Tuesday, December 23, 2025

It’s Not Where the Cookie Crumbles: Memoir as a Process of Enlightenment, Emancipation and Reclaiming Innocence

Former students from my Memoir Writing and "other writing" classes working up the gumption to "tell their stories"


 Courtesy of Pixabay

It truly is a liberating process, and an emotional landmine. Imagine, strangers, adults, grayhairs, all coming from different avocations, life experiences, even abilities to draw words onto “paper,” hanging out for two hours a day, once a week, eight weeks, with ME!

They stuck with me, man, for weeks, and then they came back for more at this community education class through the Oregon Coast Community College. I take my hats off for the lot of them hanging in there with this dudeMan Lost of Tribe: Preface: Terminal Velocity—A Man Lost of Tribe

And I did bring up Palestine and the mass murder and genocide. But, here, your link to the Show on Memoirs and Growing Old.

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If I must die,

you must live

to tell my story —

Refaat Alareer believed in the power of stories and the vital necessity of mastering language (specifically, English) sufficiently to tell those stories in an honest and compelling manner. He grew up on the stories of his mother and grandmother, and he in turn entertained his children at night with stories. (His TED Talk on the power of storytelling is worth listening to.) But following October 7, he was unable to continue this practice. In several essays collected in the anthology, he wrote poignantly about the ways in which living in the context of genocide charged his interactions with his children, as normal gestures or words of affection could suddenly be understood as final goodbyes and trigger alarm.

terminal velocity

Preface: Terminal Velocity—A Man Lost of Tribe

What is a life, revealed? What is this idea of truth, the unadulterated history in one’s narrative? The baggage, the contexts, the points of view, dredged into one’s psychological state, all the trauma of simple moments in a boy’s or man’s life, boy-to-man and man-to-boy sense of things, are these parts of the lens one should focus in a process of a looking backward (writing it) and then forward to draw lessons learned and still to be revealed (as an organized, somehow, autobiography)? Is it important for someone like me to write a “biography” even at all without the pedigree of “someone who’s big, still rising, haven risen and/or now fallen from grace,” or in this case the anti-autobiography of a simple man, Willy Loman sort of teacher, even without a bone of celebrity in my body?

“I don’t say he’s a great man. Willy Loman never made a lot of money. His name was never in the paper…. But he’s a human being, and a terrible thing is happening to him. So attention must be paid. He’s not to be allowed to fall into his grave like an old dog. Attention, attention must be finally paid to such a person.” – Linda Loman, Death of a Salesman

Is the crucible of democracy in the wasteland of American white manifest destiny the very essence Arthur Miller was attempting by addressing in the simple cut of a man in his play, a salesman separated from tribe, from any real sense of giving back to community. The lost and plagued American displaced inside his own land, in his mind, empty of an alternative to this denuded existence selling or hawing or moving information around for deceitful misanthropic companies and corporations?

The body of this long-form writing is a 30-part “series” possibly distilled into fictional fusions—captured life moments, galvanized to the heart of seeing creatively in a pretty messed up world.

The body of this long-form writing is a 30-part “series” possibly distilled into fictional fusions—captured life moments, galvanized to the heart of seeing creatively in a pretty messed up world. I believe this to be one of the most gut-flooding truth seeking to some of us, painted characters and landscapes, conflicts, yet the dog of the lamentation, those roses that shed blood, tears from the prickly pear, the ghost inside cenotes.

The Mayan legend is close to me since I lived in the Yucatan for a while and returned several times: women, sisters – Xtabay the sinner and Utz-Colel the good—in Maya land, come to the male traveler, or the drunkard or just one who laments some image of beauty lost. Lured into the sacred well, the flowers sweet and succulent, and this glorious angel (the warts and sag of skin like the witch not revealed yet) entwines him in her long black hair, and, in the morning, if he is lucky enough to make it out with his life, he finds the morning flooded with sadness, cruda, which is the hangover of unbearable light of life to never pass through that crucible of potential and idealized beauty.

So, as this unfolds, in serialized life form, quickly, the reader may be entering a carnival, where hummingbirds make nests in the bleached rib cage of grandpa out back helping hold up the hydrangeas. There will be allusions and pathways marked. There will be the flow of a creative writer. The confusion of age in a time long shriveled into the amnesia of our collective lobotomy.

The one-toothed lady from Hanoi, shriveled in her 70s, but there, $3 massages, on China Beach, holding the man’s manhood, the fragrance of sea and bottled passion fruit singeing the neck hairs of some battle-fatigued old timer wondering if he immolated the woman’s daughters and sons, brothers and grandchildren.

Napalm mornings and nights lifted by fruit bats in the hundreds. The memory of my life is energy, like ball lightning one moment, then like a tree holding orchids a hundred years old. Reflections in the koi pond come at night, in dreams, as coral reefs are mowed down by giant parrot fish and dredges from eco-miners.

Time is compressed and flipped, and images are truths, poems the shouts in the night in the careening howls of wolves released on Nez Perce lands in Idaho, and then the lies that make up the fabricated, truths, twisted deceptions reflected through the parallax to become something of a tribute to one man’s survival, which is in the end the very essence of finding death withheld.

What will be true in these 30 parts is fantastical drawn from the mundane, the nanosecond of death revealed in a lifetime under a sheltering moon.

I like Mark Twain, and boy could this world use another one, now, and Gore Vidal, or Zora Neale Hurston. Here, though, some prescient words about autobiography from Twain:

“An autobiography is the truest of all books; for while it inevitably consists mainly of extinctions of the truth, shirkings of the truth, partial revealments of the truth, with hardly an instance of plain straight truth, the remorseless truth is there, between the lines, where the author-cat is raking dust upon it which hides from the disinterested spectator neither it nor its smell (though I didn’t use that figure)—the result being that the reader knows the author in spite of his wily diligences.” —Letter to William D. Howells, 14 March 1904

It’s absolutely truth that the reader has to work at unmasking the masks and then read between the lines of anyone’s autobiography. My goal in this work is to even go a step further and fuse streams of consciousness and great leaps in narrative structure to suture up what can be for me and others a disgorgement of what is revealed inside a nasty system as we pledge allegiance to North America, these United States, in whatever form that allegiance takes. I am not talking about patriotism or nationalism, to be sure. Here, Twain, on autobiography, his, which is relevant to me, to my small life compared to Samuel Langhorne Clemens, but most great books are repositories of vivid truth about even the smallest man or woman notched into capitalism:

“This autobiography of mine is a mirror, and I am looking at myself in it all the time. Incidentally I notice the people that pass along at my back — I get glimpses of them in the mirror — and whenever they say or do anything that can help advertise me and flatter me and raise me in my own estimation, I set these things down in my autobiography. I rejoice when a king or a duke comes my way and makes himself useful to this autobiography, but they are rare customers, with wide intervals between. I can use them with good effect as lighthouses and monuments along my way, but for real business I depend upon the common herd….

An autobiography that leaves out the little things and enumerates only the big ones is no proper picture of the man’s life at all; his life consists of his feelings and his interests, with here and there an incident apparently big or little to hang the feelings on.” – Mark Twain’s Autobiography

This is a time and age when the mainstream publishing world is looking for the next big thing, the expose, some catharsis from some celebrity, or famous person from any walk of life, more so from the mover and shaker in the millionaire or billionaire class, possibly some jock or military general or politico who got caught, or just gets the stage because of all the collateral damage they caused in their service to the paymasters and dispiriting guiders – CEOs, Spooks, Presidents, Despots. Some Bruce-to-Caitlyn aberration, or philandering Patraeus, some mothball-brained Kissinger, Johnny Depp, or that hyper-Breaking Bad-or-Orange is the New Black sort of story-boarding memoir thing?

Life Uninterrupted, a solemn credo tied to anti-authoritarianism, against the tide of cultural devolution, consumerism, from a precariate, one of the truly precarious workers in this trickle-down and buckle-up Consumer Free-to-Exploit Market System that has banked on ignorance, amnesia, fear and loathing, non-participatory “democracy, racism-sexism-otherism to run a majority of the workers into the ground .

In the old days, magazines like Life or Look or Harpers or Any Number of Periodicals That Have Been Scarfed Up by Media Moguls, they serialized long-form, novellas and even novels. Here, thanks to Dick and Sharon and their LA Progressive, I have been offered up a section of the online magazine. Can I live up to the challenge of daily distilling “the things of life” to make all lives relevant, to meet a weekly deadline? From me, a lowly activist and pretty well-read and well-traveled and well-shaped writer with a few low-hanging fruit laurels. Amazing how in the slip-stream of life, six degrees of separation reverberating in my life, others’ lives, that Dick and Sharon are giving me a chance and the challenge to write a “memoiry” kind of new journalism auto-biography as something more than expressive and cathartic, or wholly self-indulgent. But as a clarion call to a certain rarefied group of readers who might learn from the scattershot world I have lived in, thus far, 59, and counting.

I will journey with a reader into psycho-political dynamic seascapes, flowing with a sense of splendor at some things and places I have been lucky to encompass in an undertow that for me is a natural place to be inside a tide pool of ebb and flow, since I am also a seasoned diver who has seen a few riptides and swarming packs of hammerheads.

Travelogue and full of internal dialogue, with a trade-wind of constant magic realism, lots of punctuated stream of consciousness and a real concern for reaching audience and listener, so the form does not overtake the language and the lessons tied to universal rules and goals.

In a nutshell, I am tasked to write my life as it is in some fashion in 30 weeks, an assignment that I have to utilize daily since my life is not written down as such. This is more than journaling, but at times it will feel like a journey into the now, with folded chapters back.

A life doesn’t start Feb. 6, 1957, in San Pedro, California. That birthing moment when I exploded out of womb six weeks premature, blue baby with mama’s cord wrapped around the neck twice, is pressed into a continuum that goes back to tribes long forgotten, to ancestors from Ireland and Germany. Pressed into the DNA of floating through the laws of time, the influences of nature and nurture, all those small traumas, and larger ones.

Maybe this attempt will be a fusion of fantasy and fiction, cemented to some concrete perception of the world I created and continue to create. Here, Lidia Yuknavitch

“I think our identities—the ones we live in the real world—are really made partly from stories that we build up around ourselves—necessary fictions—so that we can bear the weight of our own lives. We like to call these “truths” or “facts” or “selves,” but I maintain that they are fictions. Fictions for instance called “mother” or “wife” or “lover” or “teacher” or “writer.”

I think we understand our own life experiences in narrative terms. If you consider that idea for a moment, we are walking novels. No one has a pure identity. Everyone has an identity made from everyone they’ve ever known and loved or hated, and from every experience they could process and withstand, happy or sad, arranged in memories, otherwise known as stories.”

I am a walking set of novels, and a few have ended up on the trash bin of US publishing houses, and my former agent, Jack Ryan, always pressed upon me that I was ahead of my time, that my novels he tried schlepping were over the heads of the Vassar and Brown university interns looking over “new” novelists’ work with not much eye toward form and subject outside what was tracking that year in publishing circles.

The embedded lie is almost everything in America, and so working here and living and grappling against the vicissitudes of a vulture, parasitic capitalism and invented history that is our way of living and doing business, one has to develop more than just a bipolar way of dealing with so much corruption and anti-egalitarianism.

My call of duty is to get something right, something outside the norm that we see as storytelling and dramatic novel writing. I want to pledge allegiance to the profane and prophetic, and still have the pleasure of enjoying staking out emotional, intellectual and cultural space.

We are the sum total of everyone else’s projections, those parts that jigger the reality based belief system that there are clear boundaries between right and wrong, success and failure, happiness and sadness, sanity and insanity.

This writing is part of the great wind of time, full of limited perspectives, but something holy to the atheist’s regard for humanity starving for communitarianism. From the Heights of Macchu Picchu to the Power and the Glory, we are all living “under a volcano” as the “memory is fire”.

*****

And tell me everything, tell chain by chain,
and link by link, and step by step;
sharpen the knives you kept hidden away,
thrust them into my breast, into my hands,
like a torrent of sunbursts,
an Amazon of buried jaguars,
and leave me cry: hours, days and years,
blind ages, stellar centuries.
And give me silence, give me water, hope.
Give me the struggle, the iron, the volcanoes.
Let bodies cling like magnets to my body.
Come quickly to my veins and to my mouth.
Speak through my speech, and through my blood.

—Pablo Neruda

Or, beyond, inside the bottle of Mexico, too, Malcolm Lowry:

“There was something in the wild strength of this landscape, once a battlefield, that seemed to be shouting at him, a presence born of that strength whose cry his whole being recognized as familiar, caught and threw back into the wind, some youthful password of courage and pride—the passionate, yet so nearly always hypocritical, affirmation of one’s soul perhaps, he thought, of the desire to be, to do, good, what was right. It was as though he were gazing now beyond this expanse of plains and beyond the volcanoes out to the wide rolling blue ocean itself, feeling it in his heart still, the boundless impatience, the immeasurable longing.”—Under the Volcano

Caught inside the subterranean magic of history foretold:

“While we can’t guess what will become of the world, we can imagine what we would like it to become. The right to dream wasn’t in the 30 rights of humans that the United Nations proclaimed at the end of 1948. But without it, without the right to dream and the waters that it gives to drink, the other rights would die of thirst.” —Eduardo Galeano, author of Memory of Fire

Captured by the essence of the puritanism of capitalism and religion intermingled like some unholy alliance of the captured and the corrupted:

“There is always one moment in childhood when the door opens and lets the future in.” — Graham Greene, The Power and the Glory

This will be a process of regaining a future, remembering the links of the past are part of a continuous chain, pulling and pulling me deeper into my past, which is my future, and I hope the process is well-suited for a reader, many readers.

Paul Haeder, June 24, 2016

*****

Okay, so Brenda and Melodie are on my KYAQ show, coming out on the air, 91.7 FM, Wednesday ,Feb. 18, the start of the new Chinese year, Fire Horse:

KYAQ Radio 91.7 FM | Newport OR

What Makes the “Fire Horse Year” (赤馬年) Unique?

The true distinction of 2026 lies in the potent synergy between the Horse’s intrinsic energy and the Fire element. In the profound Chinese Five Element theory, Fire is the embodiment of:
  • Passion & Enthusiasm: A fervent drive and zest for life.
  • Dynamism & Innovation: The spark that ignites novel ideas and propels decisive action.
  • Brightness & Clarity: Illuminating paths forward, fostering optimism and clear vision.
  • Assertiveness & Leadership: The courage to lead, inspire, and take initiative.

This “Fire on Horse” combination significantly amplifies the zodiac sign’s natural traits, foretelling a year of heightened activity, rapid progress, and potentially transformative changes. The term “赤馬” (chì mǎ), or “Red Horse,” eloquently captures this. “赤” (chì) signifies red, a color deeply revered in Chinese culture for symbolizing good fortune, joy, and prosperity. Therefore, a Red Horse is more than just a magnificent creature; it is an icon ablaze with vitality and auspicious tidings.

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I’ll take these stories, these ancient myths, over ANYTHING western culture has shoved down our throats:

  • Folktales & Mythology: Legendary horses, including the loyal White Dragon Horse (白龍馬) from “Journey to the West” and the fabled Thousand-Mile Horse (千里馬), capable of traveling immense distances, further cement the horse’s image as a heroic figure and a symbol of extraordinary ability. And of course, the legendary Red Hare (赤兔馬), the formidable steed of the warrior Guan Yu, renowned for its unparalleled speed and loyalty – a perfect ancient counterpart to our vibrant “Red Horse” theme.

Ahh, the memoir, in Western tradition:

  • “I gather together the dreams, fantasies, experiences that preoccupied me as a girl, that stay with me and appear and reappear in different shapes and forms in all my work. Without telling everything that happened, they document all that remains most vivid.” bell hooks, author of Bone Black
  • “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.” William Faulkner, Requiem for a Nun
  • “Everybody needs his memories. They keep the wolf of insignificance from the door.”Saul Bellow
  • “Autobiography may be the preeminent kind of American expression.” Henry James
  • “It’s amazing how you remember everything so clearly,” a woman said…”All those conversations, details. Were you ever worried that you might get something wrong?” “I didn’t remember it,” Lucy said presently. “I wrote it. I’m a writer.” Ann Patchett, Truth and Beauty
  • “It is not my deeds that I write down, it is myself, my essence.” Montaigne
  • “Sick of being a prisoner of my childhood, I want to put it behind me.”
    Clive James, Unreliable Memoirs
  • “Isn’t telling about something—using words, English or Japanese—already something of an invention? Isn’t just looking upon this world already something of an invention?”
    Yann Martel, The Life of Pi
  • “There is always one moment in childhood when the door opens and lets the future in.” Graham Greene, The Power and the Glory
  • “The tales you are about to read are the truth, practically the truth, and nothing less than a half-truth…” Nick Trout, Tell Me Where it Hurts: A Day of Humor, Healing and Hope in My Life as an Animal Surgeon

*****

Here, one woman’s top Memoirs for 2025:

10. Medicine River: A Story of Survival and the Legacy of Indian Boarding Schools, Mary Annette Pember

Mary Annette Pember’s mother never wanted to answer her daughter’s questions about what she had experienced during her eight years at St. Mary’s Catholic Indian Mission School. As a result, Pember, a journalist and national correspondent with ICT News and a citizen of the Red Cliff Band of Wisconsin Ojibwe, was unable to fully grasp her mother’s trauma and the impact it had on their family. After her mother’s death, Pember felt she needed to know what happened to her in order to better understand her own place in the world, which led her to research the boarding schools where countless Native children, including her mother and grandmother, endured years of hardship and abuse. She situates her family’s story within the broader history of these government-sponsored institutions as she grapples with both the trauma of family separation and her own complex relationship with her mother. Pember’s search supplies her with some needed clarity, while her exploration of her Ojibwe culture—and bearing witness to her people’s ongoing capacity for joy and survival—brings her a measure of healing.

9. Strong Roots: A Memoir of Food, Family, and Ukraine, Olia Hercules

When tending rose bushes, Olia Hercules’ maternal grandmother Liusia instructed her family to “look at the roots”—if they are strong enough, she would say, even petals and stems lost to storms can grow back. In Strong Roots: A Memoir of Food, Family, and Ukraine, Hercules, a chef and author who was born in Kakhova and now lives in London, writes a work of memory, love, and quiet defiance. She names what her family and others have gone through since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine: her parents had to flee their home; her brother joined the defense forces; their hometown flooded after Russia destroyed a nearby dam. But the heart of her book is found in the resilience of her ancestors, whose legacy Hercules holds closer than ever. Amidst a war that hasn’t ended, what she eventually writes her way toward is not peace or resolution, but a ringing assertion of life: “Now I know that we are not victims. And we are not just survivors. We, Ukrainians of many ethnicities, cultures and histories, are united…. And here I am, living and breathing, writing these words for you, dear reader, to feel and understand our story.”

8. Articulate: A Deaf Memoir of Voice, Rachel Kolb

What does it mean to know and claim your voice, to be articulate, as a deaf person in a culture that often prioritizes hearing individuals and the spoken word? In this engrossing debut memoir, writer and scholar Rachel Kolb deftly combines personal storytelling and cultural commentary on deafness and disability, encouraging readers to consider the vast possibilities of language, communication, and dialogue—including the opportunities we might miss if we exclusively focus on verbal and hearing-dominant interactions. “Our ideas about fluency and sameness are…modern-day fictions,” Kolb writes, “extensions of those notions we’ve inherited about the normal and the standard and the typical…. But language, by its very nature, blooms from far more varied ground—which, to me, feels like its greatest miracle.” Curious and contemplative by turns, Articulate will make you think about self-expression, accessibility, and connection in new ways.

7. Careless People: A Cautionary Tale of Power, Greed, and Lost Idealism, Sarah Wynn-Williams

Sarah Wynn-Williams was a true believer in Facebook and its potential to “make the world more open and connected” when she pitched herself into a job as the company’s Manager of Global Public Policy in 2011. But what she once viewed as a dream role eventually gave way to a nightmare as she realized the extent to which what she describes as “a lethal carelessness” seemed to rule the company’s culture. In her memoir, Wynn-Williams portrays Facebook leadership as irresponsible, misogynistic, and power-obsessed; by the time she writes about founder Mark Zuckerberg being confronted with Facebook’s alleged role in Trump’s 2016 electoral victory, readers probably won’t expect much meaningful reflection or accountability in the company she refers to at one point as an “autocracy of one.” Wynn-Williams, for her part, does seem willing to interrogate her past aspirations: “I was part of it. I failed when I tried to change it, and I carry that with me.” While she is unafraid to name names or call out feckless behavior, it is the openness, warmth, and wit of her narration—all the more evident against the backdrop of a frequently absurd working environment—that makes her memoir a compelling read.

6. Memorial Days, Geraldine Brooks

As I read Geraldine Brooks’s memoir, I kept thinking of something a friend said to me while I struggled to complete the many administrative tasks triggered by my mother’s death: “No one warns you that death comes with a checklist.” Brooks begins with the moment when everything in her life changed: an emergency-room physician in Washington, D.C. calls to tell her that her 60-year-old husband, Tony Horwitz, has died suddenly while on a book tour. After this shock, the “first brutality” in “a brutal, broken system,” she cannot give into the need to scream or cry or collapse, because there is so much she must attend to. This cascade of responsibilities, as well as what Brooks describes as the “endless, exhausting performance” of life after a loved one’s death, will ring true to anyone who has suffered an unexpected loss. It is only when she travels to a remote island off the coast of Australia that she is able to mourn her husband. In Memorial Days, Brooks honors the life they shared and reclaims “something that our culture has stopped freely giving: the right to grieve.”

5. Nothing More of This Land: Community, Power, and the Search for Indigenous Identity, Joseph Lee

In Nothing More of This Land: Community, Power, and the Search for Indigenous Identity, Aquinnah Wampanoag author and journalist Joseph Lee shares the history of his family and his tribal community on the island of Martha’s Vineyard—known to Wampanoag people as Noepe—and reflects on questions of sovereignty, tradition, and belonging in Native communities from Oklahoma to the Pacific Northwest to the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta. Lee brings his expansive journeys and conversations to life in this consistently thoughtful, accessible narrative that blends cultural history and memoir, research and reportage. Clear-eyed about both the destructive legacy of colonialism and the complications and contradictions often forced upon those working to challenge it, he positions himself as a curious and deeply engaged fellow learner, inviting readers to explore questions of community and identity along with him.

4. The Waterbearers: A Memoir of Mothers and Daughters, Sasha Bonét

“Each generation of women in my family seeks to transform realities,” Sasha Bonét writes in her exquisite memoir, “but somehow we always find our way back to what we know. And we come from a long line of Louisiana women who traversed these troubled waters of the South.” The Waterbearers: A Memoir of Mothers and Daughters is both the story of those who raised Bonét—the Black women in her family who fought with everything they had to build lives and legacies for themselves and their children—and the story of our country; as she notes, the waters she and her family have crossed can also “tell you the true history of America.” A lyrical, unflinching exploration of motherhood, love, and survival across generations, The Waterbearers is a meditative and unforgettable read.

3. Mother Mary Comes to Me, Arundhati Roy

After the death of her mother, Mary Roy, in 2022, novelist Arundhati Roy felt “heart-smashed” and “unanchored”—and also somewhat surprised at the depth of her own devastation. At 18, Roy had declared her independence from her mother, the strong-willed founder of a school who was determined to “make space for the whole of herself” in the world. Their relationship was never easy, and for years Roy had to love her formidable, sometimes terrifying parent “from a safe distance.” In Mother Mary Comes to Me, she tries to make sense of who she is after the loss of the woman she calls “my shelter and my storm”—and around whom, she also recognizes, she learned to construct her own life and identity. Writing of how she worked over the years to try to accommodate and understand her mother, Roy recognizes that her writing itself is yet another kind of inheritance: “I turned into a maze, a labyrinth of passages that zigzag underground and surface in strange places, hoping to gain a vantage point for a perspective other than my own. Seeing her through lenses that were not entirely colored by my own experience of her made me value her for the woman she was. It made me a writer.”

2. The Trouble of Color: An American Family Memoir, Martha S. Jones

In the opening pages of this powerful and contemplative memoir, historian and author Martha S. Jones recalls how a college classmate once mistook her for white during a presentation on Frantz Fanon’s A Dying Colonialism in their Black sociology class. Though the two later became friends, she never forgot his accusation: “Who do you think you are?” In The Trouble of Color: An American Family Memoir, Jones answers this question on her own terms, painstakingly researching and tracing the story of her family since the days when her oldest known ancestor, Nancy Bell Graves, was enslaved in Kentucky. She shares a photograph of Graves at the age of 80, noting that “her skin was closer in tone to the white bonnet on her head than to the deep, rich dye of her… dress,” and states that “Nancy bequeathed to us not only her portrait but also the trouble of color—somewhere between too little and too much of it.” Yet Jones does far more than find and introduce us to her dynamic, determined forebears, many of whom were also “caught up along the jagged color line”; in pursuing a richer and more nuanced family history—one that she herself can hold onto and share in—she shows us what it means to be in deep, earnest conversation with one’s ancestors, and to seek truths beyond the bare facts of their lives or the circumstances they were born into. Hers is a book that, she explains, “emanates from longing”: to better comprehend those she came from, to learn from them, and to know her place among them.

1. Things in Nature Merely Grow, Yiyun Li

“This is not a book about grieving or mourning,” Yiyun Li writes in Things in Nature Merely Grow, the remarkable book she wrote for James, her son who died from suicide in 2024. Li knew that she would write a book for James, as she had for his older brother Vincent, whom she lost to suicide in 2017. But she also knew that James, unlike Vincent, “would not like a book written from feelings.” In order to find words for her younger son, Li felt she had to try to “live thinkingly,” as he did: holding onto logic, reason, facts. Her book, while starkly, brutally honest, is not overly emotional; nor does it engage in “questions of whys and hows and wherefores or the wishful thinking of what-ifs”—because such questions would seem to argue against the irrefutable fact of James’s death, and would thus be “a violation of [his] essence.” Instead, it is a work of profound and purposeful consideration, written from the abyss in which Li finds herself: “If an abyss is where I shall be for the rest of my life, the abyss is my habitat. One should not waste energy fighting one’s habitat.” Not everyone will feel they have the capacity for the kind of “radical acceptance” Li writes about, but no reader could be unmoved by her tenacious search for understanding; her commitment to the truth of her sons’ lives; her need to find “the most straightforward language” for a loss that seems unfathomable, despite knowing that words so often fall short.

Top Ten from Nicole Chung, author of the memoirs A Living Remedy and All You Can Ever Know

*****

And there are always side trips, footnotes, more clamoring and chaos in the life of  a Man Lost of Tribe. You’ve read about me being cancelled, for a talk I was asked to give based on my perceptions why we have the death of journalism, death of critical thinking, death of basic history and context.

 

We DO have the luxury to write, no, in the cradle of Western UnCivilization?

And, Viet is someone I have pushed for the memoir writing class:

Luxuries, Palestine:

Suchitra, Bhakti, and Madhuri invite writer, editor, and translator Yousef Aljamal for a moving and intimate conversation that honours the life, work, and enduring legacy of the late Refaat Alareer — Palestinian writer, poet, professor, and beloved mentor assassinated by Israel in December 2023. Yousef was Refaat’s student, collaborator, and close friend. Yousef assembled and edited the book If I Must Die: Poetry and Prose by Refaat Alareer which was published early this year.

He speaks with clarity, wit, and tenderness about the man whose imagination helped birth an army of writers out of besieged Gaza, including the powerful collection Gaza Writes Back Together, the hosts and Yousef reflect on Refaat’s literary and political ethos — his belief that storytelling is resistance, that fiction outlives fact, and that freedom begins in the imagination.

They unpack how Refaat fused humour with rage, literature with politics, the classroom with the battlefield. The conversation also considers the role of US universities, the complicity of elite institutions, and the radical hope fuelling a generation of students who refuse silence in the face of genocide.

The title of the episode cites Susan Abulhawa’s introduction to the book If I Must Die where she writes that Refaat’s death reminded her of Berta Cáceres of Honduras, “another indigenous leader who, like Refaat, was murdered because the light of her being shone too brightly…When she died, the rallying cry of the thousands who loved and followed her was, “Berta no murió, se multiplicó!” Likewise she says, “Refaat did not die, he multiplied!”

Israel’s barbarity to murder people in Gaza and to sever the connections between people and people, and between people and land, and between people and memories, will never succeed. I lost my brother physically, but the connection with him will remain forever and ever. — R.A.

gaza writes backx730

Susan Abulhawa Remembers Refaat Alareer: Poet, Teacher, Husband, Father: On December 7, 2013, a Ph.D. student in Malaysia reached out to me by email because he was writing a research paper on a section of Mornings in Jenin. He told me that he had taught my novel at the Islamic University of Gaza, and he hoped to get my thoughts on his thesis. His name was Refaat Alareer. We corresponded on the topic and kept in touch. We became friends and comrades, and I came to love, respect, and value him.

Exactly ten years later, on the morning of December 7, 2023, I awoke to news that Israel had killed Refaat. They targeted the home where he had taken refuge the previous day, and it took a day for news to trickle out of Gaza’s blackout. I sat in front of my screen, red-eyed and in shock, searching for remnants of Refaat in my own life—signed books, notes, photos, messages, and emails.

I quickly discovered that the email in 2013 was not my first encounter with Refaat. I found an earlier message, from 2011, in which I told a friend that I had cried over a beautiful tribute to Vittorio Arrigoni, the Italian solidarity activist who was killed in Gaza. The tribute was written by a Refaat Alareer. I had not made the connection until I went searching for him after Israel killed him.

Much of the correspondence between Refaat and me was conducted over Twitter (now rebranded as X). But my account was permanently suspended in early 2023 after Zionists launched a campaign to have me canceled, and all of those messages were stolen from me. Although that account had contained an audit of my thoughts and activism for at least a decade, I never mourned its loss until I needed to re-read my exchanges with Refaat.

Shortly after Israel launched its genocidal assault on Gaza, Refaat urged me to create a new Twitter account. Always trying to make our case to the world, he said, “we need your insight there,” and he suggested a handle for the account. I immediately did as he counseled and sent the link to him. His response: “Got your first 4 follows [wink emoji].”

I believe some part of him knew what was to come. Still, he was planning for things “after the genocide stops.”

He was smart to have multiple accounts, prepared with backups in case of social media assaults. His mind was unbreakable and beautiful and fine. Online trolls and cancellation campaigns were no match for him. But he had no defenses against bombs. The most dangerous thing he had was “an expo marker,” as he told Ali Abunimah in his last interview with the Electronic Intifada. He said he would throw it at soldiers when they broke into his home. But he would not even get the satisfaction of that imagined small moment of self-defense. Israelis, cowards as they are, targeted him from the sky.

Three days before Israel murdered Refaat, he sent me a video of what remained of his home and the lifetime of memories it held. The video records three and a half minutes of him walking through unimaginable destruction in Tel al-Hawa, narrating the life that used to be, pointing to pieces of things once whole, clean, functional. A sofa, where he had perhaps lounged lazily countless times, maybe with a book, his children climbing on him; a broken window frame that brought breeze and sunshine and kept in the warmth of the family he loved and lived for; a piece of cloth, like the one in the poem he wrote for his daughter Shymaa,“If I Must Die.”

The heartbreak he must have felt is difficult to fathom. Refaat was no stranger to injustice and profound loss. Israel murdered his brother and at least thirty members of his wife’s family in 2014, one of many aerial pogroms committed against Palestine, Gaza in particular. But “this [time] is different,” he told me in a text on October 14. He wrote, “it’s going to be even worse. We are bracing for that. We have no way to defend ourselves.”

I believe some part of him knew what was to come. Still, he was planning for things “after the genocide stops.” In particular, we talked about the Gaza Zoo. It pained him that many of the animals died because they had gone without water or food for weeks. Two days later, on October 16, I messaged to check on him after Israel began bombing Shujaiya. Of the people murdered that day, he said, “it’s my relatives. But I don’t know who. Calls can’t reach.”

In the video, Refaat continues walking, narrating what we can all see but cannot truly comprehend. Hearing his voice in that recording now is strangely soothing, as if he’s not really gone; as if he might answer if I call him. He stops where books are scattered on the ground. “Some of these are mine,” he says, sifting through tattered, torn, and dusty covers.

Refaat believed there was great value in speaking and writing to the people of empire to lay bare our humanity before them.

The first thing he chooses to pick up, the thing he tries to salvage, is a book he finds from his destroyed library. It’s an unabridged copy of Gulliver’s Travels. He had read it a few times, I remember him telling me years ago. In vain he tries to knock off the dust and debris, but he carries it with him nonetheless. I think the loss of his library broke his heart in ways other losses had not. His books were the accumulation of his intellectual labor, years of reading, thinking, and journeying the world through the written word. Books were integral to his identity. His place in the world as a thinker, a teacher, a writer, was anchored to his library. To see it dismantled, discarded, and burned, I believe, turned off the lights in an unreachable part of him.

Over the years, Refaat and I had several discussions about his embrace of English literature instead of Arabic. Having been forced to leave my Arabic education at a young age, I would lament to him that it pained me to have never developed a sophisticated grasp of my poetically charged mother tongue. He agreed, mostly. But he found English more practical and pliable. More importantly, he wanted to master the language of the empire that oppressed him. Always thinking of Palestinian liberation, Refaat believed there was great value in speaking and writing to the people of empire to lay bare our humanity before them.

He believed people were essentially good; that if they could only see what was happening to us, they would stop supporting our colonizers; that if they could see the magnificent beauty of our souls, they might love us. He also wanted to ensure our lives would be recorded despite rampant efforts to erase our presence in the world.

Still, he was uncompromising in his convictions, and never withheld the sting of his tongue against injustice. His integrity and dignity, and the dignity and agency of Palestinians on the whole, were above all else.

As tributes now poured in for Refaat, all our grief mixing together, his poem for Shymaa recited over and over by so many people around the world, I was reminded of another indigenous leader who, like Refaat, was murdered because the light of her being shone too brightly.

Berta Cáceres of Honduras spent her life fighting for indigenous rights and for our deteriorating planet against extractive industries dismembering the earth, damming rivers, killing species, and stealing resources. When she died, the rallying cry of the thousands who loved and followed her was, “Berta no murió, se multiplicó!

Likewise, Refaat no murió, se multiplicó!

Refaat did not die, he multiplied! ….. susan abulhawa, August 13, 2024

Paul Haeder has been a teacher, social worker, newspaperman, environmental activist, and marginalized muckraker, union organizer. Paul's book, Reimagining Sanity: Voices Beyond the Echo Chamber (2016), looks at 10 years (now going on 17 years) of his writing at Dissident Voice. Read his musings at LA Progressive. Read (purchase) his short story collection, Wide Open Eyes: Surfacing from Vietnam now out, published by Cirque Journal. Here's his Amazon page with more published work AmazonRead other articles by Paul, or visit Paul's website.

Ignoring International Obligations: Blocking UN Human Rights Delegates in Australia


Bureaucracy, in a formulation by the great German sociologist Max Weber, fanatically defends secrecy, and is bound to confect any explanation in doing so. When it comes to swatting away scrutiny by United Nations human rights delegates, local officials can be relied upon to obfuscate, blur and lie about a Member State’s observance of conventions and fundamental norms. In October 2022, and again in December 2025, UN bodies have been trying to piece together various troubling pieces of the Australian criminal justice system. In a country lacking a bill of rights, administrators and officials have often shown themselves indifferent to their obligations in international law.

In 2022, the United Nations Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture (SPT) was blocked from accessing Queensland and New South Wales prisons. Till that point, the Subcommittee had made over 80 visits to more than 60 countries. Only on one other occasion was a visit terminated. A press release from the Office of the UN High Commissioner from Human Rights (OCHR) noted that the SPT had “experienced difficulties in carrying out a full visit at other locations, and was not given all the relevant information and documentation it had requested.”

The head of the four-member delegation, Aisha Shujune Muhammad, said at the time that Australia had clearly breached its obligations under the Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture (OPCAT). The termination of the visit scheduled for October 16 to 27 was “deeply regrettable” but showed a profound ignorance on the part of prison and government officials about the SPT’s mandate. “The SPT is neither an oversight body, nor does it carry out investigations or inspections,” explained Muhammad. Its purpose was to furnish State Parties with confidential recommendations on how best to establish “effective safeguards against the risk of torture and ill-treatment in places of deprivation of liberty.”

The SPT Report on the matter went on to note “persistent negative media coverage” of its members, “including pernicious remarks from government officials in certain regions, amounting to what the Subcommittee would qualify as a smear campaign.” These “no doubt contributed in some cases to the hostility faced by the Subcommittee, as evidenced by the repetition of disparaging quotes from government officials by the administrators of some of the places of deprivation of liberty that it visited.”

Such coarse ignorance towards the functions of another UN body, this time the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, was again in evidence when the Northern Territory blocked it from visiting watch houses, mental health facilities, and prisons for adults and children. The Working Group, during its visit from December 1 to 12, faced a souped up response from the NT Corrections Minister Gerard Maley that the visit could not be accommodated given concerns about “operational capacity, safety and workforce resourcing priorities”. This rationale did not seem to apply to a visit conducted that same week by a delegation from the United Arab Emirates, presumably less likely to ruffle feathers in visiting the Holtze Youth Detention Centre and Darwin Correctional Centre.

The gloomy November report by the territory’s Ombudsman, which was cognisant that “watch house cells were very crowded with no opportunity for prisoners to leave the cell”, suggested the authorities had much to hide. Adding to this the use of exposed toilets made such a “combination of conditions […] undignified and inhumane, particularly where prisoners were subjected to these conditions for extended periods of time.”

The same fate of bureaucratic apologetics befell the Working Group in attempting to visit youth detention centres in Western Australia. Both the Banksia Hill Youth Detention Centre and the youth wing of the high-security adult prison south of Perth called “Youth 18” were deemed off limits till the state’s Justice Department had deemed it “appropriate and safe to do so”. The WA Corrective Services Minister Paul Papalia confirmed that visits were being made by the delegates to certain detention facilities only “where safe and appropriate”.

The memory of the 2022 SPT visit must have lingered in its sting, given the Subcommittee’s findings that the Banksia Hill Detention Centre lacked running water, working showers, or televisions, with cells having mattresses on floors. Children were also left alone – effectively “de facto solitary confinement” – for up to 23 hours a day, with cell lighting externally controlled. One wonders how tardy the WA government has been in addressing the matter.

The Working Group statement was not as harsh as that of the SPT. But its bite was toothy. In its December 12 statement, the members noted that, while having enjoyed both unimpeded access to Commonwealth places of detention and freedom of inquiry inspecting detention facilities in the Australian Capital Territory and New South Wales, the same could not be said about Western Australia and the Northern Territory. Such a “complete lack of cooperation by authorities” had undermined “the Working Group’s ability to implement its mandate and deprives detainees of access to independent international protection.”

The delegates also identified the continued “gross over-representation of First Nations people in the prison population, the shocking detention of children as young as 10, and the punitive approach to migrants”. The “extremely young ages from which children may be detained in Australia” violated “fundamental human rights norms.” Punitive migration detention proved particularly persistent, with detainees facing “extremely lengthy periods”, sometimes exceeding 15 years. The detention of non-citizens and their transfer to Nauru pursuant to a Third Country Resettlement Arrangement further “dismayed” the Working Group.

Many Australian politicians, always happy to execrate foreign states for their human rights blemishes, make it their due not to comment on violations taking place closer to home. But the Australian Greens sensed something has gone off in the process, noting how little the Commonwealth has done regarding its human rights obligations in this field. Justice Spokesperson for the Greens, Senator David Shoebridge, underlines the stark point that the territory’s budget is funded to the tune of 80%, a figure that inevitably covers incarceration facilities. “If they’re funding it, they should demand to open it. If they won’t, they should cut off funding to these torture factories.”

Australia is regarded as a liberal democracy, with a smattering of human rights legislation its various governments observe with resignation, when convenient. Along with most states, its attitude to the UN and its various emissaries remains guarded. Every so often, a feral sort of sovereignty asserts itself, beating back those human right scrutineers who do much in trying to fracture the cruelties bureaucracy seeks to mask.

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.comRead other articles by Binoy.
DECOLONIZATION

Hawai‘i Has a Rare Opportunity to Reclaim Land From the US Military

The US military is abusing Hawaiian land. Will residents be able to exert Indigenous sovereignty and get it back?


By Christine Ahn & Davis Price
December 22, 2025

Aerial view of Pearl Harbor, a deep water U.S. naval base and headquarters of the U.S. Pacific fleet, taken circa 2012.

Since 1964, the U.S. military has leased roughly 47,000 acres of land from the State of Hawai‘i — for a token $1. The leases, which account for 18 percent of military lands in Hawai‘i, are set to expire in 2029, offering Hawai‘i a rare opportunity to reclaim land from the war machine. As the expiration date looms, Hawai‘i residents are at a crossroads: remain a staging ground for U.S. imperialism or pivot toward community well‑being, environmental sustainability, and economic self‑determination.

But that decision may arrive sooner than 2029: Allegedly faced with pressure from federal officials to fast-track lease renewals by the end of this year, Democratic Gov. Josh Green signed a statement of principles in September with Army Secretary Dan Driscoll expressing the intention to “explore the feasibility of land use that aligns national security and Army readiness needs with the State’s priorities for public benefit.” A month later, Green sent Driscoll a proposal for a $10 billion plan that included a “community benefits” package. He argued that this sum would be favorable should the Army pursue “condemnation,” the use of eminent domain to seize Hawai‘i’s land for “national security.”

Native Hawaiian groups swiftly condemned the move in a September 2 statement signed by 40 organizations. They opposed fast-tracking the leases and pointed out that Green and Driscoll sidestepped federal and state statutes that require a thorough review — a process the Army and Navy had already failed to complete earlier that year.

After mounting pressure from the Office of Hawaiian Affairs, state legislators, and numerous environmental and civic organizations, Green walked back the end-of-year deadline and extended the negotiation timeline into 2026. Still, the episode highlighted how easily the U.S. military can bypass democratic debate in the name of “national security,” and how vital it is for the public to have informed discussions about the military’s impact on Hawai‘i.

How Hawai‘i Became Occupied

The U.S. military controls roughly 254,000 acres across Hawai‘i, making it the most militarized state per capita in the country. On O‘ahu alone, the military occupies 86,000 acres, or 25 percent of the island. These lands were part of the “ceded” territories illegally seized from the Hawaiian Kingdom.


From Hawaii to Haiti, We Must Center Decolonization in Our Climate Action
Tourist “paradises” come at a steep price paid by native islanders and local ecosystems.
By Kwolanne Felix , Truthout August 27, 2023


Once a sovereign nation, Hawai‘i was the starting point for America’s century of imperialism and conquest in the Pacific. In the late-19th century, American missionaries and plantation owners, seeking to avoid U.S. tariffs on Hawaiian sugar, conspired with the U.S. Navy to orchestrate a coup to overthrow Queen Lili‘uokalani in 1893.

Although the coup was condemned by President Grover Cleveland as illegal, in 1898 President William McKinley signed the Newlands Resolution, illegally annexing Hawai‘i as a U.S. territory through a joint congressional resolution, bypassing the legally required two-thirds majority in the Senate to ratify a treaty between two nations.

After annexation, the provisional government reclassified Crown and government lands as “public” property and transferred them to the U.S. Interior Department. In 1908, the U.S. designated Pearl Harbor a naval base, making Hawai‘i a strategic location between the U.S. and Asia, and shifted U.S. “Manifest Destiny” from a continental to a global empire. When Hawai‘i was admitted as a state in 1959, about 1.8 million acres of former Crown and government lands — including those currently considered for lease renewal — were transferred to the state, with the condition that these lands be used for five specific public purposes, including the “betterment of the condition of native Hawaiians.”


U.S. Military Footprint


This year, the Hawai‘i State Legislature passed House Resolution 199 directing the Department of Land and Natural Resources to conduct a comprehensive economic analysis of military‑leased lands. The purpose was to assess lost economic opportunities in agriculture, housing, and education, as well as costs for cleanup of contaminants and unexploded ordnance. In the end, the legislature did not fund the study.

While we lack a comprehensive view, there are indications that the U.S. military’s impact on Hawai‘i’s economy and environment is significant, especially as it pertains to housing. According to a 2024 Pentagon report, 35 percent of the 42,333 servicemembers living on O‘ahu occupy off-base rental housing. This represents about 10 percent of the private rental properties on Oahu. Not only do military personnel displace local renters, but they also drive up rental prices because of Basic Housing Allowances, which help them outbid locals. While the amount varies by rank, the lowest enlisted pay grade living in Honolulu, an E-1 military personnel without dependents, receives $2,403 per month in addition to their salary. Meanwhile, high-ranking military personnel without dependents receive $4,287 monthly.

When you add this to their free or low-cost health care, food allowances, subsidized groceries at the commissaries, store discounts, and free education and training, it’s clear that military personnel enjoy a much more comfortable financial situation than many local residents. Even Rep. Ed Case, a Blue Dog conservative Democrat, acknowledged this dynamic: “One factor in driving unacceptably high home rental prices throughout our state and especially on O’ahu is military servicemember participation.”


Environmental Damage

While positioning itself as a protector of Hawaii’s security and well-being, the U.S. military strains and poses a major threat to the island’s natural resources. According to data from the Honolulu Board of Water Supply, the U.S. Marine Corp Base in Kāneʻohe is the single largest consumer of water in Hawai‘i, using 63.7 million gallons per month.

Aside from water usage, the U.S. military also jeopardizes Hawai‘i’s freshwater supply. In 2021, 20,000 gallons of jet fuel leaked from the Navy’s Red Hill Bulk Fuel Storage Facility into the Moanalua-Waimalu aquifer, affecting more than 93,000 people, mostly military personnel and their families.

The fuel storage facility was built in 1940, 100 feet above the aquifer, which serves as the main source of drinking water for over 400,000 Oahu residents. Groups such as Kaʻohewai, a coalition of Native Hawaiian organizations, the Sierra Club of Hawai‘i, and the grassroots group O’ahu Water Protectors mobilized to pressure the Navy to shut down and defuel Red Hill. The disaster response and efforts to shut down the facility have cost taxpayers over $2 billion, and the Board of Water Supply is suing the Navy for $1.2 billion in damages related to cleanup and protecting the island’s drinking water from further contamination. Because of the Red Hill crisis, the Board of Water Supply asked residents to reduce water use by 10 percent, and in 2025, they doubled that request to 20 percent.

“The Red Hill crisis exposed a central contradiction of the military’s presence in Hawai’i,” wrote Kyle Kajihiro, University of Hawai‘i at Manoa professor. “Contrary to the dominant national security discourse that the U.S. military protects Hawai‘i and the Pacific region, Red Hill epitomizes the military occupation of Hawai‘i that threatens people and the environment.”

Precedence for Resisting Lease Renewals

Even before a lease can be renewed, the state’s Bureau of Land and Natural Resources (BLNR) must approve the military’s environmental impact statement. In 2025, the BLNR rejected the U.S. Army’s Final Environmental Impact Statement and its lease renewal of 23,000 acres at Pōhakuloa Training Area on the Big Island.

Pōhakuloa is the U.S. military’s prized lease, covering about 132,000 acres, of which 20 percent is leased from the state. Under the lease, the military must remove or disable ammunition after training. However, in response to a lawsuit filed by two Native Hawaiian cultural practitioners, a judge ruled that the state did not enforce cleanup rules at Pōhakuloa. Inspectors discovered shells and discarded vehicles on the property, and found that the Army’s cleanup efforts and the state’s record-keeping were inadequate. The military’s failure to uphold its lease commitments led the Hawaiʻi County Council in August to unanimously approve a resolution calling on the military to halt all “desecration activities” and for the state to conduct comprehensive cleanup and restoration before considering any lease extensions or land swaps at Pōhakuloa.

According to Mahina Tuteur, a Native Hawaiian attorney with Pō`ai Ke Aloha `Aina, Hawai‘i ’s history with the U.S. military teaches two important lessons. First, once land is acquired — whether through lease, condemnation, transfer, or other means — it is rarely returned unless there is organized opposition. Second, the state of Hawaiʻi has often failed in its duty as a trustee for these lands.

Tuteur points to two long-term successful organizing initiatives where Kānaka `ōiwi, along with peace and environmental activists, mobilized communities and filed lawsuits to stop live-fire bombing by the U.S. military. For decades, the U.S. military used Kaho`olawe to practice live-fire bombing for the Korean and Vietnam wars, even simulating an atomic bomb blast. In 1976, as the movement for Hawaiian sovereignty grew, Kānaka `ōiwi occupied Kaho`olawe and demanded an end to the bombings and the return of the land. Fourteen years later, their efforts succeeded, and cleanup efforts began with $400 million allocated to remove unexploded ordnance, though it remains incomplete.

Another example is Mālama Mākua, a Native Hawaiian-led community group on O`ahu, which successfully stopped live-fire bombing and secured cultural access in Mākua Valley after fighting for decades to end the military’s use of their land. They are close to ending the military’s lease as a first step towards reclaiming all occupied land.

Tuteur argues that communities should demand that the State of Hawai‘i act as an active trustee, with clear obligations to beneficiaries — Native Hawaiians and the public — by requiring environmental and land assessments, ongoing cleanup efforts, and a process rooted in the state’s constitutional duty to protect these lands for future generations.


Redefining Security in Hawai‘i

Governor Green invoked “national security” to accelerate negotiations of lease renewals with the U.S. Army, writing that the usual public‑input process must be set aside because of the “urgency” expressed by Army Secretary Dan Driscoll.

When the State of Hawai‘i signed the original 1964 leases, it did so under the shadow of eminent‑domain threats. As Tuteur explains, “Condemnation has been weaponized as a colonial tool and negotiating tactic, often resulting in harm to Hawaiian families.” For Green and Driscoll to think that there can be “friendly condemnation” — the expeditious transfer of property via eminent domain — highlights just how far apart the sides are on this issue.

Why rush now, especially as U.S.-China relations enter a phase of “managed rivalry,” a term coined by David Meale, a former diplomat, that refers to the space for cooperation despite lingering tensions. A 2025 study by Harvard and MIT scholars published in International Security reached the same conclusion: “There is no evidence that China poses an existential threat to the countries on its borders or in its region that it does not already claim sovereignty over.” Analyzing thousands of articles, speeches, and policies, the authors concluded, “China does not seek regional hegemony or aim to compete with the United States for global supremacy. Instead, China views international relations as multilateral and cooperative.”

Instead of expanding militarization, the U.S. should partner with China on shared challenges — especially climate change, to which the U.S. military is a major contributor.


According to Neta Crawford, a professor at the University of St. Andrews, the Pentagon is the single largest institutional consumer of energy in the United States and the world’s biggest single source of fossil‑fuel‑related greenhouse‑gas emissions. Crawford and Lennard de Klerk found that for the 2024 Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) war drills, U.S. forces, which were given 20 million gallons of naval and jet fuel, produced about 300,000 tons of CO2-equivalent emissions, exceeding the annual emissions of the eight lowest-emitting countries in 2022.

Hawai‘i is especially vulnerable to the climate crisis. Chip Fletcher, dean of UH Mānoa’s School of Ocean and Earth Science and Technology, warns that rising carbon dioxide has already pushed Hawai‘i into a Pliocene‑like climate, where average temperatures exceed 84 degrees Fahrenheit and threaten photosynthesis, but if they climb to 104 degrees Fahrenheit, tropical crops could die permanently. Rising temperatures from climate change are causing intense droughts, triggering wildfires that destroyed Lahaina and warming oceans, leading to “coral bleaching” and acidification that is destroying marine ecosystems around the islands.

Rather than serve as a training ground for a prospective U.S.-China war, Hawai‘i can instead become the piko (center) of peace and resilience. Hawai‘i’s 2015 legislative commitment to 100-percent renewable energy illustrates the state’s capacity to lead on sustainability.

Professor Jonathan Kamakawiwoʻole Osorio, dean of the Hawaiʻinuiākea School of Hawaiian Knowledge, emphasizes that the U.S. occupation of Crown and Government lands deprives Hawaiʻi of wise land use. Kānaka ʻōiwi are reclaiming traditional, sustainable food practices like growing taro and building fishponds, advancing innovative solutions to our most urgent infrastructural and affordability issues. “These lands are from a public trust, and that means that the use of these lands, the deployment of these lands, has to fulfill a public interest,” Osorio said in an interview with Truthout. “There is no greater public interest than anticipating the changes that climate is going to force on our society.” Osorio advocates for expanding community governance over these trust lands so that natural resources are managed for the benefit of the people, not for military purposes.

Reclaiming Land for Hawai‘i’s Resilience

With public pressure mounting, Rep. Jill Tokuda (D- Hawai‘i), who sits on the House Armed Services Committee, helped remove language from the 2025-26 National Defense Authorization Act that would have temporarily authorized the military to condemn state land. “Under no circumstances should we entertain the idea of giving land away to the military,” Tokuda said in a press release. “If they attempt such an illegal action, they will lose in court and more importantly, they will lose the trust of the people of Hawai‘i.”

Now, the people of Hawai‘i must seize this crucial opening to advocate for using these state lands to meet more basic human needs that increase the islands’ resiliency and self-sufficiency, especially in the face of climate change.

Keoni Lee, co‑CEO of Hawai’i Investment Ready, argues that Hawai‘i’s pre‑colonial economy — rooted in the non‑monetary ahupuaʻa system where “success was measured by the health and productivity of people and ‘āina” — offers a template for a regenerative future. He warns that today’s extraction‑driven, GDP‑focused model generates inequality and environmental harm. Lee is part of a growing movement in Hawaiʻi that is elevating models like Kumano I Ke Ala, a community-based social enterprise that restores and cultivates traditional agricultural lands and trains youth in the values that supported a once fully sustainable traditional Hawaiian food system.

Native Hawaiian advocates are building momentum toward a shift in the governance of resources in Hawaiʻi, which has been dominated by extractive and abusive industries, such as the military, for too long. While large‑scale stewardship projects exist, they are often treated as side ventures, and lack long‑term capital investments, like roads or schools. Investing in regenerative economies, Lee argues, could create thousands of place‑based jobs in restoration, farming, and renewable energy. “We’d keep more money circulating locally instead of leaking out, building real security from the inside out,” Lee explains. “Hawai‘i’s resilience is national security.”

By engaging in informed public debate about the economic, environmental, and cultural costs of the military’s footprint — and exploring repurposing the military’s footprint for community-driven, sustainable uses — Hawai‘i can transform from a base preparing for war into a beacon of peace, resilience, and Indigenous innovation.


This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.



Christine Ahn is an associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies and the founder and former executive director of Women Cross DMZ, a movement of women mobilizing for peace in Korea.



Davis Price is co-founder of ʻĀina Aloha Economic Futures and the Senior Domestic Policy Strategist at the NDN Collective.

America’s closest allies increasingly view Trump-era US as 'negative force' in the world


U.S. President Donald Trump with Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney 
and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio on June 16, 2025

December 23, 2025
ALTERNET


The term "Pax Americana" (which means "American Peace" in Latin) is used to describe the period of relative stability that the West enjoyed in the decades following World War 2. According to concept, the United States' alliances with Canada and European countries kept the "Pax Americana" strong for many years. But liberal economist Paul Krugman, a scathing critic of President Donald Trump's foreign policy, believes that the Pax Americana "basically ended on January 20, 2025" — the day Trump returned to the White House following the end of Joe Biden's presidency.

U.S. allies that helped keep the Pax American strong included Canada, France, Germany and the UK (which is four countries in one: England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland). And according to a newly released survey conducted by Politico/Public First, those allies are really worried about the U.S. — especially Canada.

Politico's Erin Doherty, in an article published on December 23, reports, "Unreliable. Creating more problems than solving them. A negative force on the world stage. This is how large shares of America's closest allies view the U.S., according to new polling, as President Donald Trump pursues a sweeping foreign policy overhaul. Pluralities in Germany and France — and a majority of Canadians — say the U.S. is a negative force globally, according to new international Politico-Public First polling. Views are more mixed in the United Kingdom, but more than a third of respondents there share that dim assessment."

The percentage of people who now consider the U.S. a "negative force" in the world, according to Doherty, includes 56 percent of Canada, 40 percent of Germany and France, and 35 percent of the UK.


When Politico/Public First asked if the U.S. "creates problems" or "solves problems," those who said "creates problems" included 63 percent of Canada, 52 percent of Germany, 47 percent of France, and 46 percent of the UK.


Doherty notes, "In the U.K., Trump remains polarizing, but Prime Minister Keir Starmer has largely avoided public confrontation. His priorities now include finalizing a U.K.-U.S. trade deal and coordinating a European response to Trump's efforts to end the war in Ukraine — without angering the White House, the delicate balance many allied leaders are trying to strike. Canada, meanwhile, has seen the sharpest deterioration in relations, which have soured amid a punishing trade war and Trump’s intermittent rhetoric on annexation."

Read Erin Doherty's full article for Politico at this link.