Hakeem Jeffries’ name is conspicuously absent. On the Senate side Chuck Schumer appears to be in deep hibernation after his vote to pass the House Republicans’ slash-and-burn budget “continuing resolution.”

Resistance is emerging on multiple fronts, from the Columbia student worker union CSW-UAW 2710 call for action on Mahmoud Khalil’s case, to postal workers’ unions staging demonstrations to protest the plans to devastate and then privatize the postal service, to pickets at Tesla showrooms against billionaire Elon Musk’s business empire. We are delighted to see Palestinian and Ukrainian flags flying together at solidarity demonstrations — as Trump green-lights Israel’s drive for the final destruction of Gaza and prepares to carve up Ukraine in collaboration with Vladimir Putin.

Any illusion that terrorizing Palestinian activism and immigrant communities, assaulting transgender, Queer and feminist rights, gutting government agencies, and the drive to abolish federal workers’ unions, Social Security and Medicaid, are “separate” issues, is fatal. Protecting our rights requires a monumental and unified effort of grassroots resistance, civil liberties and popular movement forces.

The outrageous case of Mahmoud Khalil in particular has gained mass attention, and his letter from detention as a political prisoner is a powerful clarion call. Demonstrations have been held around the country, including Jewish Voice for Peace — New York’s occupation of the Trump Tower lobby.

It is a fight to be waged on multiple fronts. Of course, any supporter of basic First Amendment rights should be demanding Mahmoud Khalil’s immediate release, regardless of what they think of his activism for Palestine — and no one should be ideologically excluded from that legal and civil liberties struggle, whatever their political views.

At the same time, the agitation and activism for Palestinian freedom and against the genocide will and must continue, inspired by Khalil’s own example and courage. The fate of the Palestinian people as a mass human sacrifice on the altar of political cynicism, imperialism and settler colonialism is not an isolated matter. It is inextricably tied to the future of us all.
Some Sources

Mahmoud Khalil’s March 18 letter dictated from his Louisiana detention center: https://www.aclu.org/news/free-speech/a-letter-from-palestinian-activist-mahmoud-khalil

A petition in support of Badar Khan Suri: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfznp-mVhvKXv0mxUMgwLMAuvjP7Z9wnwz3cIvcGehjy3tfTA/viewform

Emergency motion to stop Dr. Suri’s peremptory deportation: https://www.acluva.org/en/press-releases/aclu-virginia-files-emergency-motion-stop-trump-administrations-illegal-deportation

In support of Professor Steven Thrasher, targeted for pro-Palestinian activism at Northwestern University: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSdfXeE0eClMlnBZD8djSblYWVl4Alhq_DknTqFAy16_tJh35g/viewform?fbzx=3017609832160450586

Protest in support of Dr. Alawieh: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9PpcsSAVGGk

Among many responses from the left, we especially recommend this excellent statement by the Tempest Collective: https://tempestmag.org/2025/03/free-free-mahmoud-khalil/

Solidarity

Attached documentsthe-attacks-on-us-all_a8929.pdf (PDF - 918.7 KiB)
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Solidarity Steering Committee
The Solidarity Steering Committee (Political Committee prior to 2015) is the daily leadership body of Solidarity, USA. Solidarity is a section of the Fourth International.


International Viewpoint is published under the responsibility of the Bureau of the Fourth International. Signed articles do not necessarily reflect editorial policy. Articles can be reprinted with acknowledgement, and a live link if possible.
Resist the Rule of Garbage

April 1, 2025
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.


Image in public domain

About ten years ago, I wrote an article titled Garbage Rises with which I meant to discuss the god awful reality of so-called American meritocracy. Risking repetition, I wrote another piece in the same vein, recently. But jeeez, our times have put such an exclamation mark on the observation that “garbage rises” that I find warranted yet a third rumination on human garbage in America.

The backdrop is that we in America have as a new watchword not the rule of law, but the rule of garbage. So I thought I would revisit the general observation from ten years back, and then get explicit about the particular garbage that has most recently risen to rule America.

So, first consider the general point. A famous American baseball manager. Leo Durocher once said “Nice guys finish last.” He was referring to Mel Ott, who was, I guess, a nice guy who was then the manager of baseball’s NY Giants who were at the time mired in last place. It is striking that nowadays deep down everyone knows what the phrase means. We smile and say “how clever.” However, few of us explicitly acknowledge the obvious implication that Durocher may not have quite had foremost in mind. To observe that nice induces defeat says the environment that we Americans find ourselves in tends to punish generosity, solidarity, and humanity. To succeed, nay even just to survive, we have to be nasty or at the very least to turn a blind eye to nastiness. If we challenge nastiness with solidarity, we fall behind. We even finish last. If we are or we at least abide much less teach nastiness, then we have a shot at winning. Everything is broken. Everything breaks us. Isn’t that a devastating indictment of our society?

We may say have a nice day a dozen or more times between when we wake up and we later sleep again. Simultaneously while smiling we might trample whatever is in our way. We might ignore suffering that is easily discernible around us. Walk by the homeless guy. Curse those below. We might ignore the oppressive conditions and circumstances of those who provide what we need or who use what we provide. We may deem a ten year old bully a nasty thug in making, or just a bit rambunctious, depending on the color of her skin or style of his clothes. But we consider a highly civilized supremely educated, finely dressed “twenty, thirty, forty, fifty, or sixty something adult who pursues a personally lucrative life path that ignores the horrors it inflicts on others a citizen in good standing. We consider the big time smiling bully natural, unimpeachable, perhaps even a mayor, CEO, Senator, or Mr. President. Typically, if we are properly oblivious to others’ pain or even more if we impose it, we may advance. If we are too nice and concerned about others’ pain, and we seek to reduce it, we will likely lag behind. Garbage wins the race.

Many factors compel these outcomes but at or near the top are authoritative decision making plus market competition. Taken together these two characteristics of contemporary daily life impose an almost insurmountable pressure for predation. Of course tribal loyalty—gender, racial, national, whatever—weighs in as well. One’s gotta be true to one’s team, doesn’t one?

Way back when I first heard it, I found Leo Durocher’s quip highly amusing. It was cleverly cute. Later there came a time when I grew to feel that “nice guys finish last” had become too tame a formulation to properly characterize the gilded viper pit we all must constantly navigate. I wondered, does some other one liner go even further than Durocher’s, and, in so doing, achieve greater clarity. And I found one. It is not even a one liner. It is a two worder: “Garbage Rises.”

We don’t live in a meritocracy. Genius doesn’t rise. Compassion doesn’t rise. Garbage rises. If you take orders with a smile and you reflexively offer a good day greeting to others, above and below, or if you give orders with a growl oblivious to your impact on those you boss around or intentionally putting them in their lowly place, then even if you would rather not be doing such things—so long as you keep your dissent from your given role a secret—you may rise, especially in the latter case. If lies come naturally and easily, if you can swivel your head from reality to delusion without developing a pain in the neck, if you will steal advantage at every opportunity and then defend it by whatever means present themselves—even if you go home and feel guilty about your choices—you will likely rise. But if you look out for others, then you can forget about rising. You will get trampled.

Of course this doesn’t happen a hundred percent of the time. But not too far off. And it isn’t just about becoming a chief negotiator, CEO, the Chief of police, a Senator, or President. It happens too where you might least expect it, in schools, homes, ballparks, churches, kitchens, bedrooms, and all over the damn place. Without charting all the variants and degrees, we know it of course also happens when it is me or thee. We compete with our eyes only on our costs and benefits, not on the others’ costs and benefits. Hooray for my side, or sometimes for our side. We cheer on, or partake of, or at least abide a small and sometimes a really large war of each against all.

And what makes this multi faceted rat race particularly devastating is that we all know it exists. Of course we know. There is no point denying it. We can binge a few films featuring plenty of hate and much carnage, or, occasionally, even a little goodness. We construct our taste to enjoy what’s plentifully available. We call it entertainment. The whole point is that to know or not to know what is really going on doesn’t matter. Either way the viper pit we live in pulls and pushes us to try to rise and look down on those who get left behind even if we also silently hate those above—and all too often we tend to comply.

But why does this happen? Is it because human beings are vipers? We can certainly behave like vipers (assuming they behave abysmally). But that doesn’t mean we must behave thusly. Yes, we must breathe. We must eat, drink, sleep. We must do many things, but we don’t have to be viper like. That is a social possibility which, however, needs causes to make it occur. And its causes are not in our DNA. Nor in our stars. Its causes are, instead, all around us in the institutions we relate to.

If Joe is in jail and Joe doesn’t see the sun each day, or eat well, and so on – we don’t say, it is due to Joe’s inner nature. We say it is due to the jail he is in. How simple. How obvious. Anyone can see it. Anyone can understand it. In contrast, how incredible is it that we can hide from ourselves that our being viper-like—or poor, or rich, or pretty much anything else—is like Joe lacking a sunburn. We too are confined.

Joe’s jail is the one whose bars he stares at each morning, noon, and night. Our jail is the institutions we act within to fulfill its dictates morning, noon, and night to get through each day and get some benefits along the way. Our jail is our role at work. Our role in our family. Our role in our school, church, team, tribe. It is the requirements of staying alive much less climbing in the viper-pit rat race that is dictated not by our genes but by our surroundings and the baggage they have saddled us with. If you think that instead of being socially coerced, we are viper-like because it is in our DNA, fine. Either kill yourself, or nurture your viper-ism sufficiently that you at least have a nice house to live in. And then be nice to someone and try to explain where the niceness came from.

If you think, instead, we are viper-like because the social institutions we daily relate to require viper-ism from us if we are to rise instead of finish last, again, kill yourself, or play the game as prescribed by your position. Look out for number one, or for your family, or your tribe, Or—whoa—consider this, you could flat out reject all poisonous choices. You don’t want door a or door b, you want to opt for a new situation. You seek changed relations in the present, but, much more to the point, changed relations in the future. Yes, there it is. You can be revolutionary. And it really is true, with eyes open whatever gloss we give it, whatever names we call it, if garbage rises we must be suicidally resigned, cynically or even apologetically viper-ish, or intentionally revolutionary. Take your pick! One of those isn’t poison.

Okay, that deals albeit a bit dramatically with the phrase “garbage rises,” at least as I mean it and in the abstract. It deals with its general logic and its broad implications, not fine details. But, in the real world, where is all this supposed garbage?

Well, on a small scale, with a little “g” it is you and me. But big time, it turns out that we live in a special moment because America has a kind of Garbage Olympics underway. Due to Trumpism, we get to witness a Cabinet not of Curiosities, but a Cabinet of grandiose Garbage. And within that elite assembly, like when viewing the finals of a race, we also get to witness who rises highest. In our case, we witness a spectacle of the worst of the worst. We see the world’s richest greed machine, Elon anti-social Musk and the world’s most powerful politico, Donald bully-boy Trump face off. Who will rise higher? We don’t yet know. But we do know they are each incredibly worthy of the sodden garbage crown. And coming up on the outside, not to forget, we also have RFK Jr. the anti-medical medical man, Pete Hegseth the sadistic anti peace Secretary of Defense, and a small coterie of other social degenerates, as well, together on top and yet nipping at each other as well. Really, has there ever been such an assemblage of moral rot and mental decay in a single high level assemblage able to impose its will before in history? It is truly astounding, and it has been other times, as well. Pick randomly among the elite figures in charge and you can’t miss. You will have a handful of the most vile garbage.

Yes, I know, I haven’t listed their ills. More important, I haven’t detailed the institutional dynamics. And still worse, the first part of this essay implied that the garbage that rises does so in response to incredible institutional pressures and so its members ought not be viewed as themselves vermin, as themselves devils. I have said it over and over elsewhere. Don’t call cops pigs. Don’t call Trump’s voters little Trumps. And yet, there is an exception to most rules and these current alpha guys, I swear, they have got to be an exception to that part of the rule of garbage. I can’t help but think these guys must really be bad to the bone. You may see Trump, Musk, et. al., as intrinsically born that way. Or you may see them like pretty much the rest of us as socially propelled to be what they now are. Either way, our task is to reverse their ascent until they endure a deep dive back down. And to also take on the institutions that produce and elevate all of us to be, let’s call it, less than our optimal selves. Our task is not to dodge but to smash society’s pliers.

So what am I saying? It is good, it is even exalted to condemn perverse institutions and be charitable toward those who the institutions bend toward evil, ourselves included. But, if you feel hostile to Trump and Co., if you feel downright hateful, vengeful, violent and whatever other nasty feelings toward Trump and his minions, I get it. Me too. Maybe to feel thusly isn’t optimally perfect but I suspect even Jesus would have trouble breaking bread with these particular two legged monsters. The institutions of our time have so warped them, our current society’s pliers have so bent them out of human shape, that it is hard not to want to dance on their graves. And yet, even while to hate them is warranted, we do have to watch out lest we become our own enemy in the instant that we deny others’ humanity. So let’s get militant, seriously militant, but let’s keep our aim true.

Demonstrate April 5. Loudly. Militantly. But also hold on to our humanity. Wherever you live, learn, work, pray, or play, now is the time to disobey. April 6 onward, we must not bend ourselves to fit their design for us. We must not bow down. To avoid their control, we must not control ourselves. Now is our time. We must rise, resist, throw out the garbage and continue on to ensure that down the road compassionate wisdom, not garbage rises. All for one and one for all.

Is this too rah rah for you? No problem. Chuck the rhetoric. But hold on to the sentiment. Is this too tame for you? No problem. Kick it up a notch or three. But hold on to the sentiment. Disobedience Now.



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Michael Albert
Michael Albert`s radicalization occurred during the 1960s. His political involvements, starting then and continuing to the present, have ranged from local, regional, and national organizing projects and campaigns to co-founding South End Press, Z Magazine, the Z Media Institute, and ZNet, and to working on all these projects, writing for various publications and publishers, giving public talks, etc. His personal interests, outside the political realm, focus on general science reading (with an emphasis on physics, math, and matters of evolution and cognitive science), computers, mystery and thriller/adventure novels, sea kayaking, and the more sedentary but no less challenging game of GO. Albert is the author of 21 books which include: No Bosses: A New Economy for a Better World; Fanfare for the Future; Remembering Tomorrow; Realizing Hope; and Parecon: Life After Capitalism. Michael is currently host of the podcast Revolution Z and is a Friend of ZNetwork.