Saturday, April 19, 2025

Does Macron’s pledge on Palestine signal a return to France’s ‘Arab policy’?

As pressure mounts ahead of a key UN summit, France is weighing whether to recognise a Palestinian state – a move President Emmanuel Macron says could come within months. The two-state solution has been the guiding principle of French diplomacy in the Middle East for 70 years, and while the Palestinian issue has sometimes been sidelined, it's never really left the agenda.



Issued on: 19/04/2025 
RFI


President Jacques Chirac on the steps of the Élysée Palace on 10 January, 1997 with Yasser Arafat, President of the Palestinian Authority. AFP - GERARD FOUET

"We must move towards recognition [of a Palestinian state] and we will do so in the coming months," the French president said in an interview broadcast on television channel France 5.

He added that the move could be made at the UN conference due to be held in New York in June.

"I will do it because I believe that at some point it will be right and because I also want to participate in a collective dynamic, which must also allow all those who defend Palestine to recognise Israel in turn," Macron said.

Such recognition, he added, would allow France "to be clear in our fight against thosewho deny Israel's right to exist, which is the case with Iran, and to commit ourselves to collective security in the region".

Given its pioneering role in the Palestinian issue, this announcement may seem somewhat belated – 147 of the 193 member states of the United Nations already recognise the Palestinian state, including 12 of the 27 members of the European Union.

On 12 October 2023, a few days after the Hamas terror attack, before travelling to Israel, Macron had reiterated France's historic position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. They were "essential guarantees for Israel's security" and "a state for the Palestinians".

French President Emmanuel Macron with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu after a press conference in Jerusalem on 24 October, 2023. © AFP - Christophe Ena

In 1947, Paris voted in favour of the partition plan for Palestine adopted by the UN, then recognised the State of Israel a few months later. Ties were forged between the two countries.

During the Suez Crisis in 1956, both Paris and London sided with Tel Aviv to invade Egypt after the canal had been nationalised. And in 1957, France helped Israel develop a nuclear reactor.

With the Arab countries of its colonial empire fighting for their independence, France saw Israel as an ally. Moreover, the recent memory of the Holocaust loomed large in the French national consciousness.
France's Arab policy

But in 1958, General de Gaulle, back in power, put an end to the nuclear collaboration with Israel and introduced what was known as "France's Arab policy".

In 1967, Israel launched the Six-Day War. De Gaulle had warned that France would support Tel Aviv in the event of aggression, but not if Israel was the one to launch hostilities. Following the outbreak of the war he kept his word, and put in place an embargo on arms destined for Israel.

The Six-Day War began with an Israeli air assault on Egypt and Syria. Israel also launched a ground offensive in the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, capturing these territories – although the Sinai Peninsula was later returned to Egypt.

France voted in favour of UN Security Council Resolution 242 calling for Israel to withdraw from the newly occupied territories. For de Gaulle, this was "an occupation that cannot go ahead without oppression, repression and expulsion".

In November that year, he declared at a press conference that the Jewish people were an "elite people, self-assured and domineering," provoking the anger of Tel Aviv.

Israel slams French plan to recognise Palestinian state as a 'prize for terror'

France's rapprochement with Arab countries – and therefore with Palestine – continued under President Georges Pompidou, elected in 1969, who maintained the arms embargo on Israel.

The seven-year term of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, from 1974 to 1981, saw this continue, and escalate. In October 1974, Paris voted in favour of recognising the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) as the main interlocutor for Palestine within the UN.

Under Giscard d'Estaing, minister of foreign affairs Jean Sauvagnargues became the first member of a Western government to meet with the head of the PLO, Yasser Arafat, in Beirut on 21 October, 1974.

According to the 22 October, 1974 edition of French newspaper Le Monde: "The minister said that 'any settlement in the Middle East must take account of the Palestinian settlement. All the parties involved realise this. Mr Arafat's credit and role can guide the PLO towards political action that takes account of international realities'.

"After saying that the Palestinians had to be 'rescued from violence and despair, the minister declared: 'Mr Arafat made a very good impression on me. He struck me as realistic and moderate, but certainly aware of the rights imposed on him by the situation. Mr Arafat has the stature of a statesman'."

The following year, the PLO opened an Information and Liaison Office in Paris – a first in Europe.

Giscard d'Estaing said: "The core of the problem is to consider that there can be no lasting peace in the Middle East unless the Palestinian question is settled fairly... Once the international community recognises the existence of a Palestinian people, that people must be able to have a homeland."

In 1980, the Venice Declaration agreed by the economic committee of the European Economic Community (EEC), of which France was a member, recognised the right of the Palestinian people to self-government and the right of the PLO to participate in peace initiatives – an declaration strongly denounced by Israel.
France and Arafat

When François Mitterrand took over as president of France in 1981, the country's Arab policy did not come to a halt – quite the contrary, to the displeasure of France's Jewish community, which had viewed the Socialist Mitterrand as a likely fervent defender of Israel.

In 1982, as the first president to visit Israel, he reiterated before the Knesset, the Israeli parliament, France's position of the past 35 years: backing a two-state solution. He declared: "Dialogue presupposes that each party can pursue its rights to the full, which for the Palestinians may, when the time comes, mean a state."
French President François Mitterrand addresses the Knesset on 4 March, 1982. AFP - GABRIEL DUVAL

It was also under Mitterrand that France took part in the evacuation of Arafat from Beirut in 1982, when the PLO leader and his troops were surrounded by the Israeli army.

"Escorted by two French ships, one American and one Greek, Yasser Arafat left Beirut on Monday, 30 August aboard a Greek pleasure boat that would take him to Athens... Mr Arafat, wearing a black and white keffiyeh, arrived at the entrance to the port of Beirut shortly before 11am in Mr Wazzan's armoured limousine," according to archival documents from the time.

"He was preceded by a jeep of legionnaires from the 2nd REP [the 2nd Foreign Parachute Regiment, the airborne regiment of the Foreign Legion in the French Army] and followed by two self-propelled gunships from the French intervention force.

"During his farewell visit to the Lebanese prime minister, Mr Arafat paid tribute to France, 'which not only undertook to facilitate the evacuation, but was involved in the entire process of disengagement. I am grateful to François Mitterrand for his actions throughout this period, because he remained a man of his word.' added Mr Arafat.

"At the entrance to the port, which was occupied by American marines, French and Lebanese snipers had taken up positions and were watching the buildings to avoid any incidents."

The Gaza Project: The Palestinian journalist paralysed by a bullet to the neck

At the end of the following year, Paris again played an active part in evacuating Arafat, who was this time surrounded in Tripoli, Lebanon, by the Syrian army on the land side and the Israeli army on the sea.

Arafat was received by Mitterrand on his first visit to France in 1989, despite protests from French Jewish institutions. For the French president, the country's interests came before those of one community.

During an interview, Mitterrand persuaded Arafat to state that the PLO charter – which stated that "armed struggle is the only path to the liberation of Palestine" – was "obsolete". This paved the way for the Oslo Accords of 1993, agreements between Israel and the PLO that established a peace process through a mutually negotiated two-state solution, and limited self-governance for the Palestinian people in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip via the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA).

This mutual recognition was reversed by Israel in July 2024, when the Knesset passed a resolution rejecting the principle of a Palestinian state, considering it an existential threat.

‘This is provocation!'

Jacques Chirac took over the reins of power from Mitterrand in 1995. He became a hero in the Arab world after his altercation with the Israeli security services during a visit to the Old City of Jerusalem in 1996, when they prevented him from shaking hands with local Palestinian residents and shopkeepers and attempted to hustle him down an alley away from them.

"I've had enough! What do you want? Me to go back to my plane and go back to France, is that what you want? Then let them go. This is provocation!" he shouted.

French President Jacques Chirac pushes an Israeli security officer as he protests the tight security surrounding his visit to the Arab quarter of Jerusalem's Old City on 22 October, 1996. AFP - JIM HOLLANDER

Just a few months earlier he had been applauded by Israel for acknowledging the French government's responsibility for the Vel'd'Hiv round-up in 1942, the mass arrest of Jewish people in Paris by French police at the behest of the Nazi occupiers.

Chirac was also close to Arafat, who came to France for medical treatment in October 2004, arranged by the president. When he died, a solemn tribute worthy of a head of state was paid by France.

Hamas says France plan to recognise Palestinian state 'important step'

From 2005 onwards, France became less active on the Palestinian issue, despite a renewed cycle of violence. Although numerous polemics about anti-Semitism in France were initiated from Tel Aviv and Washington, while Israel was withdrawing from the Gaza Strip Chirac welcomed Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to Paris.

But the break in France's Arab policy came about mainly under Nicolas Sarkozy, elected in 2007. During his five-year term, the Israeli-Palestinian issue stalled more notably than ever before, even if Paris voted for Palestine to join Unesco in 2011 and for it to be recognised as a non-member observer of the UN in 2012.

During François Hollande's presidential campaign, he stated in his manifesto that he wanted Palestine to be recognised as a state. In November 2013, during a visit to the Middle East, he called for a solution of "two states for two peoples" as well as a halt to construction in the Occupied Territories and for Jerusalem to be shared as the capital of both states.

In December 2014, after a demonstration in solidarity with Palestinians in the Gaza Strip had been banned in Paris the previous summer, the National Assembly adopted a non-binding resolution calling on "the government to recognise the State of Palestine with a view to achieving a definitive settlement of the conflict".

French President Francois Hollande lays a wreath on the grave of late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, in the West Bank city of Ramallah, November 18, 2013. AP - Alain Jocard

In January 2017, faced with a Netanyahu government that was becoming increasingly ferocious towards the Palestinians, Paris hosted a French Initiative for Peace in the Middle East during which France acknowledged that a "two-state solution is in serious danger" – a commendable gesture that failed to produce concrete results.
'A step in the right direction'

Macron, who came to power in 2017, has done nothing to reverse this trend – at least in part because, even prior to the attacks of 7 October 2023, criticising Israel in France raised fears of accusations of anti-Semitism.

Macron has alienated several diplomats for adopting policies openly aligned with Tel Aviv. In November 2023, a dozen of these diplomats sent a note to the Élysée Palace in which they criticised the pro-Israeli turn taken by the French president since October 2023. They wrote that ‘[the government's] position in favour of Israel at the start of the crisis is misunderstood in the Middle East and is at odds with [France's] traditionally balanced position between Israelis and Palestinians'.

French journalists' collective appeals for solidarity with colleagues in Gaza

Despite condemnations from the UN, the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice, it took 18 months of war in the Gaza Strip and more than 50,000 deaths before Macron declared on 9 April that he was considering recognising the State of Palestine.

The Palestinian Authority has welcomed the French president's announcement. Recognition by France "would be a step in the right direction, in line with the defence of the rights of the Palestinian people and the two-state solution," the Palestinian minister of state for foreign affairs, Varsen Aghabekian Shahin, told French news agency AFP.

Were France to recognise the State of Palestine, it would be the first member of the G7 and the first permanent member of the UN Security Council to do so – which could have a knock-on effect on other EU member states. Given that the EU is Israel's biggest trading partner, if the latter were to back the two-state solution, it would be throwing its weight behind what French diplomacy has been advocating for since 1947.

This article was adapted from the original version in French.

They’re Coming For Us: Media Censorship in the Age of Palestinian Genocide



 April 18, 2025
Facebook

Image by Phạm Nhật.

Recall those feverish days leading up to the 2003 invasion of Iraq when Colin Powell presented his dubious evidence to the United Nations Security Council, claiming Saddam Hussein possessed WMDs. The result of those bogus lies was The Iraq Resolution, which authorized the use of force against the sovereign state, and passed the Senate by a decisive 77-23 margin, with only 23 dissenting votes. Support crossed party lines as Hillary Clinton and many other prominent Democrats consistently reached into George W. Bush’s basket of lies, repeating the neocons’ WMD propaganda. The New York Times, fulfilling its usual perfunctory role, ran Judith Miller’s series of bogus articles parroting the same falsehoods. Outrage grew, and we took to the streets as the U.S. invasion loomed.

Today, I have the same sense of helplessness each time Israel is engulfed in yet another murderous deception, which warmakers spread through a compliant mainstream press. Much like their selling of the Iraq war, The New York Times relentlessly publishes pieces reiterating Israel’s rationale for bombing hospitals and promoting the (now thoroughly debunked) allegations of mass sexual assault, which have been used to depict all Palestinians as savages deserving of execution. The New York Times often qualifies its errors with caveats but rarely admits fault. Democrats still vote against halting arms shipments to war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu, knowing it will likely harm innocent children in Gaza. History repeats, and mothers weep.

In March 2003, during the U.S. invasion of Iraq, we were still adapting to the emerging digital media landscape. There were no smartphones, TikTok, Twitter, or Instagram. While information was accessible, distribution was limited to email lists and message boards. Independent outlets like CounterPunchTomDispatch, and Antiwar.com were trailblazing radical journalism, countering the tide of pro-war disinformation from mainstream sources.

Consider YellowTimes.org, a prominent alternative to The New York Times before the Iraq War. Shortly after the U.S. military arrived in Iraq, their server was suspended for posting screenshots from Al Jazeera of dead U.S. soldiers and Iraqi civilians. The outrage stemmed not from dead Iraqis but from the sight of lifeless troops, victims of the Bush administration’s deceit.

“No TV station in the US is allowing dead US soldiers of POWs to be displayed and we will not either. We understand free press and all that but we don’t want someone’s family member to see them on some site. It is disrespectful, tacky and disgusting,” read an email to Yellow Times editor Erich Marquardt from the site’s Florida-based server provider, VortechHosting.

YellowTimes was finished, never to return. While their decision to publish graphic war photos might have smacked of poor taste, there was nothing illegal about publishing gruesome war photos. The blatant suppression of the YellowTimes, along with the mainstream media’s unwillingness to question the government’s WMD narrative, would have disastrous consequences. Over the next eight years, nearly 500,000 excess deaths would be attributed to the U.S. invasion of Iraq, including 4,419 U.S. service members, and mainstream media outlets would be disseminating the majority of the reporting.

First They Came for the Students

In March, nearly 22 years to the day since YellowTimes was taken down, a video captured six plainclothes ICE agents apprehending Tufts graduate student Rümeysa Öztürk on the streets near her home in Somerville, Massachusetts. As widely reported, Öztürk, a Fulbright scholar, was in the country on a student visa, concluding a PhD program in Child Study and Human Development. The disturbing video footage provides a bird’s eye view of the authoritarian overreach we are experiencing, highlighting the intensification of Trump’s efforts to suppress pro-Palestine activism and a broader assault on press freedom.

Like Mahmoud Khalil of Columbia University, and others who’ve been arrested in recent weeks, Öztürk had not been accused of breaking any laws; she had merely co-written an op-ed for the student newspaper urging Tufts’ President Sunil Kumar to recognize resolutions passed by the student senate, which included a call for the university to disclose and divest from companies with ties to Israel.

“These resolutions were the product of meaningful debate by the Senate and represent a sincere effort to hold Israel accountable for clear violations of international law,” Öztürk and her co-authors wrote. “Credible accusations against Israel include accounts of deliberate starvation and indiscriminate slaughter of Palestinian civilians and plausible genocide.”

Öztürk’s arrest by ICE and the threat of deportation represent an escalation. The ICE abduction of Öztürk was a draconian strategy intended to dissuade others, especially those on student visas, from expressing similar empathy for Palestinian suffering. As of April 10, a total of 600 student visas have been revoked in the United States, with most citing pro-Palestine activism.

Trump’s crackdown on pro-Palestine protests at universities like Columbia—and the threat to withhold $400 million in federal funding–is an escalation of a bipartisan effort to silence pro-Palestinian voices. While President Biden spoke against alleged anti-Semitism, he only weakly addressed the violence directed at pro-Palestine encampments last year, which drew criticism.

“Rather than addressing the sources of violence and heeding calls for immediate federal action to protect student activists and uphold their rights to free expression and assembly, President Biden has misplaced the blame on the peaceful student activists,” wrote American Muslims for Palestine in a May 2024 statement. “Doing so sets a dangerous precedent for students across the United States, making them open targets for attacks by police, administrators, and extremist Zionist groups.”

It was Biden’s dangerous precedent that set the stage for Trump’s escalating attacks on those speaking out against Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Students on visas in the country have been an easy target, but these ICE arrests may only signal the beginning of what’s to come. The press, especially media outlets that expose Israel’s genocide, are likely to be next.

The Case of the Alleged Hamas Freelancer

Ramzy Baroud, one of CounterPunch’s popular contributors, was born in a Gaza refugee camp and now resides in the U.S. His early life in the refugee camps gave him a profound understanding of his people’s struggle for liberation. A prolific journalist and author, Ramzy also serves as the editor of the Palestine Chronicle, one of the first English-language Palestinian media sources on the internet, which has been active since 1999.. Last October, his sister, Dr. Soma Baroud, was assassinated by the Israeli Defense Forces when a missile struck her vehicle. Her crime? Being a doctor in Gaza. At that time, she was one of over 1,000 healthcare workers killed by Israel.

Ramzy clearly explains why his sister, like many others, was targeted. We recently had him discuss it on our CounterPunch Radio podcast.

“ [Israel knows] the importance of our women in our society. They know the significance of doctors in our society, especially doctors who play more than the role of just someone who heals wounds and helps people at hospitals,” Ramzy explained. “Doctors who also serve the role of community leaders. And she really was a [leader] … So it’s kind of layers of devastation. I think the family is still unable to understand fully or to come to terms with the emotional loss just because the loss is never really stopped and there is just no time to even reflect in any profound or deep way about all of this.”

While Ramzy’s sister was targeted in Gaza, the non-profit Palestine Chronicle has also faced attacks. Last July, The New York Times published an article about a former Israeli hostage in Gaza named Andrey Kozlov, who had been held captive by Hamas fighters for six excruciating months after being kidnapped. Kozlov claimed that one of his captors, Abdallah Aljamal, was moonlighting as a journalist for the Palestine Chronicle. This accusation was repeated by Almog Meir Jan, who had been abducted along with Kozlov and another Israeli named Shlomi Ziv at the Nova music festival on October 7, 2023.

Aljamal was killed in a massacre at the Nuseirat refugee camp in June 2024. He was 37 years old. Israel has provided no evidence that Aljamal, a well-known Palestinian journalist, was ever a member of Hamas, participated in the October 7 attacks, or held Israeli hostages. However, as we know, Israel doesn’t require evidence to commit war crimes, including the murder of journalists. Aljamal wasn’t the only contributor to the Palestine Chronicle who Israel killed; notable journalists Wafa Al-Udani and Yousef Dawas were also targeted, among the over 175 media workers killed by Israel during its onslaught on Gaza.

In July 2024, Almond Meir Jan, one of the Israeli hostages, filed a lawsuit against the Palestine Chronicle, claiming that, by publishing Aljama, they had provided “material support” for a “designated foreign terrorist organization.” The suit was later dismissed for lack of evidence that Baroud’s media project was in any way connected to Hamas.

U.S. District Court Judge Tiffany Cartwright stated in her ruling, “Many of the positions taken by the Chronicle, such as highlighting the deaths of Palestinian civilians and criticizing Israeli airstrikes, have been echoed by countless news organizations, protesters, and political leaders around the world … These articles do not cross the line from protected speech to inciting or preparing for unlawful activity. Nothing in the complaint alleges that Defendants advocated for, incited, or planned specific human rights violations.”

For its part, the Palestine Chronicle denied having knowledge of any ties between Aljama and Hamas, noting that he was an unpaid freelancer and not a staff writer. Additionally, they stated in their response to Jan’s lawsuit that “Defendants do not contest that the underlying torts committed against Jan by Aljamal and Hamas—the kidnapping and imprisonment of a civilian hostage—are international human rights violations.”

Following the death of Ramzy’s sister last October, Almond Meir Jan and Shlomi Ziv filed another lawsuit against the Palestine Chronicle, submitting a similar complaint that by publishing Abdallah Aljamal, they were providing “material support” for terrorism. This suit is supported by the National Jewish Advocacy Center, led by Mark Goldfeder, who argues that he perceives anti-Zionist activism as inherently antisemitic. The organization has filed similar lawsuits against other media outlets, including the Associated Press, for their reporting on the October 7 attacks.

“ [Trump] wants to silence dissent in the United States, and there’s been a major war on Palestinian voices and pro-Palestinian voices, [anyone] who dares stand up for the Palestinian people,” Ramzy Baroud told CounterPunch Radio. “For many Americans, what is happening [to] Mahmoud Khalil … [is] not igniting the kind of attention that it really should be igniting … [Next we] are going to see attacks on American citizens under various guises. The Espionage Act of this and that. The Israelis have done it … I feel like the Americans are following that trajectory.”

The lawsuits targeting the Palestine Chronicle are not standalone incidents; they form part of a larger strategy involving widespread visa cancellations and, illustrated by Rümeysa Öztürk’s case, a repression of student journalism aimed at silencing those seen as threatening U.S. interests. Consider the fate of YellowTimes during the Iraq War, now intensified many times over. A fresh wave of McCarthyism is resurfacing, energized by Donald Trump.

The Media as Terrorist Enablers

Palestine supporters have faced various forms of censorship since October 7, including significant collaboration between Israel and Meta to eliminate anti-genocide content from their Facebook and Instagram platforms. Additionally, Meta has radically adjusted its algorithms to shadow ban posts criticizing Israel. In a 2023 report, Human Rights Watch described Meta’s assault on free speech as “systemic and global.”

In June 2024, former Meta engineer Ferras Hamad filed a lawsuit against Meta, claiming he was wrongfully terminated for attempting to undo a program used to suppress content related to Palestine.

These well-documented actions have affected not only personal accounts but also media outlets. And it’s not just Meta. The New York Times, seemingly acting on behalf of the State Department, has done its best to discredit journalists like Vijay Prashad, peace organizations like CODEPINK, and others, suggesting they are pawns of the Chinese Communist Party (a claim they openly deny). The Times’ questionable reporting has led conservative lawmakers to urge Attorney General Pamela Bondi to investigate the situation in hopes of shutting them down. Our own podcast, CounterPunch Radio, had an episode discussing the October 7 attacks with investigative journalist Arun Gupta removed twice, without notice, by our hosting service Blubrry. While these various attempts at censorship might seem disparate, collectively they signify a deliberate assault on media free speech.

The U.S. government has stepped up its legislative efforts against non-profit media, viewing it as detrimental to its foreign policy goals. In November 2024, HR 9495, referred to as the Stop Terror-Financing and Tax Penalties on American Hostages Act, was approved with a vote of 219-184. This legislation allows the Treasury Department to strip the tax-exempt status of any non-profit organization it classifies as a “terrorist-supporting organization.” Full authority would be granted to Treasury officials, bypassing due process. While the bill has stalled in the Senate, it could be brought back at any moment and, with considerable Democratic support, might find an easier route to the President’s desk. The act would first target organizations that oppose Israel’s genocide in Gaza.

This legislation is not an isolated act but a continuation of the government’s crackdown on voices it finds uncomfortable–a ruthless campaign that dates back to the  Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996, which laid the foundation for the PATRIOT Act, enacted after the 9/11 attacks. What we are experiencing now is an extension of these policies. The plan is to expand the government’s authority to curtail free speech. Under the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, journalists and whistleblowers could face prosecution. Additionally, Project Esther—developed by the same goons behind Project 2025—outlines a strategy to categorize all pro-Palestine protests as anti-Semitic and supportive of Hamas. This sinister initiative, as exposed by Mondoweiss last year, also advocates for the removal of pro-Palestine students and professors from universities.

“As the more notorious U.S. policies of the post-9/11 era … fade from public memory, these older antiterrorism laws have been normalized as a comparatively liberal baseline, their structurally anti-Palestinian character having been obscured in the meantime,” writes Palestine Legal and the Center for Constitutional Rights in a 2024 report. “The most important of these has been the statute criminalizing ‘material support’ for terrorist organizations, the most commonly charged federal antiterrorism offense … As in prior moments of crisis, the same Zionist organizations that pushed for expanded antiterrorism laws – most no- tably the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) – now brazenly tar all advocacy of Palestinian liberation as support for terrorism.”

Frederick Douglass once stated, “Liberty is meaningless where the right to utter one’s thoughts and opinions has ceased to exist. That, of all rights, is the dread of tyrants.”

Douglass recognized that it’s our responsibility to resist censorship in all its forms. This begins by speaking out and supporting radical, independent media. Because, no matter how hard the tyrants try, they’ll never silence us all.

JOSHUA FRANK is co-editor of CounterPunch and co-host of CounterPunch Radio. His latest book is Atomic Days: The Untold Story of the Most Toxic Place in America, published by Haymarket Books. He can be reached at joshua@counterpunch.org. You can troll him on Bluesky @joshuafrank.bsky.social