Monday, December 27, 2021

If You Think “Don’t Look Up” Is Just an Allegory About Climate Change, You’re Missing Something

We’re woefully unprepared to deal with any existential risk at all.


TYLER AUSTIN HARPER 
Mother Jones


Michael Peterson/AP

This story was originally published by Slate and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. It also contains spoilers for the film Don’t Look Up.

Streaming just in time for Christmas, Adam McKay’s decidedly uncheery Netflix comedy, Don’t Look Up, finds Jennifer Lawrence and Leonardo DiCaprio playing a pair of intrepid astronomers as they try (and mostly fail) to warn the world about a planet-killing comet that’s hurtling toward Earth. From the beginning, the scientists’ efforts are marked by futility, encapsulated in an early scene in which Kate Dibiasky (Lawrence) and Randall Mindy (DiCaprio) are brought to the White House to debrief President Janie Orlean (Meryl Streep) on the impending extinction-level event.

Predictably, the meeting goes disastrously. The president’s son and chief of staff (played by Jonah Hill) lounges on the couch, nurses a bad case of coke sniffles, and proclaims to be “so bored” by all the world-ending comet talk. Orlean, exhibiting a similar degree of impatience, interrupts the astronomers’ presentation to ask, “What is this going to cost me? What’s the ask here?” before lamenting that the midterms are on the horizon. “The timing is just atrocious,” she opines.

Although the head of NASA’s Planetary Defense Coordination Office, Teddy Oglethorpe (Rob Morgan), advises her that NASA has plans in place to deter such a catastrophe, Orlean decides that the game plan will be to “sit tight and assess” until after the election. The experts in the room are astounded, shocked that political expediency, rather than planetary protection, will dictate the U.S. response to a crisis that is entirely preventable. Sound familiar?

It is scenes like this that lead many critics to see Don’t Look Up as a rather on-the-nose commentary not about rogue comets, but rather America’s failure to address climate change. Writing in the Intercept, Jon Schwarz even compares Don’t Look Up to the heralded nuclear war black comedy Dr. Strangelove, going so far as to suggest that the former might galvanize climate activism in the same way that the latter supercharged the anti-nuclear movement during the Cold War. He is not alone in this view: The overwhelming consensus among critics is that McKay’s new comedy is an allegory for climate change, a film that lampoons our refusal to take sufficient action to deter an all-too-real environmental crisis that is rapidly spiraling out of control.

This interpretation of the film makes sense, and there are good reasons to endorse it. Don’t Look Up is, after all, a movie about a social media–obsessed civilization ignoring scientists as they warn the world about a threat to life on Earth, only to be undermined by politicians and business-folk who prioritize present profits over future peril. It also doesn’t hurt that DiCaprio, who plays a leading role as a bumbling astronomer, is one of the world’s foremost celebrity climate activists. However, while the critical consensus that Don’t Look Up is a climate change allegory is certainly not wrong, this interpretation is also limited.

Yet there’s a flip side to allegorical interpretations: They can also function like blinders, illuminating one viewpoint while crowding out competing ideas.

Yet there’s a flip side to allegorical interpretations: They can also function like blinders, illuminating one viewpoint while crowding out competing ideas.Yet there’s a flip side to allegorical interpretations: They can also function like blinders, illuminating one viewpoint while crowding out competing ideas.

Calling a movie (or novel) an allegory is often a way of saying that it’s smarter than it appears at first blush. When critics or academics proclaim that George Orwell’s Animal Farm isn’t really a book about talking pigs but totalitarianism, for example, they’re making the case that the novel has a subterranean, secret, and above all more serious meaning. At its most basic, reading allegorically is about digging deeper, going beyond the “surface” of a work that we might otherwise be tempted to dismiss as a fluffy blockbuster or escapist beach reading—like a comedy or science fiction movie—and revealing it as doing intellectual heavy lifting. Yet there’s a flip side to allegorical interpretations: They can also function like blinders, illuminating one viewpoint while crowding out competing ideas.

In the case of Don’t Look Up, insisting that the film is just an allegory for global warming blinds us to the fact that in addition to satirizing our climate inaction, the film draws attention to the fact that the human species is threatened with extinction on multiple fronts: climate change, yes, but also renewed tension among nuclear powers, the possibility of malevolent artificial intelligence, supervolcanoes of the sort lurking beneath Yellowstone, pandemics for which COVID may be a mere dress rehearsal, and, of course, comets.

In academic parlance, we call threats like these “existential risks”: disasters that carry with them the possibility of human extinction or global social collapse from which we could not reconstitute civilization. Yet, unlike climate change, most existential risks are understudied, underpublicized, and underfunded: Toby Ord, an Oxford ethicist and one of the leading scholars on human extinction, often notes that the Biological Weapons Convention—the international body whose job it is to prevent human extinction through biological warfare—has an annual budget of less than $2 million. As Ord likes to point out, that operating budget is smaller than that of the average American McDonald’s franchise. Like Don’t Look Up, it’s a fact so scary it might make you laugh if it doesn’t make you cry.

One of the strengths of McKay’s film is not only that it draws attention to how unprepared we are—both institutionally and culturally—to confront existential risks. It also shines a spotlight on the danger of allowing politicians and businesses, rather than scientists, to run point when it comes to threats to the human species. In Don’t Look Up, this dynamic is brilliantly spoofed in the form of a Silicon Valley tech guru—and “third richest human ever”—named Peter Isherwell. Sporting the vacant stare of a man who just chased three hours of hot yoga with a couple of bong rips, Isherwell speaks in a squeaky mix of tech jargon and New Age chakra-chatter.

However, Isherwell’s innocuous bearing also obscures his inner cunning: He has discovered that the doomsday comet contains “$32 trillion worth of materials” necessary to produce smartphones and computers. Before you know it, he has convinced the president to abandon NASA’s mission to save Earth by blowing the comet off course with nuclear weapons. Instead, the federal government partners with Isherwell’s company, BASH, to devise a scheme to break the comet up into manageable pieces so that it can be stripped of its precious resources. As if on cue, the comet becomes a hero to the American right—“We’re for the jobs this comet will provide,” intones one character—as Isherwell waits patiently for the space rock to line his pockets.

This might all sound far-fetched—the stuff of comedy whimsy—were it not for the fact that Isherwell is clearly a sendup of real-world tech billionaires like Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos who are very much convinced that saving the human species from extinction might be extraordinarily lucrative. When Musk professes that his only goal in life is to terraform Mars so as to prevent human extinction—and that this is the only reason he is interested in accumulating wealth—we often dismiss such claims as the ravings of a megalomaniacal psychedelics enthusiast. Yet the SpaceX CEO puts his money where his mouth is: He sits on the board of Cambridge University’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk, an organization to which he has donated $10 million.

Musk is not the only Silicon Valley slickster obsessed with human extinction: Jaan Tallinn (formerly of Skype) co-founded the CSER alongside the world-renowned astronomer Martin Rees. Open Philanthropy, the brainchild of Facebook co-founder Dustin Moskovitz, has recently pledged to donate more than $10 million to the Future of Life Institute, another human extinction think tank situated in Cambridge, Massachusetts. As for Bezos, his interest in saving the human race stretches all the way back to his 1982 high school valedictorian speech, during which he professed that “space is the only way to go” if we are to give our species a chance for a long tenure.

To be clear, I am not against billionaires throwing money at existential risk research—I’m glad someone is! Indeed, this Silicon Valley enthusiasm for preventing human extinction would be all well and good were it not for the fact that it is often hard to disentangle Musk’s and Bezos’ go-to-space-to-save-the-race schemes from their desire to profit from them. Like McKay’s character Isherwell, a growing number of tech titans not only view the cosmos as the final frontier for their fortunes, but are particularly enthusiastic about the promise of the kind of asteroid mining that Don’t Look Up mines for laughs.

Google co-founder Larry Page has recently pumped money into an asteroid-mining startup named Planetary Resources, while the Winklevoss twins have taken to arguing that cryptocurrency is a better long-term investment than gold since the latter will become devalued once Musk gets his asteroid mining operation up and running. As for Musk himself, he has remained cagey regarding his plans for space mining, yet as always his actions speak louder than words: In 2020, his company SpaceX won the lucrative contract for NASA’s Psyche mission. The goal? To “study” a massive asteroid chock-full of profitable heavy metals.

Some, like Martin Elvis of the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics, have argued that profits and planetary defense need not be mutually exclusive. In Elvis’ view, asteroid mining will create a “virtuous cycle” in which the desire to strip-mine the cosmos will drive comet research, and comet research will keep us safer from extinction by identifying those big bad space rocks that might snuff us out. That argument sounds good, but it also sidesteps a critical question: What might happen if the interests of the human species don’t line up perfectly with those of big business?

It is precisely this scenario that Don’t Look Up imagines, a warning that gets lost if we view the film only as a climate change allegory. Here, McKay both highlights the existential risk inherent to a nation that devalues scientific expertise—leaving us vulnerable to threats like climate change, COVID, and comets—and demonstrates how difficult it can be to separate a genuine desire to do good from the desire to turn a profit.

In this way, the film’s depiction of Isherwell is extremely savvy, resisting lazy villainizing: The BASH CEO is not presented as some fast-talking cynic who knows the Earth is doomed and doesn’t care. Rather, he is portrayed as a starry-eyed true believer, prone to waxing rapturous about the poverty-eliminating potential of the comet’s heavy metals. When a character accuses him of being a “businessman,” he becomes gravely (and hilariously) offended, proclaiming, in seeming earnestness, that his interests are solely virtuous. For Isherwell, the comet-busting mission is not just about precious materials; he insists that nothing less than “the evolution of the human species” is at stake.

And he’s right, of course, just not in the way he thinks. The film ends not with a whimper but a bang: The BASH mission fails and the comet slams as predicted into our Big Blue Marble, splitting the planet apart. When the camera pans out to survey the debris, we see smartphones, cars, and desiccated trees strewn amid the Earth’s mantle, a monument to our feeble will and our misplaced faith that technology, rather than cultural transformation, will save us. As both the film and the human species cut to credits, we are left with a prescient warning: about the hubris of billionaires, the corruption of politicians, a myopic American culture that gives rise to both, and a nation that is woefully unprepared to lead the world in the face of any existential risk, whether the threat be climate change or a careening comet.

Critics of “Don’t Look Up” Are Missing the Entire Point




It’s not about Americans being dumb sheep, but about how billionaires manipulate us into trusting them, how the reckless pursuit of profit can have catastrophic consequences, and the need to come together to fight those who prevent us from solving our problems.


Nathan J. Robinson
CURRENT AFFAIRS
filed 26 December 2021
in CLIMATE CHANGE

One problem with film reviews is that they are often so concerned with evaluating the quality of a movie that they don’t get chance to seriously discuss the ideas it raises. Reviewers are preoccupied with questions like: How is the acting? The editing? Is the dialogue sharp? The pacing energetic? Are certain mawkish indulgences by the director partly counteracted by a thoughtful score? In the case of a satire trying to make a point, does it make the point well, or does it do it “ham-fistedly”? Is it subtle and graceful or does it “beat you over the head”?

I almost didn’t see Netflix’s satirical asteroid-bound-for-earth movie Don’t Look Up, because the reviews were mixed, and many said it was a heavy-handed political satire that made obvious points and was not clever. Since I find nothing more painful to sit through than bad political comedy, I thought I should give Don’t Look Up a miss. I decided to watch it when I saw that leftist investigative journalist David Sirota (a former Current Affairs podcast guest) had co-written the story. I know that Sirota is not stupid. (His 2006 book Hostile Takeover remains the single best one-volume debunking of pro-corporate talking points that I have found.) If he was involved with writing a Netflix comedy, I thought it would at least be not completely terrible.

In fact, I really enjoyed Don’t Look Up. More importantly, I came away thinking that its critics were not only missing the point of the film in important ways, but that the very way they discussed the film exemplified the problem that the film was trying to draw attention to. Some of the responses to the movie could have appeared in the movie itself.

Let me first spoil the film (I AM GOING TO SPOIL THE FILM) by summarizing it. Two astronomers (played by Jennifer Lawrence and Leonardo DiCaprio) discover a comet heading directly for Earth. It is larger than the asteroid that wiped out the dinosaurs, and is expected to end human life on the planet. It will arrive in six months. They attempt to warn the president of the United States (Meryl Streep), who initially dithers and tries to avoid doing anything about the problem until after the midterm elections. The (Trump-like) president will only do what is perceived to be in her immediate political interest. The astronomers try to go on television to warn the country, but Lawrence’s media appearance is a disaster, since she is too emotional about the problem and a bad fit for cable news. She is sidelined in the national conversation, and the film implies this is partly for reasons of sexism and partly because her “extreme” statements are seen as less credible. (The government also coerces her into silence through criminal charges, on the grounds that she has disclosed sensitive national security information.) DiCaprio, on the other hand, is deemed the Sexy Scientist (spawning a new term, AILF, the meaning of which you will readily deduce). He gets a nationwide fanbase, appears in magazines and on television, and even becomes the president’s science adviser. But he makes moral compromise after moral compromise, moderating his criticisms, declining to stick up for Lawrence, and even creating propaganda for the administration. He rationalizes this on the grounds that it would be better to have him in the room with the president than one of the president’s science-denying cronies.

Now, the film takes an unexpected turn, or at least unexpected to me. I thought DiCaprio and Lawrence would have to spend longer trying to convince the president to take the problem seriously. In fact, when the politics of the situation change, the president embraces the mission of destroying the comet, puts together a national strategy approved by top scientists, secures the funding, and it appears for a moment that the problem will be tackled with gusto and in a spirit of unity. But at a crucial moment, it is discovered that the comet is made of rare metals that are critical to the manufacture of smartphones. Unwilling to sacrifice the potential trillions of dollars of GDP gains that could come from mining the comet, the president instead turns over the task of stopping the comet to a Silicon Valley billionaire (played by Mark Rylance) who owns a smartphone company. The billionaire’s company develops a risky plan that would involve breaking the comet into manageable pieces that can impact the earth semi-non-catastrophically and then be put to industrial use. The plan is endorsed by many top scientists who have joined this “public-private” partnership. But (and here’s the Big Spoiler) it does not succeed. As the comet strikes the earth, the group who tried their best to stop it eat a final meal together, and share their love for one another. But the billionaire and the president do not have to live with the consequences of their actions. They jet off to space, and in an epilogue, having achieved (seeming) immortality they colonize an Earth-like planet 20,000 years after the rest of us have gone extinct.

Importantly, as the comet is speeding toward Earth, and our astronomer heroes are trying to warn the public, the same dynamics take hold in America as we have seen in both the cases of climate change and the pandemic. Scientists try to assure the public that measures need to be taken to avoid some huge loss of life. The media covers trivia instead. Even those in power who promise action deliver mostly rhetoric. The president wants to “sit tight and assess.” Some simply deny that the problem exists at all. Even when the comet is visible in the sky, hurtling toward Earth, the followers of Streep/Trump take pride in the fact that they “don’t look up,” and stay focused on “the road ahead.” They mock those encouraging them to “look up” (presumably as hippieish and woke). Don’t Look Up appears to depicts a country that cannot come together to solve a crisis, where science becomes politicized, where celebrity culture is more important than matters of life and death. It seems to show us a very negative view of ourselves, as a people who simply cannot cannot get our act together even when it is most necessary.

Or does it? I say that Don’t Look Up only appears to depict us this way because I think the film is more subtle than it looks at first, and that negative reviewers have missed some of the most critical parts of the point it is trying to make.

Let me just quote from a few of the reviews, to illustrate what I mean. There have been some very positive ones. But Salon says it is “farcical, sluggish when it could be screwball” and wishes it had been “more fun.” Parade calls it “shrill.” ABC News (Australia) says the director “doesn’t know how to let people enjoy things.” Some other excerpts:
“[It is] frantic, strident, and obvious. McKay’s touch here is considerably blunter and less productive than it has been in a while… [T]he movie’s heartbreaking, unspeakable truth [is that] human narcissism and all that it has wrought, including the destruction of nature, will finally be our downfall. In the end, [director Adam] McKay isn’t doing much more in this movie than yelling at us, but then, we do deserve it.” — The New York Times

“We are a dumb, doomed species, too perpetually distracted and misinformed and gullible to endure. The world will end not with a bang, but with a meme and some lolz and way more concern with what pop star broke up with which D.J. than our own survival. And also, should this movie be any indication, a righteous two-hour lecture masquerading as a satire. … As for DiCaprio and Lawrence, they both take turns channeling the voice of the movie’s creator, yelling and bellowing and losing their cool repeatedly over the fact that No. One. Seems. To. Get. It! We keep blowing whatever little chances we have to fix this. It’s a sentiment familiar to a lot of us, so much so that, at a certain point, you want to throttle this movie back and match it decibel for decibel: No. Need. To. Keep. Screaming. This. In. Our. Faces!.. .. Don’t Look Up is a blunt instrument in lieu of a sharp razor, and while McKay may believe that we’re long past subtlety, it doesn’t mean that one man’s wake-up-sheeple howl into the abyss is funny, or insightful, or even watchable. It’s a disaster movie in more ways than one. Should you indeed look up, you may be surprised to find one A-list bomb of a movie, all inchoate rage and flailing limbs, falling right on top of you.” — Rolling Stone

“A slapdash, scattershot sendup that turns almost everyone into nincompoops, trivializes everything it touches, oozes with self-delight, and becomes part of the babble and yammer it portrays… This might have been great fun if it had been executed with some respect for our intelligence, and for the power of sharpshooting satire, rather than glib nihilism.” — The Wall Street Journal

“A disastrous movie, “Don’t Look Up” shows McKay as the most out of touch he’s ever been with what is clever, or how to get his audience to care… McKay begins to needle the viewer with the joke that no one cares about the end of the world as much the latest distracting scandal… it does not say anything new about how misinformation became a political cause, or about how scandals are the true opiate for the masses, whether it involves a pop star or the president. It certainly has little to offer about the role technology plays in this, with Mark Rylance playing a half-Elon Musk, quarter-Joe Biden tech guru who calls the shots even more than POTUS. “Don’t Look Up” thinks it’s pushing many savvy political buttons, when it’s only pointing out the obvious and the easy, over and over…” — RogerEbert.com

The complaint of these reviewers is that Don’t Look Up makes points that are obvious and easy, that its argument is that “we” are all too distracted by our cell phones and celebrity culture to care about the end of the world. It is a nihilistic film about nincompoops. And it does it all without enough subtlety.

I think there is a good argument to be made that there is nothing wrong with being “shrill” or “unsubtle” when trying to make an important political point, and some of these reviewers remind me of those who criticized Bernie Sanders for being too aggressively angry that people in this country don’t have healthcare. Is this really a normative judgment about a film’s quality or is it just a reflection of reviewers’ temperaments and politics, where anything too angry or obvious seems the enemy of art, which is necessarily cerebral or inaccessible?

But more importantly, they get the message of the film backwards. One reason that these reviewers think that message is an obvious one is that they miss all the parts that are not necessarily obvious. Indeed, the film does depict a media that is more concerned with celebrity relationships than with climate (or rather, comet) science. But it does not have a nihilistic view of Americans. Not in the least, and this is critically important to understand. In fact, the film depicts an idealistic, diverse group of Americans who try their best to protect the planet. Their lives are destroyed not because we are idiots but because those with power choose to delay, deny, and mislead, more interested in their own short-term gain than the future of humanity—in part because these people know that the catastrophe they have wrought will not have the same consequences for them personally.

I can tell that a leftist, rather than a liberal, was behind the storyline for this film, precisely because it does not say what some reviewers think it does. This is not the film Idiocracy, depicting us all as dumb consumerist sheeple. This is a film with great faith in humanity, and cynicism only about the institutions we have built and the particular people who hold power.

There is an important moment in the film in which the president’s chief of staff (he is also her numbskull son, a clear Kushner type) addresses a group of her followers, and says that “there’s three types of American people: there are you, the working class. Us, the cool rich. And then them,” with them being the enemy, the Woke Cultural Elite or the Globalists or whoever. The point is not that the working class are sheep who don’t care about the future, but that the rich manipulate people’s perceptions of one another to serve their own self-interest. 

The crucial turning point in the plot is when the president decides the comet is too valuable for future GDP to destroy, and thus Silicon Valley needs to be allowed to try something experimental. This is not a simplistic, everyone-knows-this-already-how-obvious-can-you-be point. The same kind of thinking guides some of the worst public policy prescriptions on climate. In mainstream newspapers, and from the mouths of mainstream economists, you can hear that we don’t need to do much because letting climate change rip will be better for the GDP than trying to stop it. The reviewers who think the film’s messages are Obvious seem to have missed that the “tech solution” to the comet is a clear commentary on geoengineering, the cheap-but-incredibly-risky approach to climate favored by those who don’t want anything to be done that would substantially hurt the bottom lines of fossil fuel companies. (The first, ultimately abandoned approach to dealing with the comet, based on massive government investment, is the comet equivalent of a Green New Deal.)1

Don’t Look Up actually shows us an America that was perfectly prepared to come together to stop the comet, and where people are angry when they find out that their lives are being put at risk in order to protect the future profits of cell phone manufacturers. But they are distracted by a media that won’t do its job, and misled by demagogues who say that they should trust the “cool rich” more than “them.” At the end, however, those who perish are able to take some solace from the fact that they did everything they could. They do not die screaming in terror, nor have they lost faith in each other.2 It is a similar moral to Albert Camus’ “Myth of Sisyphus”: the near-certainty of failure should not lead to resignation, but to even more determination. To end your life contentedly and without regrets, you need to know that you tried, regardless of the outcome. This is not a film that is telling Americans they will die because of how much they suck. Instead, it says that we could solve our problems. It does depict a successful plan for stopping the comet that nearly works. But that plan is derailed by those who would gladly gamble with other people’s lives if it meant they themselves might get richer. The question it asks us is: will we stop these people? It is an exhortation and a warning, not a work of misanthropy or nihilism.

The film’s depiction of its tech billionaire is impressive. He is clearly based on Elon Musk, but also has a weird touch of Joe Biden in him. He is, as the Intercept’s Jon Schwarz put it, “bizarre and frightening… a kind of omnipotent baby, soft and vulnerable and mushy and completely unaware that anyone else is real.” Importantly for the film’s message, though, the billionaire sounds half the time like he might be a genius and half the time like he’s probably an idiot. You can see very easily how people could be misled into thinking that he knows what he is doing, because he seems like he knows everything even though he also appears to know nothing. He’s deeply unsettling but also effective at inspiring confidence, and can silence critics with his seemingly endless knowledge. I have long been fascinated by the strange way that Elon Musk manages to convince people of his genius despite also frequently sounding like a complete fool, and the film shows well how people can come to place trust in a guru entrepreneur that we assume must be far smarter than ourselves, even if half the time he appears to be speaking nonsense. In the film, it is only when it is too late that people discover they should have trusted their gut all along, that the man assuring them he had it all under control in fact had nothing under control at all.

I am glad the film had its billionaire and president escape the apocalypse. My first thought about the comet as a stand-in for climate change was that it would miss a crucial aspect of the climate crisis, which is that it is not like a planet-destroying asteroid, because some people will suffer far more than others. A great many people will be pretty much fine, at least in the near term, while countless others will experience the horrific effects. But Don’t Look Up does show how the super-rich see their first priority as escaping the fate they have inflicted on the rest of us. They will devise “solutions” to existential problems that put all the risk on other people while protecting their own assets.3

This is not a point that is widely enough understood, and clearly McKay did not make it “heavy-handedly,” since reviewers have not really noticed it. In fact, there are a number of interesting and important observations in the film that are easy to overlook but useful to understand for dealing with the crises of our own time. Consider the way DiCaprio is co-opted. He is well-intentioned and wants to solve the problem, but for much of the film he is not courageous enough to confront the powerful directly, and he rationalizes weakening his stances on the grounds that it gets him “access.” The daytime TV host played by Cate Blanchett is also seen to have made queasy compromises: she is revealed to have three master’s degrees, yet she plays an idiot on TV (shades of former Fox News host Gretchen Carlson, a Stanford and Oxford alum who pretended on-air not to know what words like “czar” and “ignoramus” meant).

Other bits of satire or insightful observations go by quickly and can be missed. The scientists fail in the media not just because they are bumped for celebrity news, but because they never figure out how to communicate with people without either boring them or starting a riot. Spurious “national security” justifications are used to bring legal claims against rogue government whistleblowers. There is the Hollywood actor who tries to “depoliticize” the comet debate by saying he believes in looking “both up and down,” and laments how partisan the debate has become. The coldness with which the president abandons her devoted son at the critical moment shows how those who lick the boots of the rich will find that, no matter how loyal they are, they will be heartlessly abandoned the moment they become an inconvenience.

I have not commented on the quality of Don’t Look Up as a film. But as I said, I think that’s somewhat beside the point. I’m not interested in even making that evaluation, because I see this as a parable making an important point and I’d like to discuss the point, not give a star rating to the parable. We can imagine, in the world of the film, those concerned about the comet making a film that satirized the lack of national action to stop the comet. And in the world of the film, reviewers simply respond by calling it “heavy-handed,” the director’s “worst film yet,” saying it “misses its targets,” that its humor is too “broad.” Instead of discussing the issues the film raises, they discuss whether the film is good or bad and whether it is successful in the way that it approaches the issues. I don’t really care about any of that. I am far less interested in whether Streep’s president is completely plausible than in having a conversation about the various barriers standing in the way of serious climate action, a serious pandemic response, and a rational approach to every public policy issue that has consequences for human lives. A central point made by Don’t Look Up is that when things are matters of life and death, we need to treat them as such. Giving such a film a thumbs-up or thumbs-down and assessing the quality of its humor shows that one has missed the point entirely. Let us not have a discussion about Don’t Look Up itself. Let us have a discussion about how we can avoid the very real tendencies that the film illuminates.

In fact, the terrifying thing about Don’t Look Up is that if there was an approaching deadly comet full of material that could juice corporate profits, I could imagine it would be difficult for the United States to gets its act together to destroy it, if by doing so it would hurt corporate profits and require significant sacrifice from the rich. I genuinely think you would have very mainstream economists saying that it would be “irrational” to destroy this much “economic value,” if Elon Musk promised he could destroy the comet and save the mineral wealth.

DiCaprio’s astronomer was warned that that he would die alone, but by shedding his vanity, being loyal to the people who care about him, and recommitting to solidarity with ordinary people, instead of continuing to hobnob with elites, he escapes this fate.

This is why, by the way, the 25 pages of the Paris Agreement do not once mention the need to eliminate fossil fuels.

Nathan J. Robinson
America's 'Suez moment': Another strategic mistake would be its last

David Hearst
27 December 2021 

In 2021, President Joe Biden truly reaped a bitter harvest from the strategic foreign policy errors of four of his predecessors. But Washington would do well to think before it makes its next move

"The chance of a global conflict involving real armies and real arms has never been higher. Biden should bear this in mind" (Illustration by MEE)

"America has just had its Suez Crisis," commented a member of the Iranian delegation at the nuclear talks in Vienna about the fall of Afghanistan to the Taliban, "but it has yet to see it".

It's not just the fall of Kabul.

In 2021, President Joe Biden truly reaped a bitter harvest from the strategic foreign policy errors of four of his predecessors. As he was the vice president for one of them, Barack Obama, he has trouble seeing this as well. The seeds of each of the major global conflict zones post -Afghanistan, Ukraine, Taiwan, and Iran were planted long ago.

It's not just the fall of Kabul. What unravelled this year was no less than three decades of bungled US global governance

What unravelled this year was no less than three decades of bungled US global governance.

Each US president in the post-Soviet period shared the belief that he had the file to himself. It was not something to be shared at the UN Security Council. He was the commander-in-chief of the largest, best-equipped and most mobile armed force in the world, one that could stage over the horizon attacks with devastating accuracy. The US president controls 750 military bases in 80 different countries. He also had the biggest pocket, the world’s reserve currency, so, ergo, he could now set the rules.

What could possibly go wrong?

With that belief came two assumptions that proved to be fatally flawed: that the US monopoly on the use of force would last forever - it ended with Russia’s intervention in Syria - and that the US could continue to enforce a "rules-based" world order - so long as it continued to make the rules. Biden has quietly buried both assumptions by admitting that great powers will be forced to "manage" their competition to avoid conflict that no one can win.

But hang on a moment. There is something not quite right here.
The cause and effect theory

Major conflicts, which have the potential to produce tank battles not seen since World War II, like Ukraine, do not just happen.

There is cause and effect. The cause was the unilateral but at the time uncontroversial decision to expand Nato eastwards in the 1990s, abandoning the model of a largely demilitarised and missile-free Eastern Europe that had been discussed with President Mikhail Gorbachev a decade earlier.
Why global conflict is no longer unthinkable
Joe GillRead More »

This was done to give new meaning to Nato, a military pact whose purpose died when its enemy did. Complete rubbish was talked about Nato "cementing" democracy in Eastern Europe by guaranteeing its independence from Moscow. But remember the mood at the time. It was triumphalist. Not only was capitalism the only economic system left, but its neo-liberal brand was the only brand worth promoting.

For a brief moment, Moscow became an Eastern gold rush, a Klondike for venture capitalists, Ikea, Carrefour, Irish pubs, and bible bashers. The Russians, meanwhile, were obsessed with designer labels, not politics.

The Americans in Moscow - at the time - did not bother much about what their hosts thought or did. Russia became irrelevant on the international stage. US advisers boasted about writing the decrees the Russian President Boris Yeltsin issued. And Yeltsin returned the favour by handing over the designs of the latest Russian tank and the wiring diagram of bugs placed by the KGB in the concrete foundation of an extension being built in the US embassy.
Then US President George Bush and his Soviet counterpart Mikhail Gorbachev after a two-day US-Soviet summit dedicated to disarmament, on 31 July 1991 (AFP)

For Russian nationalists, this was nothing less than an act of treason. But doors were open so wide to the West that literally everything that was not nailed down flew through them - nuclear scientists, missile engineers, the cream of the KGB, and suitcases full of cash. Where do you think the Russians who settled in Highgate in North London, or the Hamptons on Long Island, or Cyprus, or Israel got their money from?

For a time, even the word "West" dropped out of Russian political vocabulary because the new Russians thought they had just joined it.
Ukraine, the West's victim

The first US ambassador to the newly created Russian Federation, Robert Strauss, spent more time defending what happened in the Kremlin than the White House. Western embassies became spokesmen for a Russia they thought they now owned.


It is now in the US's strategic interest to staunch any more bloodletting in the battlefields it created this century

Strauss downplayed the first reports of the rise of the Russian mafia state, as a mere bagatelle. "This is what Chicago was like in the 20s," he told me. This was followed by inanities about the green shoots of democracy and the time it took to mow an English lawn. As if he knew.

Bill Clinton and Tony Blair were similarly blasé about what they did in Russia.

The Russian army was "a joke". When the Russians sent their armoured columns into Grozny in December 1994, the West thought it could be stopped by small bands of determined Chechens; their pilots had only three hours flying time each month: their frigates sailed in pairs - one to patrol, the second to tow back the first one when it broke down; their submarines sunk.

And so NATO pushed eastwards.

No one at the time bought the argument that all Nato would do was to push the line of confrontation eastwards. Russia’s pleas to negotiate a security architecture for Eastern Europe fell on deaf ears. They are not falling on deaf ears now, with 90,000 Russian troops massed on Ukraine’s borders.

The victim of this gross act of western stupidity was Ukraine, which for at least the first decade after the fall of the Soviets had survived intact and largely in peace. Civil wars raged all around it, but Ukraine itself maintained its political and social unity despite being comprised of very different communities. With the exception of Western Ukraine, which never forgot that it had been captured by the Bolsheviks from the crumbling Austro Hungarian empire, Russian and Ukrainian speakers lived in peace.

Now it is divided forever, scared by a civil war from which it will never recover. Ukraine will never regain its lost unity, and for that, Brussels is as much to thank as the bully boys from Moscow.
Ukrainian servicemen take part in the joint Rapid Trident military exercises with the US and other Nato countries not far from Lviv, on 24 September 2021 (AFP)
The new cold war

Then there is China. Pivoting eastwards surely did not mean ending one Cold War and starting a new one with China, but that too is inexorably happening. Biden cannot decide whether to calm President Xi down or confront him, but doing each in sequence will not work.

To get a measure of what mainland China feels when British warships sail through the straits of Taiwan, how would Britain react if Chinese warships appeared in the Irish Sea and sailed between Scotland and Northern Ireland?

The game of "managing" competition has human consequences as devastating as the superpower triumphalism of the 1990s, and those can be observed in Afghanistan today. The Afghanistan of the ousted Afghani President Ashraf Ghani truly was a Potemkin village, a facade of independent statehood.

An astonishing 300,000 troops and soldiers on its government’s books did not exist. “Ghost soldiers" were added to official lists so that generals would pocket their wages, Afghanistan’s former finance minister Khalid Payenda told the BBC. The black hole of the former corrupt regime’s finances was an open secret long before Biden set a date for withdrawal.

A report for the US special inspector general for Afghanistan (SIGAR) warned in 2016, "Neither the United States nor its Afghan allies know how many Afghan soldiers and police actually exist, how many are in fact available for duty, or, by extension, the true nature of their operational capabilities".

Now that the tap of US income has been turned off, Afghanistan is on the verge of a nationwide famine. But, incredibly, the US is blaming this situation on the Taliban. It withholds money on the grounds of human rights, the nighttime revenge killings on former state employees, or the suppression of education for women.

Much of the Afghan central bank’s $10bn in assets is parked overseas, including $1.3bn in gold reserves in New York. The US Treasury is using this money as a lever to pressure the Taliban on women’s rights and the rule of law. It has granted a licence to the US government and its partners to facilitate humanitarian aid and it gave Western Union permission to resume processing personal remittances from migrants overseas.

But the US does not hold itself to account for having nurtured a state that cannot function without the money that it is now withholding. The US has direct responsibility for the famine that is now taking place in Afghanistan. To withhold money from the Taliban because they took power militarily, rather than negotiated their re-entry with other Afghan warlords, also wears somewhat thin.
Same story

The Taliban walked into Kabul with barely a shot fired because everything crumbled before them. The speed of the collapse of Afghan forces blindsided everybody - even Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), who is accused by India and western governments of running the Haqqani network of the Taliban. The only country that really knew what was happening was Iran, because officers of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) were with the Taliban as they walked in, according to Iranian sources close to the IRGC.
A child cries on a sidewalk in Kabul, on 27 December 2021 (AFP)

Even Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) were blindsided by the speed of this collapse. An informed source told me in Islamabad: "We had expected the NDS (National Directorate of Security) to put up a fight in Mazar-i-Sharif, Herat, Kandahar and Kunduz. That would have produced a stalemate and the possibility for negotiation a more inclusive government."

But we are where we are. "There were some improvements in the last 20 years. There was a middle class in Kabul, women’s education. But if you want to lose everything, this is the way to do it. The Taliban will go hardline if the place runs out of money. If you want to protect the liberal elements, you have to make Afghanistan stable."

Pivoting eastwards surely did not mean ending one Cold War and starting a new one with China, but that too is inexorably happening

The Pakistani source listed ten jihadi groups, as opposed to the one jihadi group, al-Qaeda, that was around in 2001. And the ISI do not know what happened to the arms the Americans left behind.

"We simply don’t know in whose hands they have ended up," he said. When they pressed the Taliban on forming an inclusive government, the Taliban shot back at them: "Do you have an inclusive government? Do you have a government that includes the PML-N? What do you think it would be like in Pakistan if you had to reconcile groups of fighters who had killed each other’s sons and cousins?"

Starved of funds, there is only one way for the breakaway groups to go - into the hands of the jihadists. He ended his analysis with the following thought - Is it really in the US interest to stabilise Afghanistan? If they let the money through, it would mean supporting the very axis of China, Russia and Pakistan that they were now determined to push back. The faltering talks in Vienna, the crisis on Ukraine’s border, renewed tension and military posturing in Taiwan, are all part of the same story.
Strategic mistakes

Washington would do well to look at the map of the world and think before it makes its next move. A long period of reflection is needed. Thus far it has obtained the dubious distinction of getting every conflict it has engaged with in this century wrong.

The US has entered a new era where it can no longer change regimes by force of arms or sanctions

The chance of a global conflict involving real armies and real arms has never been higher and the tripwire to using weapons of mass destruction has never been strung tighter. Nor have all the world’s military powers been better armed, able and willing to start their own inventions.

Biden should bear this in mind.

It is now in the US's strategic interest to staunch any more bloodletting in the battlefields it created this century. That means the US should come to a deal with Iran by lifting the sanctions it imposed on Tehran since the 2015 JCPOA. If it wants to balance the growing Chinese and Russian influence in the Middle East, that is the surest way to do it.

Iran is not going to give up its missiles any more than Israel is going to ground its airforce. But a deal in Vienna could be a precursor to regional Gulf security negotiations. The Emiratis, Qataris, Omanis and Kuwaitis are all ready for it. If Washington wants to apply rules, let it do so first with its allies who have extraordinary impunity for their brutal actions.

If Washington is the champion of human rights it claims to be, start with Saudi Arabia or Egypt. If it is the enforcer of international law, let’s see Washington make Israel pay a price for its continued settlement policy, which makes a mockery of UN security council resolutions, and the US's own policy for a resolution to the Palestinian conflict.

The Abraham Accords were devised to establish Israel as America's declared and open regional surrogate. Had Donald Trump secured a second term, such a policy would have been a disaster for US strategic interests in the Middle East. Already Israel thinks it has a veto on US decision making in the region. With this policy fully in place, it would have been in charge of it, which would have meant permanent conflict created by a military power that always strikes first.

Israel acts with ruthless logic. It will use any opportunity to expand its borders until a Palestinian state becomes an impossibility. It probably has already succeeded in that aim. However, this is not US policy. But this expansion continues, almost week in, week out, because no one in Washington will lift a finger to stop it. Doing nothing about armed lynch mobs of settlers attacking unarmed Palestinian villagers in the West Bank is the same as agreeing to them.

If you want to be a champion of rules, apply those rules to yourself first.

This is the only way to regain lost global authority. The US has entered a new era where it can no longer change regimes by force of arms or sanctions. It has discovered the uselessness of force. It should drop the stick and start handing out bucket loads of carrots. It should get on with the urgent task of deconfliction.

After the damage done this century by conflicts ordered, created and backed by US presidents - Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Libya - that is not only a responsibility but a duty.

Another US strategic mistake would be its, and Western Europe's, last.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

David Hearst

David Hearst is co-founder and editor-in-chief of Middle East Eye. He is a commentator and speaker on the region and analyst on Saudi Arabia. He was The Guardian's foreign leader writer, and was correspondent in Russia, Europe, and Belfast. He joined the Guardian from The Scotsman, where he was education correspondent.

Snopestionary: 

Misinformation vs. Disinformation

Both words refer to false information, but one type is more insidious than the other.

Two words thrown around in the news these days are misinformation and disinformation. The two terms both refer to false information. However, what makes them different is that disinformation is when someone is knowingly spreading things that aren’t true.

Merriam-Webster defines misinformation as “incorrect or misleading information.”

The same dictionary defines disinformation as “false information deliberately and often covertly spread (as by the planting of rumors) in order to influence public opinion or obscure the truth.”

For example, when a Facebook friend shares a false meme without knowing it’s false, that’s a form of misinformation. However, when social media accounts knowingly disseminate falsehoods about COVID-19 to influence public discourse or policy, or a foreign country meddles in an election by pushing false or misleading news, that’s disinformation. 

Learn more: 

Eyes Are on St. Louis as Federal Appeals Court Set To Rule on Israel Boycott Case

A sign carried during a May Day Rally and March in San Francisco in 2011. (Flickr)

MIKE WAGENHEIM
12/26/2021

The case of Arkansas Times LP v. Waldrip over the state of Arkansas' anti-BDS law could hinge on two words

It all comes down to two words.

Proponents and critics of the anti-Israel boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement are keeping tabs on St. Louis, where the 8th US Circuit Court of Appeals is set at any time to release its decision in the case of Arkansas Times LP v. Waldrip.

Back in February, a three-judge panel of the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals overturned a lower court decision and held, by a 2-1 vote, that an Arkansas law requiring government contractors to pledge not to boycott Israel or be required to reduce their fees by 20% violates the First Amendment. The lawsuit was filed on behalf of the Arkansas Times newspaper, which was penalized by the state government after it refused to certify that it is not boycotting Israel or Israel-controlled territories.

Some BDS supporters presented the decision by the appeals court as a game-changer that would lead to a domino effect striking down all anti-BDS laws on free speech grounds. Some legal experts say the decision is narrower and pertains only to government contracts, as opposed to divestment and other anti-BDS policies some states have formulated. Either way, the panel’s decision was a notable win – even temporarily – for the BDS movement.

“It’s hard to characterize the panel’s ruling as anything but judicial activism and contortion. The spillover becomes highly problematic because it would make it unreliable for the legislature to anticipate which legal canon of interpretation would be followed. It doesn’t just create this problem for the legislature, but it would be the same for the lower courts,” Joseph Sabag, executive director of Israeli-American Coalition for Action, told The Media Line. Sabag is an attorney and policy specialist who has led the drafting of anti-BDS legislation in a number of states, including Arkansas.

Calling the law an unconstitutional tax on free speech, the American Civil Liberties Union of Arkansas filed suit, challenging the state law which took effect in August 2017. The ACLU claims the law violates the First Amendment and Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution by suppressing one side of a public debate and imposing a tax on constitutionally protected free speech.

The act in question is titled “An Act To Prohibit Public Entities From Contracting With and Investing in Companies That Boycott Israel; And for Other Purposes.” The district court which first heard the case denied the Arkansas Times’ motion for a preliminary injunction and dismissed the suit.


It is important to impress upon those following the case that the full panel of 11 judges have likely taken this case up not just for the implications of this case, but also to protect legal canons

Arkansas Times LP has contracted with state actors to run advertisements in its various publications for Pulaski Technical College (UAPTC). On the basis of the law, UAPTC demanded that Arkansas Times CEO Alan Leveritt sign a certification agreeing that Arkansas Times LP will not engage in a boycott of Israel as a condition of the contract. Leveritt refused to sign any such certification and, accordingly, UAPTC refused to enter into further advertisement contracts with Arkansas Times LP. Leveritt has said that he has no active interest in boycotting Israel, though he is highly critical of an evangelical Christian-heavy legislature that passed the applicable law, claiming they are tying religion and state together.

“We don’t take political positions in return for advertising. If we signed the pledge, I believe, we’d be signing away our right to freedom of conscience,” he stressed. It would also compromise the paper’s role as a journalistic entity, making it ‘unworthy of the protections granted us under the First Amendment,’” Leveritt wrote in a recent op-ed.

The lawsuit asks the court to declare the law unconstitutional and enjoin members of the University of Arkansas Board of Trustees, which oversees UAPTC, from enforcing it.

“If this was really about protecting against boycotts, why is there a clause that allows instead for a 20% cut on contracts? The government raised the argument that you have a First Amendment right to boycott, but not to a government contract, but the government can’t use its economic leverage as an employer to dictate private citizens’ speech on their own dime and time,” Brian Hauss, staff attorney for the ACLU Speech, Privacy and Technology Project, told The Media Line. Hauss is trying the case on behalf of Arkansas Times LP.

“There was a case, Boos v. Barry, that made it to the Supreme Court in the 1990s. A Washington, DC law made it illegal for those protesting in front of foreign embassies to display signs criticizing a foreign government because it supposedly harms US foreign interests. The Supreme Court struck down that part of the law. Why? We expect our own government officials to stand up to criticism, so we need to expect foreign governments – even American allies – to do so, as well,” said Hauss.

The three-judge panel’s decision centered around a two-word phrase in Arkansas’ anti-boycott law: “other actions.”

The district court initially dismissed the lawsuit action on the grounds that a boycott of Israel, as defined by the law, is neither speech nor inherently expressive conduct. The three-judge appeals panel found that the statutory term “other actions” in the definition of “boycott Israel” and “boycott of Israel” encompasses more than commercial conduct, similar to refusing to deal with or terminate business activities. Instead, the panel ruled, the act seeks to restrict government contractors’ ability to participate in speech and other protected, boycott-associated activities recognized as entitled to protection under Supreme Court precedent because the act prohibits the contractor from engaging in boycott activity outside the scope of the contractual relationship “on its own time and dime.”

Sabag says the decision of the 8th Circuit Court incorrectly applied the general principle of statutory construction known by the Latin phrase ejusdem generis, which means “of the same kind.” This rule governs how a general word or phrase, in this case, “other actions,” should be construed, if it follows specifically enumerated terms. As Judge Jonathan Kobes wrote in his dissent: “The specific phrases before the ‘other actions’ provision – ‘engaging in refusals to deal’ and ‘terminating business activities’ – relate solely to commercial activities. It follows that the more general phrase ‘other activities’ does as well.” Instead, Sabag claims, the majority erroneously concluded that the meaning of “other activities” should be widened to include the regulation of speech, which would be a violation of the First Amendment, as well as commercial activities.

The Court of Appeals for the 8th Judicial Circuit granted a rehearing en banc of the 8th Circuit Court’s decision. The rehearing gave the full appeals court a chance to hear the case again. En banc review is used for unusually complex or important cases or when the court feels there is a particularly significant issue at stake.

“It is important to impress upon those following the case that the full panel of 11 judges has likely taken this case up not just for the implications of this case, but also to protect legal canons. The three-judge panel’s ruling created a high margin of chaos. An en banc appeal for a rehearing actually being accepted is more unusual than the Supreme Court taking up a case,” said Sabag.


The ACLU racks up injunctions – not wins. Its cases have never arrived at the judgment stage until now.

The ACLU has previously blocked anti-boycott state laws in Kansas and Arizona. In 2018, a federal district court preliminarily enjoined an anti-boycott state law in Kansas, holding that the First Amendment protects citizens’ right to “band together” and “express collectively their dissatisfaction with the injustice and violence they perceive, as experienced both by Palestinians and Israeli citizens.” In 2020, a district court enjoined a similar anti-boycott law in Arizona.

But, both of those victories were only temporary. In the Kansas case, the state legislature amended the law to narrow its scope, and the ACLU later withdrew its suit. Arizona amended its law following the injunction there, and a federal appeals court subsequently quashed the injunction, since the plaintiff in that case was no longer affected by its terms.

“People are watching this (Arkansas Times) case very closely. We’ve won before in these types of cases and forced changes to state laws. Those changes meant the law no longer applied to our clients,” said Hauss, who told The Media Line that the case would likely be appealed to the Supreme Court if the full 8th Circuit panel ruled against his client. He cited the court’s 8-0 decision in 1992 in the case of the NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware Company, a landmark anti-boycott ruling that is often cited as evidence of the unconstitutionality of anti-BDS laws.

But Sabag counters that the ACLU’s wins so far on anti-boycott matters have been temporary.

“We’ve seen a variety of test cases in various districts, but they have never resulted in a trial. The ACLU racks up injunctions – not wins. Its cases have never arrived at the judgment stage until now,” said Sabag.

Which is exactly why everyone in the boycott movement – both for and against – has their eyes on St. Louis.


Liberal Zionism is collapsing into the Palestinian solidarity movement everywhere but Washington– Beinart
FADI QURAN, PETER BEINART, AND LARA FRIEDMAN ON FMEP WEBINAR ABOUT POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF ISRAEL PALESTINE AT YEAR’S END.

The Foundation for Middle East Peace had a webinar about the state of U.S. politics on Israel/Palestine as the year ends, and here are some of the takeaways.

Peter Beinart — the former liberal Zionist who came out a year ago for one democratic state — said that liberal Zionism is becoming discredited among progressives because of the failure of the two-state solution, so liberal Zionists are joining the broader movement for equal rights. Beinart said there used to be two parallel tracks on the American left, the BDS call from Palestinians of 2005 and the two-state agenda pushed by J Street and other liberal Zionists, but the second discourse is collapsing.

I think what’s happening is that the boundaries between these two movements are starting to collapse. Or another even more provocative way you can say it, is the Palestinian solidarity movement is in some ways becoming broader and taking in. It’s not necessarily an equal marriage. I would say because the movement on the ground has made the two state solution and the idea of liberal Zionism harder and harder and harder to maintain, then I think ultimately what’s happening and ultimately what we have to move towards and I think is happening is a broader Palestinian solidarity movement in which people who used to be liberal Zionist or support two states, and more people inside the Jewish community, and others, find their way into it.

Now it’s not an easy set of relationships always, and I think it involves lots and lots of different kinds of conversations and things that are difficult to figure out in a lot of ways… You don’t see it necessarily manifested in Washington, where a group like J Street is still much, much more influential than the Palestinian solidarity groups, but if you think of where the momentum is coming– I think especially because the Black Lives Matter movement forced a new kind of reckoning in the American public square with the lack of representation from Palestinians, which I don’t think is going to end. So Palestinians are going to become more prominent in these conversations…. We will see a broader Palestinian solidarity movement, in which Jews including Jews who once considered themselves liberal Zionists and maybe even some who still do consider themselves liberal Zionist will find a place. I think that will ultimately be a more powerful opposition to the status quo than what we’ve had before.

Fadi Quran, a leading Palestinian human rights worker formerly of Al-Haq, now with the activist network Avaaz, said he was hopeful about the ways the Palestinian narrative is gaining a global audience.

From a more Palestinian perspective what has dawned more and more, for my generation, is that our narrative, just what’s going on with us– the fact we’re surrounded with cameras that literally flash red, yellow or green based on facial recognition, that there’s a whole system of surveillance, that we’ve had a woman who fought and almost went on hunger strike just for the right not to have to give birth in a prison. The narratives of people in Sheikh Jarrah [occupied Jerusalem] surrounded by one of the most powerful armies in the world, staying strong and standing for their homes and two basically early 20-year-olds [Mohammed and Muna El-Kurd] just kind of carrying the movement on the back… There are people literally who have been buried– mothers were holding on to the graves of their kids who were killed so the graves wouldn’t be razed by the Israeli military.

All the stories– and then the epicness of having 200 kids in prison by Israel right now, and still kids going out in the face of tanks to throw stones. The power of this narrative if we speak to it just factually but also in depth really carries a whole new generation of people. That’s what we saw in May [during Gaza onslaught]… More than at any other time, despite all the strategic efforts… to silence the Palestinian voice, our voice and that narrative at least for a glimmer managed to break through. And then it was silent.

Lara Friedman of Foundation for Middle East Peace said some had hoped that the Biden administration would lead “a breakthrough” on Israel-Palestine, but it has proved to be a great disappointment.

Their performance thus far would suggests that there is really no energy there. The energy there is going to be spent on, Well we managed to delay temporarily one settlement, but by the way we’ve given in on the consulate, we’ve given in on the PLO mission, and we’ve given in on all the other settlements and by the way we’re not going to say a word publicly to defend the NGO sector [the six leading Palestinian groups smeared by Israel as terrorist] even though defending human rights organizations is supposed to be the core identity of this administration. It’s hard to believe that people are still holding out hope…. Pressure is going to matter.

Beinart said that the political reality of Israel Palestine can be characterized by the fact that not even Bernie Sanders can support one democratic state– yet. And by the way that the Israel lobby crushed Omari Hardy, an appealing young Florida state legislator who dared to support BDS and run in the Democratic primary for Congress in Fort Lauderdale.


A guy who has a moral compass woke up one day and said, you know what, Palestinian rights are consistent with everything I believe. And he gets predictably snowplowed. He had to explain 17,000 times why he supports BDS.

No one ever asked his many primary opponents to comment on why they didn’t support the human rights reports naming Israeli “apartheid,” Beinart said.


That political dynamic seems very far from changing. Politicians will look at [the pushback against Rashida Tlaib, Ilhan Omar and Jamaal Bowman] and think, Who needs that? Who needs that level of headache? We haven’t changed that political dynamic, sometimes I feel like we’re still very far away.

(Beinart also said that no one came to Hardy’s defense except for Twitter and Jewish Currents, the publication he works for. Our site and others supported Hardy. Our friend Roger Waters was a leading advocate for Hardy. Despite Beinart’s concern about cancel culture, he always cancels us.)

Lara Friedman echoed Beinart’s point by noting the prominence of Rep. Ritchie Torres, a progressive who represents the South Bronx and is relentlessly pro-Israel, and beloved by the party establishment and Israel lobby for that stance.============================

I always say to people, Look at Ritchie Torres. That’s so much the direction, certainly the energies of those who have power– that’s the direction they are organizing around:

Friedman warned that Democratic Party fear of supporting Palestinians can lead to terrible policies. She said that Arizona Republican Congressman Paul Gosar recently called for the removal of the Al-Aqsa mosque.

He’s dogwhistling to the end time folks. He’s referencing scripture about the abomination and desolation on the site where the temple must be rebuilt so you can have the second coming of Christ. That scares the crap out of me. I really worry that Democrats who by and large don’t want to spend too much political capital on Israel Palestine in defending Palestinian rights and free speech, I worry that they have their heads in the sand as to how bad this can get. And I think that’s going to be tested next year.

On the upside, Friedman said, the discourse is changing in ways that were unimaginable a year ago. Democrats are being forced to reckon with the “shifting and more honest narrative around the Palestinian experience.” And alluding to the global controversy over the Israeli spyware company, the NSO group, she observed, “Any conversation about weaponized surveillance takes you back to Israel and any conversation about Israeli surveillance takes you back to Palestinians.”

The bottom line is at this point if you’re talking about the erosion of democratic values, and liberal values, worldwide and you’re not talking about Israel, then it’s clear you’re making an exception and you’re a hypocrite. That I think is something that strengthens those of us who say if you care about this worldwide, you have to care about Palestinians.

Quran described his detention by Homeland Security in the U.S. at Israel’s behest two months ago.

If you’re Jewish American, on so many levels, your voice matters more than a Palestinian and at the same time we are going against actors that will go to all ends possible including the worst lies to devastate those of us who have the loudest voices…

I had the experience and I didn’t share this before, but I will share it with you. When I traveled to the U.S. in October to visit my father who is sick, for the first time in my life, I was stopped by Homeland Security in Dallas airport. They stopped me, they interrogated me…Where do you work? Have you been arrested? Etc. Etc. The core question, the last bit, because the lieutenant who was interrogating me really felt for me, and I showed him my phone with my personal messages to members of Congress– ‘Whoever told you I’m an evil person, these senators wouldn’t be messaging me if I actually was.’ He was like ‘We got a report against you from an allied government claiming that you support terrorism. We have been investigating you since May.’ I was surprised that he shared this information. ‘There’s nothing on you, I’m going to let you go.’ But it was, ‘The moment you booked your ticket we have to bring you in and interrogate you on this’…

These actors that want to silence the work that we are all doing are going to go to that level and more. And I think we need to be prepared for it next year. But we also need to remember the sacrifices we make… they literally will benefit all the other struggles we care about.

Beinart and Friedman also had an interesting if somewhat-coded discussion about rhetorical concessions the left will have to make to broaden the movement for Palestinian rights. Friedman said that the next generation of Palestinian leaders is brilliantly using the idea of “post colonial framing” for understanding the Palestinian issue. But that will very challenging for a lot of people who see themselves as allies… There is a reservoir of support that can be tapped into that wasn’t there before as people recognize that simply reciting the catechism of two states is not going to do it.

Friedman had this good observation: “Every movement has its assholes. That doesn’t mean a movement is discredited. Its only this movement that is held to that standard.”

Thanks to Yakov Hirsch — expert on “Hasbara Culture” — for pointing out this dialogue to me.

Normalization of Holocaust parallels in COVID era

Are those invoking Nazi-era images and terms in the context of COVID ignorant of history, or are they aware and believe what they are doing is acceptable?

By KENNETH BANDLER
Published: DECEMBER 26, 2021 21:06


US REP. Marjorie Taylor Greene speaks to reporters in Washington, earlier this year.
(photo credit: STEFANI REYNOLDS)

The misuse of Holocaust terminology and images has attained disturbing acceptance and respectability during the gravest global public health crisis in a century.

“We did Nazi this coming” stated signs nurses held in upstate New York protesting a mandate that healthcare workers be inoculated. Across the country syringes forming Nazi swastikas have appeared online and on signage.

Many opposed to wearing masks, getting vaccines and other measures to prevent the spread of the deadly virus have willfully accepted and are promoting a narrative that such steps are akin to what the Nazi regime did in Germany. Without any regard for historical truths, some elected officials, candidates for political office, and media personalities have been amplifying Holocaust equivalences.

“In this context, we are all Jews,” Washington state representative Jim Walsh wrote after wearing a yellow Star of David.

One local TV news station showed several women cutting yellow construction paper into Stars of David for people gathering to protest. Some demonstrators have donned yellow starts with the words “Jude” (“Jew”) or “Unvaccinated” imprinted on them in Alaska, Kansas, Missouri and Washington.
Dr. Anthony Fauci (credit: STEFANI REYNOLDS/POOL VIA REUTERS)

Some have evoked notorious Nazis, further diminishing the singularity of Nazi Germany’s genocide against the Jews and totally misusing historical analogies.

FOX News host Lara Logan said people were telling her that Dr. Anthony Fauci “represents Dr. Josef Mengele, the Nazi doctor who did experiments on Jews during the Second World War and in the concentration camps.”

“We have Josef Mengele and Joseph Goebbels being reincarnated in the state of Maine,” asserted state representative Heidi Sampson, who opposed the governor’s vaccine mandate for healthcare workers.

Governors in other states, notably Connecticut, Idaho, Michigan, Oregon and Washington, have been called Hitler by politicians and public protesters.

“What’s next, you’re going to load us into cattle cars?” asked Kansas state representative Brenda Landwehr.

All these Holocaust distortions grab attention but are wildly inappropriate. The English language is abundant with words and phrases to make coherent arguments without exploiting the Holocaust for unrelated advocacy.

Are those invoking Nazi-era images and terms ignorant of history, or are they aware and believe what they are doing is acceptable?

“The Holocaust analogy has been used when you want to excoriate somebody,” says Rabbi Andrew Baker, American Jewish Committee director of international Jewish affairs.

Preserving memory of the Holocaust and its victims is sacrosanct to historical integrity and to the Jewish people. The perspective that distorting or denying the Holocaust is antisemitic has been endorsed by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance, whose member states adopted in 2016 the working definition of antisemitism and, earlier, in 2013, the working definition of Holocaust denial and distortion.

Calling out the shameful abuse of the Holocaust for political advocacy should be as immediately instinctive as are responses to incidents of antisemitism or bigotry against black, Asian or Muslim Americans.

But few political leaders have recognized how inappropriate these comparisons are and condemned them as offensive. One exception is Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot, who slammed the head of the city’s police union for comparing the vaccine mandate for city employees to Nazi Germany.

Herschel Walker, a candidate for the US Senate from Georgia, canceled a fund-raiser in Texas after the event host’s Twitter profile featured an illustration of syringes in the shape of a swastika.

“I apologize for using a profound image in a way that was inappropriate and offensive to so many people. It was wrong. It won’t happen ever again,” said Rep. Walsh after donning a yellow Star of David at a political event.

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene apologized, after visiting the US Holocaust Memorial Museum following her criticism of Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi’s mandate for House members to wear masks. The Georgia congresswoman had claimed the directive was reminiscent of “a time in history where people were told to wear a gold star, and they were definitely treated like second-class citizens – so much so that they were put in trains and taken to gas chambers in Nazi Germany.”

Still, Greene soon reverted to Holocaust comparisons, speaking about “medical brownshirts” going door-to-door to get Americans vaccinated.

The terms “Nazi vaccines” and “needle Nazis” have been echoed by Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado.

Fauci, in the absence of any comment by FOX News, was prompted to sharply criticize both Logan and the network for her outrageous, slanderous comments about him.

In December 2018, US Holocaust Museum and Memorial historian Edna Friedberg warned that “American politicians from across the ideological spectrum, influential media figures, and ordinary people on social media casually use Holocaust terminology to bash anyone or any policy with which they disagree.”

There have been Holocaust abuse incidents in American political discourse in recent years, for example, when the term “concentration camps” was used to criticize the conditions of migrants gathered on America’s southern border.

But the regularity of the abuse of Holocaust terms and images since the coronavirus crisis began suggests a normalization that must be roundly and unequivocally condemned.

It is imperative that responsible political, media, business and civil society leaders agree that utilizing Holocaust terms is off limits, and speak out clearly when such misguided, willfully outrageous assertions are communicated.


The writer is the American Jewish Committee’s director of media relations.
BIG RAT GOES VIRAL PEERING OVER TURKEYS INSIDE ATLANTA AREA KROGER’S MARKET

by BLACK ENTERPRISE Editors
December 26, 202112935

https://www.dailydot.com/author/brookesjoberg/

An employee at an Atlanta area Kroger’s supermarket took on a big rat who made its debut and hopped all over frozen turkeys and other trimmings in a refrigerated case.

According to the Daily Dot, a TikToker named @dblack15, posted the now viral video with more than 5 million views of the infectious disease carrying rodent taking a peek at the frozen foods while perched on a freezer before diving in and jumping around, apparently trying to find good food to gnaw on.

While the view for the rat was a good one with plump turkeys for the picking, for the rest of us watching the video, it’s revolting.

The rat jumped from case to case, from turkeys to frozen meat all while an employee tried unsuccessfully to trap the rat in a trash can. Not sure that would even work, but he gets an “A” for his effort to salvage the situation. With a fitting song called ‘Who Want Smoke?’ featuring G Herbo, Lil Durk & 21 Savage, playing on the video, it’s safe to say that the damage is done since the video has gone viral. While it’s not clear where the actual store is, the TikToker posted the Atlanta Kroger was in DeKalb county, Georgia.

Commenters had a field day giving their take on the situation.

“Publix would never,” said one viewer.

“Nah, he just works there inspecting the turkey to make sure they haven’t expired. He should ge a raise,” quipped another.






Although viewers made light of the situation, it certainly isn’t a laughing matter.

In fact, just last month, we reported that Ricardo Land, a TikToker who posted a video of a herd of rats flooding the fast-food Popeyes Louisiana Kitchen chain at 409 8th St. SE, in D.C.’s Eastern Market, got fired from his delivery job for exposing the restaurant when some agile critters were seen creeping up a wall inside the kitchen.

 
Since the video took flight on social media, the health department shut the facility down citing   “health code violations.”

Krogers has yet to respond to the jaw-dropping video.