Saving The Somali Sea: A Call For Ownership, Protection, And Prosperity – OpEd
The Horn of Africa as seen from the NASA Space Shuttle.
Photo Credit: NASA, Wikipedia Commons
October 12, 2025
By Dr. Suleiman Walhad
The Somali Sea, a vast expanse of the western Indian Ocean stretching along Somalia’s eastern coastline and folding over to the Gulf of Aden all the way to the southern tip of the Red Sea near the Bab El Mandab Straits, represents both a national treasure and an untapped engine for economic growth. With over 3,300 kilometers of coastline, the longest on mainland Africa, Somalia’s marine territory is rich in biodiversity and home to some of the world’s most productive fishing grounds, thanks to the Somali Current upwelling system. For centuries, Somali communities have depended on these waters for their livelihoods, food, trade, and cultural identity. They still do.
However, in recent decades, the Somali Sea has become a zone of quiet exploitation. As Somalia struggles with decades of civil war, weak governance, and limited maritime infrastructure, foreign actors have seized the opportunity to exploit its unprotected waters. Today, illegal, unregulated, and unreported (IUU) fishing remains one of the most pressing threats facing the Somali Sea, depriving the Somali people of critical resources and revenue.
Foreign industrial fishing vessels, mainly from countries like Iran, Yemen, the Gulf countries and especially the UAE, China, South Korea, Egypt, India, and even some European nations continue to plunder Somali waters with little or no oversight. These ships, often operating under the radar, target high-value fish species such as tuna, snapper, lobster, and cuttlefish. They use destructive fishing techniques and take advantage of the lack of enforcement, fishing far beyond their quotas, or without any licenses at all. While Somali fishers, often using small wooden boats, struggle to make ends meet, massive trawlers pull in hundreds of tons of fish that are shipped overseas for profit. Unfortunately, at times Somali agents work with these foreign parties at the expense of their own people for uno poco di dolari.
This exploitation isn’t only illegal. It is unjust. These foreign fleets extract marine wealth from Somalia’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ), which by international law belongs to the Somali people. The losses are staggering. According to some estimates, Somalia loses hundreds of millions of dollars each year due to IUU fishing. These are funds that could be reinvested in coastal development, infrastructure, education, and healthcare.
But the danger goes beyond theft. IUU fishing also devastates the marine ecosystem. Overfishing and the use of harmful gear destroy coral reefs, seagrass beds, and fish breeding grounds. Key species are becoming scarce, pushing local fishers to travel further and take greater risks. The environmental degradation caused by unregulated fishing also threatens long-term food security for coastal communities.
Alongside IUU fishing, the Somali Sea is also under threat from pollution and the lingering effects of suspected toxic dumping. During the lawless years of the early civil war, several international reports, including investigations by the United Nations, suggested that foreign companies used Somali waters to dispose of hazardous and industrial waste. Containers filled with chemicals and radioactive material were believed to have been dumped offshore, sometimes washing up along the coast. While not always proven with hard evidence, these claims sparked fears of contamination and increased rates of unexplained health problems in nearby communities.
Adding to these challenges is climate change, which is causing sea temperatures to rise, coral reefs to bleach, and weather patterns to become more extreme. Coastal erosion, saltwater intrusion, and rising sea levels pose further threats to Somalia’s vulnerable shoreline and the communities that live along it. The compounded effects of environmental degradation, illegal activity, and climate instability threaten to strip Somalia of its marine resources before the country has a chance to fully benefit from them.
Yet despite these dangers, the Somali Sea holds vast potential for economic development and national renewal, if properly protected and managed. The Somali Sea could support a thriving blue economy: one built around sustainable fishing, responsible tourism, aquaculture, and maritime trade. Somalia’s strategic location near the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean shipping lanes gives it access to global trade routes and positions it as a future maritime hub.
To fully realize this potential, the Somali people and their government must reassert both symbolic and practical ownership of their maritime domain. The strategic significance of the Somali Sea has not gone unnoticed in the region, as evidenced by past attempts by landlocked Ethiopia to secure maritime access or exert influence over Somali coastal assets. While these efforts were ultimately unsuccessful, they underscore the geopolitical value of Somalia’s coastline and the urgent need for a coherent national strategy to safeguard it against external ambitions and ensure it serves national interests.
First, Somalia must build robust maritime governance. This means strengthening institutions like the Ministry of Fisheries and the Somali Coast Guard, which have been underfunded and under-equipped for years. Proper laws must be enforced to control who can fish in Somali waters and under what conditions. Licensing processes need to be transparent, data-driven, and enforced, ensuring only responsible and sustainable actors are allowed to operate.
Second, there must be a crackdown on illegal fishing. Somalia should partner with international organizations, satellite monitoring services, and neighboring countries to track and report IUU vessels. The agreement with Türkiye to protect the Somali seas for a decade represent one step in the right direction but must be accompanied by robust Somali efforts to safeguard its own assets. Platforms like Global Fishing Watch and regional maritime security networks can be instrumental in building surveillance capacity. Vessels caught stealing from Somali waters should be penalized, publicly named, and, where possible, detained and prosecuted.
Third, Somali coastal communities must be empowered. These communities are the rightful stewards of the sea, yet they are often the poorest and most neglected. Investing in local fishing infrastructure, such as cold storage, fish processing facilities, and safe harbors, can dramatically increase incomes and create jobs. Training programs can introduce sustainable fishing practices and help communities transition to higher-value and more environmentally friendly methods. Community-led marine protected areas (MPAs) can also play a key role in restoring fish stocks and biodiversity.
Fourth, Somalia needs a long-term blue economy strategy, one that balances economic growth with environmental sustainability. This strategy should explore opportunities in eco-tourism, aquaculture, maritime trade, and ocean energy. Foreign investment must be welcomed cautiously and regulated to ensure it benefits local populations and respects Somalia’s sovereignty. A large presence of activities (tourism resorts, water sports, fishing fleets, boat building, and others) along the coastline can put pressures on thieving parties from elsewhere.
Fifth, the Somali public must be informed and mobilized. A national awareness campaign can help people understand the importance of protecting marine resources. Somali media, schools, religious leaders, and civil society organizations all have a role to play in educating the public about the dangers of illegal fishing, pollution, and overuse.
Lastly, international cooperation must be leveraged not to replace Somali leadership of its seas, but to support it. Global partners, such as the United Nations, African Union, FAO, and others, should offer technical assistance, training, and funding, while respecting Somalia’s autonomy. Somalia must engage more actively with regional fisheries management bodies like the Indian Ocean Tuna Commission (IOTC) to claim its rightful seat at the table in managing shared ocean resources.
In conclusion, the Somali Sea is not just water and fish. It is wealth, history, identity, and opportunity. But today, that opportunity is slipping away, taken by foreign vessels and neglected by weak systems. It is time for Somalia to stand up and say: our seas are not for sale, not for dumping, and not for plundering. They are for the Somali people, today, tomorrow, and for generations to come.
Reclaiming the Somali Sea will not be easy, but it is essential. It is a matter of economic survival, environmental justice, and national pride. The ocean is rising, and Somalia must rise with it.
October 12, 2025
By Dr. Suleiman Walhad
The Somali Sea, a vast expanse of the western Indian Ocean stretching along Somalia’s eastern coastline and folding over to the Gulf of Aden all the way to the southern tip of the Red Sea near the Bab El Mandab Straits, represents both a national treasure and an untapped engine for economic growth. With over 3,300 kilometers of coastline, the longest on mainland Africa, Somalia’s marine territory is rich in biodiversity and home to some of the world’s most productive fishing grounds, thanks to the Somali Current upwelling system. For centuries, Somali communities have depended on these waters for their livelihoods, food, trade, and cultural identity. They still do.
However, in recent decades, the Somali Sea has become a zone of quiet exploitation. As Somalia struggles with decades of civil war, weak governance, and limited maritime infrastructure, foreign actors have seized the opportunity to exploit its unprotected waters. Today, illegal, unregulated, and unreported (IUU) fishing remains one of the most pressing threats facing the Somali Sea, depriving the Somali people of critical resources and revenue.
Foreign industrial fishing vessels, mainly from countries like Iran, Yemen, the Gulf countries and especially the UAE, China, South Korea, Egypt, India, and even some European nations continue to plunder Somali waters with little or no oversight. These ships, often operating under the radar, target high-value fish species such as tuna, snapper, lobster, and cuttlefish. They use destructive fishing techniques and take advantage of the lack of enforcement, fishing far beyond their quotas, or without any licenses at all. While Somali fishers, often using small wooden boats, struggle to make ends meet, massive trawlers pull in hundreds of tons of fish that are shipped overseas for profit. Unfortunately, at times Somali agents work with these foreign parties at the expense of their own people for uno poco di dolari.
This exploitation isn’t only illegal. It is unjust. These foreign fleets extract marine wealth from Somalia’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ), which by international law belongs to the Somali people. The losses are staggering. According to some estimates, Somalia loses hundreds of millions of dollars each year due to IUU fishing. These are funds that could be reinvested in coastal development, infrastructure, education, and healthcare.
But the danger goes beyond theft. IUU fishing also devastates the marine ecosystem. Overfishing and the use of harmful gear destroy coral reefs, seagrass beds, and fish breeding grounds. Key species are becoming scarce, pushing local fishers to travel further and take greater risks. The environmental degradation caused by unregulated fishing also threatens long-term food security for coastal communities.
Alongside IUU fishing, the Somali Sea is also under threat from pollution and the lingering effects of suspected toxic dumping. During the lawless years of the early civil war, several international reports, including investigations by the United Nations, suggested that foreign companies used Somali waters to dispose of hazardous and industrial waste. Containers filled with chemicals and radioactive material were believed to have been dumped offshore, sometimes washing up along the coast. While not always proven with hard evidence, these claims sparked fears of contamination and increased rates of unexplained health problems in nearby communities.
Adding to these challenges is climate change, which is causing sea temperatures to rise, coral reefs to bleach, and weather patterns to become more extreme. Coastal erosion, saltwater intrusion, and rising sea levels pose further threats to Somalia’s vulnerable shoreline and the communities that live along it. The compounded effects of environmental degradation, illegal activity, and climate instability threaten to strip Somalia of its marine resources before the country has a chance to fully benefit from them.
Yet despite these dangers, the Somali Sea holds vast potential for economic development and national renewal, if properly protected and managed. The Somali Sea could support a thriving blue economy: one built around sustainable fishing, responsible tourism, aquaculture, and maritime trade. Somalia’s strategic location near the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean shipping lanes gives it access to global trade routes and positions it as a future maritime hub.
To fully realize this potential, the Somali people and their government must reassert both symbolic and practical ownership of their maritime domain. The strategic significance of the Somali Sea has not gone unnoticed in the region, as evidenced by past attempts by landlocked Ethiopia to secure maritime access or exert influence over Somali coastal assets. While these efforts were ultimately unsuccessful, they underscore the geopolitical value of Somalia’s coastline and the urgent need for a coherent national strategy to safeguard it against external ambitions and ensure it serves national interests.
First, Somalia must build robust maritime governance. This means strengthening institutions like the Ministry of Fisheries and the Somali Coast Guard, which have been underfunded and under-equipped for years. Proper laws must be enforced to control who can fish in Somali waters and under what conditions. Licensing processes need to be transparent, data-driven, and enforced, ensuring only responsible and sustainable actors are allowed to operate.
Second, there must be a crackdown on illegal fishing. Somalia should partner with international organizations, satellite monitoring services, and neighboring countries to track and report IUU vessels. The agreement with Türkiye to protect the Somali seas for a decade represent one step in the right direction but must be accompanied by robust Somali efforts to safeguard its own assets. Platforms like Global Fishing Watch and regional maritime security networks can be instrumental in building surveillance capacity. Vessels caught stealing from Somali waters should be penalized, publicly named, and, where possible, detained and prosecuted.
Third, Somali coastal communities must be empowered. These communities are the rightful stewards of the sea, yet they are often the poorest and most neglected. Investing in local fishing infrastructure, such as cold storage, fish processing facilities, and safe harbors, can dramatically increase incomes and create jobs. Training programs can introduce sustainable fishing practices and help communities transition to higher-value and more environmentally friendly methods. Community-led marine protected areas (MPAs) can also play a key role in restoring fish stocks and biodiversity.
Fourth, Somalia needs a long-term blue economy strategy, one that balances economic growth with environmental sustainability. This strategy should explore opportunities in eco-tourism, aquaculture, maritime trade, and ocean energy. Foreign investment must be welcomed cautiously and regulated to ensure it benefits local populations and respects Somalia’s sovereignty. A large presence of activities (tourism resorts, water sports, fishing fleets, boat building, and others) along the coastline can put pressures on thieving parties from elsewhere.
Fifth, the Somali public must be informed and mobilized. A national awareness campaign can help people understand the importance of protecting marine resources. Somali media, schools, religious leaders, and civil society organizations all have a role to play in educating the public about the dangers of illegal fishing, pollution, and overuse.
Lastly, international cooperation must be leveraged not to replace Somali leadership of its seas, but to support it. Global partners, such as the United Nations, African Union, FAO, and others, should offer technical assistance, training, and funding, while respecting Somalia’s autonomy. Somalia must engage more actively with regional fisheries management bodies like the Indian Ocean Tuna Commission (IOTC) to claim its rightful seat at the table in managing shared ocean resources.
In conclusion, the Somali Sea is not just water and fish. It is wealth, history, identity, and opportunity. But today, that opportunity is slipping away, taken by foreign vessels and neglected by weak systems. It is time for Somalia to stand up and say: our seas are not for sale, not for dumping, and not for plundering. They are for the Somali people, today, tomorrow, and for generations to come.
Reclaiming the Somali Sea will not be easy, but it is essential. It is a matter of economic survival, environmental justice, and national pride. The ocean is rising, and Somalia must rise with it.
Dr. Suleiman Walhad
Dr. Suleiman Walhad writes on the Horn of Africa economies and politics. He can be reached at suleimanwalhad@yahoo.com
Ongoing Houthi Support Of Somali Terror Groups Threatens Regional Stability
United States forces seize Iranian-made missile parts and other weapons bound for Yemen’s Houthi rebels near the coast of Somalia. Photo Credit: U.S. CENTRAL COMMAND
October 11, 2025
By Africa Defense Forum
Growing ties between Yemen’s Houthi rebels and Somali terror groups threaten to fuel greater insecurity in Somalia and further disrupt shipping in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea.
Aries D. Russell of Aries Intelligence said there is “credible evidence” that Iranian and Houthi-linked networks are using Somali ports and smuggling routes to move arms into East Africa and there are indications they also offer consultation and training.
“What we’re seeing is more of an influence and logistical presence, rather than a direct Houthi ground deployment into Africa,” Russell told ADF.
Russell characterized the Houthis, as well as jihadist fighters from Iraq and Syria, as “black market” private military contractors, or PMCs. They are organized, operational entities that offer military-style services such as training, advising and tactical support, although they may be informally structured or loosely governed.
“While these groups are ideological and networked rather than profit-maximizing corporations in the Western sense, they do behave like contractors or subcontractors in a militant ecosystem,” he said. “They differ from conventional mercenaries in their ideological as well as transactional orientation; they do not always fight purely for pay.”
The Iran-backed Houthis supply terror groups with weaponized drones, surface-to-air missiles and other materiel that have been traced to Iranian stockpiles. The weapons are shipped to al-Shabaab, the al-Qaida-affiliated terror group that controls areas in central and southern Somalia, and the Islamic State in Somalia (ISSOM), which primarily operates in Puntland’s mountainous regions.
“Just as in Yemen, the Houthis are using weapons, and especially promises of access to UAVs [unmanned aerial vehicles] and military expertise, as a way of acquiring support from groups in Somalia,” analyst Michael Horton wrote for the Combatting Terrorism Center at West Point. “The Houthis, in cooperation with Iran, are also using the provision of weapons as a way of securing supply chains for their drone and missile programs.”
Analysts warn that expanded supply routes of both Iranian and Chinese ammunition and weaponry could increase the reach of terror groups who could attack targets in Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya. According to Horton, the Houthi-Somali arms trade is quite lucrative.
“For example, a crate of Chinese or Iranian-made AK-47s can be sold in Somalia for up to five times what they cost to acquire in Yemen,” he wrote. “Margins for other weapons and materiel such as sniper rifles, RPG-7s, man-portable mortars, and night vision devices are considerably better. Modifiable commercial and military-grade UAVs command even higher premiums.”
Somali and international security forces have tried to stem the flow of arms into the country, but the terror groups have demonstrated the capacity to use high-tech weapons. In January, ISSOM conducted two drone strikes against Puntland security forces, their first known use of the technology, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project.
The terrorist group al-Shabaab deployed more drones and reclaimed significant amounts of territory from the Somali government in early 2025. Its network of fighters, loyalists and smugglers across Somalia and northern Kenya offers the Houthis greater opportunities to ship arms out of the Indian Ocean or by land to the Gulf of Aden.
Al-Shabaab also has shared with the Houthis its coastal intelligence network and years of experience in piracy, strengthening the Yemeni group’s ability to threaten regional maritime traffic. An uptick in maritime attacks has bolstered both groups’ finances. According to the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, the Houthis earn an estimated $180 million a month from fees paid by shipping agents to secure safe passage through the region.
The rising insecurity has had direct economic effects on coastal continental countries and global trade. The Africa Center reported that the rerouting of commercial vessels around the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa has increased by 420% and added up to two weeks and 6,000 nautical miles to their journeys. Egypt has seen its nearly $10 billion annual revenues from Suez Canal traffic drop by more than 70%, for a monthly loss of $800 million.
On July 7, the Houthis attacked a Liberian-flagged cargo ship in the Red Sea with drones and rocket-propelled grenades. The assault killed at least four Sailors and left 15 others missing. The rebels released a video that showed explosions on the ship before it sank. The Houthis claimed responsibility for sinking another cargo ship in the Red Sea the day before. These were the first assaults on shipping in the Red Sea since late 2024, possibly indicating a new armed campaign.
Houthi attacks in the Red Sea last year coincided with a resurgence in Somali piracy. As Somalia’s Hiiran Online reported, it is not clear whether the piracy surge reflected opportunism or direct coordination with the Houthis. However, analysts say al-Shabaab last year reached a deal to provide protection to Somali pirates in exchange for 30% of all ransom proceeds and a cut of any loot.
Horton does not expect the relationship between the Houthis and groups in African conflict zones to end any time soon.
“Ongoing wars and insurgencies in Sudan, Ethiopia, and Somalia and the overall febrile nature of politics in the Horn of Africa will provide the Houthis with ample opportunities for expanding their reach,” he wrote.
Africa Defense Forum
The Africa Defense Forum (ADF) magazine is a security affairs journal that focuses on all issues affecting peace, stability, and good governance in Africa. ADF is published by the U.S. Africa Command.
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