Wednesday, June 08, 2022

REST IN POWER
‘She is dancing among the greats’: the dangerously honest, richly ambiguous Paula Rego

Paula Rego, pictured in her London studio in 2009. Photograph: Shutterstock

Art’s great storyteller has died at the age of 87. Our critic celebrates a woman of courage and freakish imagination



Jonathan Jones
Wed 8 Jun 2022

The wickedness of Paula Rego’s imagination shines like patent leather in her 1987 painting The Policeman’s Daughter. A young woman is polishing, as the title tells us, her father’s jackboot. He is nowhere to be seen, but the spectre of a man we take to be an authoritarian bully haunts the fetish object that is his boot. His daughter has her arm sunk into it, right down to the sole, as if she is being swallowed, or willingly immersing herself in a dubious sensual communion with an image of brutality. It is a painting of compromise, corruption and the squalor of power.

Rego refused to waste her life like this woman, lost in the dusty perversions of an authoritarian regime, or in the more polite claustrophobia of the English middle-class family.

Born in Portugal in 1935, she was encouraged by her parents to escape António de Oliveira Salazar’s dictatorship by going to finishing school in Britain. She went on to study fine art at the Slade in the 1950s and started a relationship there with the Egyptian-born artist Victor Willing, whom she married. British figurative painting was in a golden age. Artists as diverse as Michael Andrews, Frank Auerbach and David Hockney were interpreting the fragile, mortal stuff of human bodies and faces in daring, radical, enduring ways. Rego was to add a completely different and original dimension to this “school of London”, as some called it, by mixing a pummelling, unforgiving yet erotic eye for the physical with storytelling that was bigger, more free and more cinematic than her British realist contemporaries. And she has a distinct perspective on the games of power she paints: she is the daughter, not the policeman.
The Policeman’s Daughter, 1987. 
Photograph: _/Courtesy the artist and Victoria Miro

By the time Rego painted mature masterpieces such as The Policeman’s Daughter, Salazar was dead. It is not a realist depiction of the Portugal of her childhood, although Rego had kept a foot in her homeland, living between the two countries for many years. The Policeman’s Daughter looks to me like a surrealist film that has been turned into a painting. It also has a lot in common with the magic realist fiction of the late 20th century, from Gabriel García Márquez’s Autumn of the Patriarch to Angela Carter’s The Bloody Chamber.

Rego is a magic realist to the letter, mixing fact and fantasy, a connoisseur of fairytales. The cat in The Policeman’s Daughter seems to know something we don’t. In other paintings and prints Rego gives forceful life to classic stories, often with very harsh twists: in her 1995 painting Snow White and her Stepmother, a gawky, inelegant adolescent has her knickers forcefully pulled down by her stiletto-wearing custodian to check if she is a virgin who can be married to a prince.

The Family, 1988. Photograph: © Paula Rego

We are in a Neverland of time and place, somewhere between the present day, the repressive Portugal into which Rego was born and pure imagination. A world, anyway, where stepmothers scrutinise the sexuality of stepdaughters. And that strangeness seemed to surround Rego wherever she was, even in the most intimate moments of her own life. The first time I stood, stunned, before her 1988 painting The Family, I thought I was seeing a long overdue feminist revenge. The man of the family flops helplessly in the hands of his wife and daughter, who may be either dressing him or undressing him. The girl manhandles the creases in his trousers while his wife looks away dreamily, doing her cruel work absentmindedly. Because she does it every day.

I had no idea then of Rego’s personal history. In the year this and other powerfully timeless paintings of sex and power were first shown at the Serpentine Gallery, her husband, Willing, died after being ill for years with multiple sclerosis. So there is a reason the man in The Family appears so helpless: far from assailing him in a righteous gender rebellion, the Rego figure and her daughters are dressing someone with MS.

But of course, that doesn’t settle it. The sense of rage is real. It is the honestly confessed frustration of a woman who finds herself the helper of a paralysed husband. A straightforward portrayal of patriarchy under attack would be so much easier to explain. But like her peers, Lucian Freud and Francis Bacon, Rego is obsessively and dangerously honest. Her feminism comes with a true artist’s courage to show what shouldn’t be shown. She shares, in The Family, the complex and for most people unutterable feelings you may have in this awful situation. We know what the wife is thinking as her eyes drift off. She is thinking, despite herself: when will this be over?

I don’t think such a brave and searching artist can be summed up, as she was by some fans in her last years, including the curators of her 2021 Tate retrospective, as a political warrior pure and simple. That would make her a much narrower artist than she is. And before she is anything else, she is a painter who mixed the British eye for sharp reality with a sense of fantasy and theatre that reflects her Catholic heritage. She has a raw appetite for the human body, muscled and powerful (I am speaking of the women), that has much in common with Freud. But unlike him, she loves a good story. She is a narrative artist or “history painter” in the tradition of Hogarth and Goya.

In her 1999 painting The Betrothal, she reworks Hogarth’s Marriage à la Mode in her own uneasily timeless setting, which seems to be simultaneously north London and Portugal, where a woman with a massive shiny hairstyle, a resting dog, a hair salon and the deposition of Christ are among the normal and abnormal things all strangely juxtaposed. One of the questions that fascinate Rego as a painter is how a picture tells a story, how it differs from a film or novel. In a painting you can see a sequence of events all at the same time, by glancing through the panels of a series or maybe seeing them all compressed in one canvas. Cinema cannot do that, or a novel, or video art. But a painting can abolish time, or turn it into a multi-directional flow, or just leave a tale unfinished. This is why Rego’s storytelling is so ambiguous and rich.

The Cadet and His Sister, 1988. 
Photograph: © Paula Rego

The freakishness of her imagination had no limits. Her style may match Freud’s but she had read a lot more of his grandfather Sigmund. The Cadet and his Sister (1988) is another grand monument to the unjust and the perverse. In a park straight out of the cold surreal scenes of Giorgio de Chirico, a young woman kneels to do up her brother’s shoe. The severity of his uniform is matched by the repressed formality of her clothes and the kinky objects beside her: a cathedral-shaped handbag and gloves. This is a Freudian nightmare in which repressed emotions flow in the most perverse channels imaginable. Is Rego angry? Or is she amused by the antics of human sexuality? It makes Alfred Hitchcock’s Marnie seem conventional.

When Rego painted her tragicomic, unsettling histories of power and violence in the 1980s, there was a vogue for big, bold paintings. But that vanished overnight. The cool way to tell stories in art became photography or video. Rego was in the wrong place at the wrong time: London was sold in the 1990s on the slightly naive belief that painting, which had lasted since the stone age, was suddenly “dead”.
Dog Woman, 1994. 
Photograph: Courtesy the artist and Victoria Miro

Rego drifted out of the mainstream, but perhaps she always belonged in a musty, mysterious world of her own between past and present. Her later works have a caustic power. Taking up the medium of pastels, the oil crayons previously used by Degas, she depicted her enigmatic scenarios more intensely and sensually than ever. In her 1994 picture Dog Woman, a woman has been made to go down on all fours. She scrunches her face, as if barking. Who forced her to do this? It may be a policeman in a fascist regime. Or it may just be a man demanding sadomasochist thrills.

It is an image of oppression but also an artistic exploration of the body as a vehicle of emotion. This and the other mighty pastels in the same series all feature models adopting extreme, expressive poses. This is not a crude scream of a picture. It is a master’s exploration of the nude that consciously echoes the suffering bodies of Michelangelo’s prisoners or the classical Niobids. Does that seem a stretch? Rego was deeply aware of the history of art: one of her ambitious paintings is the mural she created in the National Gallery in 1990, full of erudite jokes on paintings in its collection. Her politics is always poetic, her art always literate.

Rego will, above all, be remembered as a brave artist. Even now, I sense there is a background of private stories, suffering and, yes, jokes in her art that we have yet to digest and understand. There is surely a great biography to be written. There is plenty of material to tease out. Knowing more of the relationships between her childhood and emigration, marriage and love life will change how we see her enigmatic art.

For now she is in her own painted world, somewhere in the Bay of Biscay, between cultures and times in an anachronistic magic reality. In her 1988 painting The Dance, people dressed in 1950s suits and folk skirts dance by moonlight on her beach. The faces include her husband and son. There is a fortress on the skyline but no soldiers are coming: the dancers are safe for now, in their formal, stately gentleness. No one is being tortured. No one is dying. This is where Rego must be dancing now, among the greats.

Dame Paula Rego obituary

Most of Paula Rego’s late and best work was done in pastel, such as this piece, Love, 1995. Photograph: Courtesy the artist and Victoria Miro

Painter whose powerful images of women disrupted the male gaze

Michael McNay
Wed 8 Jun 2022 

The artist Paula Rego, who has died aged 87, once said that she liked “to work on the edge”, and her many series of paintings and drawings, about the subjugation of women, abortion and the marriage market, cut across social perceptions of the role of women, and disrupted the male view of women and their sexuality.

The anger that built up in her years of subjection to the men in her life – even her husband, Victor Willing, who took up years of her life as she nursed him – enabled her to deploy her art as a political weapon. One of her most famous paintings, The Policeman’s Daughter (1987), needs no interpretation: in it, a scowling young woman cleans her father’s jackboot with one hand while she shoves the other arm up inside it.

Paula Rego in 1987, just six years after her first London show, at the AIR gallery. 
Photograph: ITV/Rex/Shutterstock

Rego was remorselessly described as a storyteller, which was true, and which cuts across the thrust of the art of the past century (with the exception of surrealism). She claimed her favourite painting was Max Ernst’s depiction of the Virgin Mary spanking the child Jesus. And it helps to know what she thought she was about (her stories changed with each telling), but no more than it helps looking at certain Titians or Picassos to know the myths in Ovid’s Metamorphoses. The bottom line was the sheer visual power of her work, in painting, in fluently wonderful drawings, and in etching and aquatints, carried by a magnificent technique.

When the post-revolution Portuguese – of which Rego was one – ducked out of legalising abortion by simply not turning out to vote in the referendum, she created a series of paintings that exploded like a powder keg in her home country and in Spain. Her masterpiece in this series is the triptych of 1998 showing sordid back-street abortion parlours in rooms sparsely equipped with a bed and a plastic stacking chair, or an armchair with its cover worn into holes. In one canvas, a woman is curled up in foetal misery; in the second, a woman draws her legs up and braces herself as she grasps her thighs; in the third, a schoolgirl still wearing her blouse and tie draws up her skirt and straddles a plastic bucket as she glares out at the viewer.

A 1995 series of female ballet dancers of almost brutal appearance, utterly subverting the tradition of Pavlova and Sylvie Guillem, is curiously reminiscent of Degas. This is not merely because of the subject, nor because Degas, too, took a backstage view of dancers, though through the keyhole of male fascination rather than Rego’s gutsy and head-on truth-telling; but because by this time Rego too was working in pastel, an urgent medium that combines the swiftness of drawing with the completeness of painting.

Most of her late and best work was done in pastel, including the Buñuel-esque take on a bride in a white silk dress and veil lying submissively on her back (1994), and the series of the same year of women behaving like dogs, scavenging or ingratiating themselves, cowed but utterly aware of their own sexuality. There is nothing else in art like them.

Rego was born in Lisbon under the fascist Salazar dictatorship, which, with Roman Catholicism stirred into the mix, was an unholy brew. Women were expected to be seen and not heard. The Regos were middle class and anglophile.

Paula’s father, José, was an electrical engineer who worked for Marconi; her mother, Maria, ran the home, which had maids and a cook. When Paula was 18 months old her parents moved to London for a year for her father’s work, and she was looked after by her grandparents and an ageing aunt. After her parents’ return, Paula, aged three, was diagnosed with tuberculosis, and the family moved to the seaside town of Estoril, spending summers in the fishing village of Ericeira, for her health.

She attended St Julian’s school, an English foundation in Carcavelos, near Lisbon, then was sent to Britain to a finishing school, the Grove, in Kent. In 1952 she went to the Slade School of Fine Art, London, to study painting.

In 1954, Under Milk Wood was first broadcast on BBC radio, and it became as popular a talking point in offices and pubs as television’s EastEnders might now (which, incidentally, was one of the few things that regularly drew her away from the studio in later years).

The infection spread to the Slade, where the 19-year-old Rego made her own version of the play in oils on canvas. She brilliantly translated Dylan Thomas’s characters from the imaginary Welsh village into a Portuguese idiom of sunbaked peasants. With this painting she came joint first for the Slade summer composition prize. And then, full stop.

While at the Slade, Rego had met Willing, who was married, seven years older than her, and reckoned by many to be the best painter of his generation. In 1956, Rego’s final year at college, she became pregnant and went home to Portugal to have the baby. Willing left his wife, joined Rego in Portugal, and in 1959 they married, and went on to have two more children. He encouraged her to continue drawing to cope with depression, but though she had now developed a powerful line, effectively she disappeared from public view, even though she often visited and kept a studio in Charlotte Street, central London.

In 1966 Willing developed multiple sclerosis and 10 years later the family went back to London permanently. Apart from a couple of shows in Lisbon in the 1970s, Rego dropped out of sight. In 1981, at the age of 46, virtually out of nowhere, she had an eye-opening first London show, at the AIR Gallery, but – paralleling the career of Jackson Pollock’s wife, Lee Krasner, and who knows how many more – not until Willing died in 1988 did she feel fully able to compete in public.
Salazar Vomiting the Homeland, 1960, by Paula Rego. 
Photograph: Courtesy the artist and Victoria Miro

Rego once said that she tried abstraction but was no good at it. On the contrary, her early work, abstract expressionist for want of a better term, was as disruptive as her later figuration: Birth (1959) or Salazar Vomiting the Homeland (1960), which, like most of her paintings of that period, fetched up in Portuguese collections, already had a disconcertingly raw power driven by anger.

Later, Willing told her that when he was a child his toys were rag dolls of animals from which he made a theatre. She took up this notion and created a theatre of her own, on canvas, of bears and red monkeys, not winsome bedroom teddies, but mutated and vicious human-like creatures: in one painting, the red monkey’s wife cuts his tail off while he vomits. Willing knew what was going on in this symbolism, and encouraged her. He was always her best critic and his writings are still the best authority on her work.

Early in the 90s Rego became the first artist-in-residence at the National Gallery in London, and while there she carried out a commission to paint a huge mural for the restaurant in the Sainsbury wing. She took her title, Crivelli’s Garden, from a portion of the background to a painting by the 15th-century Venetian Carlo Crivelli and, suppressing the acerbic aspect of her work, set down a gathering of female saints, all of whom figured in paintings in the gallery, all of them at humble daily tasks, all survivors, in an affecting homage to womankind.

Paula Rego in her London studio with some of her stuffed ‘mutated and human-like’ creatures. Photograph: Rex/Shutterstock

Tate Liverpool hung a Rego retrospective in 1996. Other major national and international shows followed, including two more retrospectives at Tate Britain, in 2004 and 2021. In 2005 she was commissioned by Royal Mail to create a set of postage stamps in celebration of Charlotte Brontë’s Jane Eyre.

Her son, Nick, directed a BBC documentary on his mother, Paula Rego: Secrets and Stories, in 2017. In 2010, she was made a dame, a curiously antique award for such a powerfully feminist artist.

For the last quarter of a century the writer and translator Anthony Rudolf was Rego’s companion and principal male model.

She is survived by her children, Nick, Caroline and Victoria.

Maria Paula Figueiroa Rego, artist, born 26 January 1935; died 8 June 2022
Egypt's tanoura puts kaleidoscopic spin on dervish tradition

Egypt's kaleidoscopic whirling dervish performance, known as 'tanoura', is a world away from those of Turkey, who trace their origins to the teachings of Sufi poet and mystic Jalal al-Din Rumi -
(RUMI)
Khaled DESOUKI

by Sarah Benhaida
June 9, 2022 — Cairo (AFP)


In a 500-year-old stone theatre in the Egyptian capital, two young dervishes spin ceaselessly. Slowly, then all at once, they are consumed in a flurry of vivid fabrics.

Born into a lineage of whirling dervishes, Mohamed Adel, 20, takes great pride in the uniquely Egyptian interpretation of the centuries-old ritual known colloquially as "tanoura", or skirt in Arabic.

"I choose the colours and the shapes that are sewn into the skirts," Adel said, pointing to the folds of his purple skirt with green and yellow appliques moments before stepping on stage to perform at a folk art festival.

The kaleidoscopic performance is a world away from the UNESCO-listed whirling dervishes of Turkey, who trace their origins to the teachings of Sufi poet and mystic Jalal al-Din Rumi.


Distinguished by their white robes, camel-wool hats and fealty to ascetic Sufi spiritualism, the ceremonies in Turkey bear only a fleeting resemblance to the psychedelic performances popular in Egypt.

Sufis in Egypt, who number more than 15 million, with nearly 80 different orders, adopted the ritual, progressively adding colours and rhythms, turning the spiritual practice into a folkloric art in its own right.

- 'Escape' -

Every time it is the same: Adel steps into a counter-clockwise twirl. As his skirts bloom, he raises his right arm to the sky, to receive divine blessing, and reaches his left arm to the ground, delivering the blessing to the public.


Then he picks up the pace.

His steps grow faster, and he unties the cords that hold his different skirts together, raising one high above his head.

The topmost tanoura represents the sky, the one below the earth.

As he spins the first above his head while the other forms an undulating disc around his waist, he recounts the story of genesis, and how the sky and Earth were separated.

This rendition is no small feat, with each skirt weighing nearly 10 kilograms. If Adel deviates from his axis or loses the rhythm of his feet, he can fall and drop them.


"At the beginning, of course I would get dizzy and even fall sometimes," he told AFP. "But training every single day, either on stage or at home, I escape somewhere else with the music."

To the sound of Sufi chants, percussion beats, or the haunting melodies of the traditional flute or rababa -- a lute-like string instrument -- the revolutions of the dervishes of the Giza Troupe for Folkloric Arts seem as unstoppable as the planets.

- 'Like flying' -

Side by side, but without their skirts ever coming in contact, they perform acrobatics as they spin.

They throw their skirts above their heads, catch them midair, fold and unfold the flag of their Sufi order, their spirals never ceasing.

For Ali Morsi, 25, it is a labour inspired by "the love of God and the Prophet Mohammed".


Though the Egyptian version of the art has become a festive occasion, most practitioners hold to the roots of the ritual in the mystical tradition of the Muslim Mevlevi Order, founded in the 13th century by Rumi in Konya, present-day Turkey.

Today, it is a staple of Egyptian tourism, with some dancers, particularly in hotels and entertainment venues, attaching lights to their skirts for an added surprise factor, to the delight of tourists and spectators.

Both spectacle and ritual, tanoura is indispensable for artists like Adel and Morsi, who cannot imagine making their living any other way.

"It's like I'm flying, I can no longer feel my body, I am no longer on earth," said Morsi, who has been a dervish for 11 years.

"I only think of God and nothing else."

SEE http://plawiuk.blogspot.com/2006/02/my-favorite-muslim.html
EU Parliament approves ban on new fossil-fueled cars by 2035

Issued on: 09/06/2022 - 


01:40A woman holds a cable to charge a Renault electric utility vehicle at a dealership in Cagnes-Sur-Mer, France, October 22, 2020. © Eric Gaillard, Reuters

Text by: FRANCE 24

Video by: Camille NEDELEC


In the face of strong conservative opposition, European Parliament lawmakers on Wednesday narrowly voted to back a European Commission proposal for a total ban on new CO2-emitting vehicles by 2035.

The Commission last year unveiled plans to stop the sale of vehicles using internal combustion engines as part of an ambitious climate target to cut emissions by more than half over this decade and 90 percent by 2035.

The measure passed by 339 votes to 249 with 24 abstentions at a session in Strasbourg – in practice limiting future sales to emissions-free all-electric models.

Cars currently account for 12 percent of all CO2 emissions in the 27-member EU bloc, while transportation overall accounts for around a quarter.

The conservative European People’s Party (EPP), the parliament’s biggest group of lawmakers, had sought to push a compromise that would have diluted the proposals and allowed sales of hybrid vehicles to continue.

Their amendment was narrowly defeated while an ambitious attempt by the Greens to bring the measure deadline forward to 2030 also failed.

Conservatives were also unable to push through amendments on having a car’s production-related carbon footprint taken into consideration as well – potentially allowing carmakers credits for synthetic, so-called e-fuels, made with captured carbon dioxide and hydrogen produced from renewable sources.

After the vote, EU environmental committee chair Pascal Canfin triumphantly tweeted: “100 percent zero emission cars in 2035! I strongly welcome the vote on CO2 standards in the @Europarl_EN. This position of the European Parliament is an important victory and consistent with our objective of climate neutrality.”
German Green EU legislator Michael Bloss also hailed the vote as a move that would simultaneously protect the climate and jobs in the sector.

French EPP lawmaker Agnes Evren was less impressed, however, with a decision she said would “condemn industrial activity and strongly penalise consumers”.

She said the legislation would prevent the commercialisation of high-performance hybrid vehicles or vehicles using biofuels, whose production she said could potentially prove less expensive and less polluting than electric vehicles.
Blow to carbon market reform

Earlier Wednesday, EU lawmakers rejected a proposal to upgrade the bloc’s carbon market, an unexpected move that exposed divisions over the bloc’s core climate policy and could delay negotiations to finish the measure.

A committee of lawmakers must now try to forge a new compromise after chaotic scenes and a blame game erupted in Parliament.

Green and Socialist lawmakers rejected the proposal because of conservative groups’ amendments they said weakened it too much, while right-wing groups considered it too ambitious, especially in the light of inflationary pressures.

Parliament’s rejection meant votes on two related climate policies were postponed. They are the EU’s world-first plan to place a CO2 levy on imports of goods such as steel and cement, and a fund that would use emissions trading revenues to support low-income citizens.

The rare rejection could set back the timeframe for finishing the law – which the EU is racing to do this year, so it can apply in 2023.

The proposal was meant to confirm parliament’s position for negotiations on a new proposed law to reform the Emissions Trading System (ETS).

The EU’s main policy tool for cutting emissions, the ETS requires power plants and industry to buy CO2 permits when they pollute.

Along with other new climate policies, the ETS upgrade would put the EU, the world’s third biggest polluter, on track to cut net planet-warming emissions by 55% by 2030, from 1990 levels.

Canfin, whose committee will redraft the proposal, said negotiators will attempt to reach a new deal by June 23.

(FRANCE 24 with AFP and REUTERS)


Prosecute looted antiquities dealers for war crimes: Clooney Foundation


Dealers who trade looted antiquities with armed groups should be prosecuted for complicity in war crimes or financing terrorism, the Clooney Foundation for Justice said Wednesday.

"The looting of antiquities is not a victimless crime," said Anya Neistat, legal director of The Docket, a project of the foundation launched by actor George Clooney and his wife, Amal, a human rights lawyer.

"The pillage of cultural artifacts is destructive physically and socially, and the sale of conflict antiquities enables armed groups to fund conflict and terrorism and other crimes against civilians," Neistat said.

"The Docket calls on law enforcement agencies in market countries to launch investigations and prosecutions of antiquities dealers when there is evidence of their complicity in war crimes and financing of terrorism," she added.

Neistat unveiled the results in Washington on Wednesday of a two-year investigation into the theft of antiquities in Iraq, Libya, Syria and Yemen and their sale in the United States and Europe.

Antiquities trafficking has been linked to armed groups such as the Islamic State organization and the former Syrian branch of Al-Qaeda, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, allowing them to purchase arms and finance violent attacks, Neistat said.

According to The Docket, IS made "tens, if not hundreds of millions of dollars" from looting antiquities, which was a key source of its financing.

IS, which controlled a wide swathe of Syria and Iraq between 2011 and 2016, had a sub-department for antiquities with a system of taxation and licenses, Neistat said.

Stolen antiquities often transit through Turkey, Lebanon, Eastern Europe or Thailand before being offered up by dealers or in private sales.

Recovered items have been returned to their countries of origin but dealers tend to receive little more than a slap on the wrist, according to The Docket.

"Prosecution for serious crimes are a critical element to break the cycle and to make sure that the market is dismantled," Neistat said.

The report comes shortly after a former director of the Louvre Museum in Paris was charged with conspiring to hide the origin of archaeological treasures that investigators suspect were smuggled out of Egypt.

cyj/cl/des

ECUADOR

Tackling gender violence at Quito's 'Men's Club'


Paola LÓPEZ

In a hall in the Ecuadoran capital, a group of men raise their arms up high, draw a deep breath, and release it in tandem with a resounding "aaah!"

This is no ordinary relaxation class: most in the room are convicted domestic abusers attending court-ordered therapy, others are here voluntarily.

In a country where 65 percent of girls and women aged 15 to 49 experience violence, according to official data, the "Men's Club for Good Treatment" seeks to give men tools, other than aggression, to deal with conflict.

The 20-day course -- one session a week -- focuses on changes in behavior and attitude to improve the men's self esteem and relationships.

Among them is Jorge Sanchez, a 34-year-old food deliveryman sentenced to therapy and 60 hours of community service for having violently shoved his ex-girlfriend.

It was either that or jail.

Sanchez attacked his ex after he saw her out with another man.

"I got very angry and that was when I exploded, I exploded with jealousy...," he told AFP.

"I used to give in to my anger, but I have overcome that" thanks to the sessions, he said, adding he was "ashamed" of how he behaved at the time.

- Shortcomings, fears -

After a series of breathing and stretching exercises, Sanchez and the others settle down for the rest of the day's three-hour program, which includes an exchange on personal shortcomings, virtues, and fears.

Together, they draw up a list for discussion; with impatience, laziness and irritability under the first heading, respectfulness, honesty, patience and loyalty under the second, and discrimination, loneliness and loss of one's children under the third.

The men are aged 30 to 60, with their jobs ranging from office clerks to factory workers.

Violence against women is rampant in Latin America and the Caribbean, with some 27 percent suffering at the hands of a romantic partner at least once in their lifetime, according to the OECD.

In Ecuador, the prosecutor's office says 551 "femicides" were committed in the country from 2014 to May 2022 this year -- with a third committed by intimate partners.

According to the UN, femicide is generally understood as the intentional murder of women because they are women.

When all recorded killings of women in Ecuador are listed, the figure rises to 1,432 for the same period, according to the prosecutor's office.

Women's rights bodies say the number of femicides is vastly underreported.

According to the UN, reducing violence against women -- a phenomenon that increased in many countries during coronavirus lockdown -- is a key step towards reducing femicides.

- Lessons in 'patience' -

Coordinator Roberto Moncayo said the club has helped 545 men since it was established in 2010.

To date, there have been no repeat offenders.

"The methodology with which we work is to think, to feel, to act," Moncayo explained.

"So we force ourselves to think about how we are playing our roles as men in the family environment, in the workplace, in the social sphere, but above all, becoming aware of how violence, aggression, forms part of our relationships."

In 2021, the ECU911 emergency number received 117,400 calls for domestic violence in a country of 17.7 million -- up from 113,400 calls in 2020.

Mechanic Jose Padilla, 39, joined the club after his former partner accused him of harassment, a charge he denies.

"At first, I was frustrated, I was even embarrassed," and attended the sessions unwillingly, he told AFP.

Since then, he said he had learnt valuable lessons in "patience" and "control of emotions."

pld/sp/mlr/des

US fight against opioid overdoses becomes one of racial justice: researcher

Basically the war on drugs, this police centric approach, has been an utter failure.

Lucie AUBOURG
Wed, June 8, 2022,


In 2020, the death rate from drug overdose among Black people surpassed that of white people in the United States for the first time since 1999, according to a study published this year.

Its author, Joseph Friedman, a researcher at UCLA University in California, details for AFP the reasons for this recent shift.

- What were the different waves of opioid overdoses in the United States? -

The first wave was overdoses coming from prescription opioids that were essentially provided to the population through the healthcare system ... And then, as the US started to cut back heavily on prescription opioid access, a lot of people started using heroin.

That was associated with a large increase in overdose deaths because people are moving from a less dangerous to a more dangerous form of opioids ... And then the third wave is the shift to illicit fentanyl.

And here is where the US really kind of became an extreme global outlier in terms of overdose. Because illicit fentanyls are potentially several hundred times more potent than heroin by weight.

And the fourth wave is what we're seeing very recently, which is a huge increase in polysubstances, which means: basically people are using fentanyls but they're also mixing them with many different kinds of other substances. Some of this is intentional and much of this is unintentional.

- Why did you start studying racial inequalities in drug overdoses? -



There's been this narrative, a very powerful kind of cultural narrative in the US, historically, over the past like 10 or 15 years, that addiction and overdose was a quote unquote, white problem.

And this is something that I have written about critiquing.

It's true that during the first wave of the overdose crisis, white overdose death rates were higher than Black overdose deaths rates. In 2010, they were actually double, so approximately twice as high.

But that has really shifted. Basically after the first wave, we've seen overdose deaths rise faster among Black individuals than white individuals.

So basically, the only time where it was true that white communities were disproportionately affected was because of prescription opioids.

The roots of that are complex, but it's pretty clear that that relates to the deep-seated structural racism in the healthcare system, that actually really denies access to controlled substances to people of color.

- What is the situation today? -

Black communities are disproportionately affected by the shift of fentanyls. For the first time since the 1990s, the Black overdose death rate overtook the white overdose death rate in 2020.

The goals of overdose prevention now really align with the goals of racial justice movements.

There's really good evidence that fentanyl has made incarceration a very potent risk factor for overdose death. Immediately after people are released from prison, there's a huge spike in the risk of overdose death.

Combined with mass incarceration of Black communities, which we know is a big problem in the US, this is one of the key driving factors.

With the drug supply becoming so dangerous, it requires a lot of resources to stay safe. Access to health care, access to substance use treatments, access to harm reduction, housing, employment... all of these things give stability.

And so inequalities in these root conditions are, I think driving inequalities in overdose now.

People of every racial group use drugs. That's just a fact of life. Who dies from them is dictated by access to resources and cultural patterns, and there are deep-seated inequalities in terms of the resources that people need to stay safe.

- What do you think the answer should be? -

Basically the war on drugs, this police centric approach, has been an utter failure.


Our overdose death rates are something like three times higher than the second worst country, and they're over 20 times the average.

We have the worst drug overdose death rate in recorded history. There's never been anything even close to what we're experiencing right now.

We would need really, really profound restructuring of the way society spends money on drugs to actually make a difference here.

Harm reduction is an important solution, but it is not getting at the root issues here.

Which is access to treatments, and making the drug supply safer.

In Europe, in many places there's just heroin prescription programs. That's the kind of stability that helps people overcome substance use disorder.

la/st/md

Black Americans bear the brunt of fentanyl 'epidemic' in Washington

Lucie AUBOURG
Wed, June 8, 2022,


Lorando Duncan wears long-sleeved shirts because his arms bear scars he doesn't like to show: those of the drugs he has been injecting into his veins for decades.

Born in the US capital Washington 65 years ago, the slender African American has been using heroin almost all his adult life.

But the advent of fentanyl, an ultra-powerful and addictive synthetic opioid, changed everything.

"Fentanyl killed a lot of my friends," he tells AFP beneath a picture of America's first Black vice president, Kamala Harris, that he has hung in his apartment in Anacostia, one of the poorest neighborhoods in the city.

"Almost every two weeks, I hear about somebody overdosing on fentanyl."

He fears he will be next. "I need to stop... because eventually I'm going to kill myself. And I know it."

Fentanyl -- sold in powder form and cheap to manufacture, so often used as an additive in other drugs such as heroin -- began flooding the market in 2014.

In 2021, 426 people died of opioid overdoses in Washington -- five times as many as in 2014. Of them, 95 percent were fentanyl-related, and 85 percent were Black people. Like Lorando, the majority were between 50 and 69 years old.

Heroin users have been at the forefront of this "poisoning" of supply, as experts call it.

"One day I bought some drug from a guy I know, but I didn't know it was fentanyl," says Lorando, a former prisoner now living on disability benefits.

He passed out, he says, falling on his hip. Now he walks with a cane.

"When I fell, it was day, and when I woke up, it was nighttime. God woke me up this day," he says.

But now he takes fentanyl up to three times a day to feel "normal" and avoid the illness and nausea of withdrawal.

"Now they use fentanyl to cut heroin. So you basically gonna get fentanyl in everything you buy. Everybody uses fentanyl to cut the dope. Make it potent," he says.

The problem, he adds, is that users never know what they are going to get. "You're playing Russian roulette."

- Building trust -

In Washington, long dubbed "Chocolate City" because of its large African American population, Black people were already dying from overdoses at twice the rate of white people in 2010, according to one study.

By 2019, it was 10 times more. For both periods, this disparity was higher than in any state in the country. Experts say one reason is because of how much more vulnerable Black people are -- lower income, less likely to own a home, less likely to have access to resources that can keep them stable and supported.

A few grassroots organizations are doing their best to combat the ravages of the drugs.

Tyrone Pinkney has been working for one of them, the Family and Medical Counseling Service, for 10 years. The 33-year-old travels around the city, especially what he describes as "the crime areas," in a recreational vehicle.

On the RV's floor is a box containing dirty syringes, collected from visitors who are then given clean ones.

And on the seats are cartons of Narcan, the brand name of naloxone, an antidote capable of blocking the effect of opioids -- and thus saving a person in the process of overdosing.

With a tablet in hand, Pinkney questions the few dozen people who turn up each day, checking for example whether they have been tested for the AIDS virus.

"It's not going to keep them from doing what they're doing. But it'll keep them safe," he explains.

Little by little, bonds of trust are created. On his phone, he scrolls through the names of dozens of "clients," as he calls them, who can call him in case of need.

- 'Perfect storm' -

The association helped more than 2,500 people in 2021, and distributed more than 200,000 syringes, according to regional coordinator Mark Robinson.

"It's an emergency. It's endemic," he tells AFP.

"It's an opioid epidemic, layered beneath a (Covid-19) pandemic, layered beneath a health emergency that was already pre-existing amongst Black and brown people," he continues, listing the ways in which Washington's residents are made vulnerable.

"You have multiple epidemics upgrading simultaneously, it's like a perfect storm. And we're right in the midst of it."

For many, the steps needed to access treatment, such as opioid substitutes methadone or buprenorphine, remain too complex -- making it often easier to get drugs than help.

"We've really worked hard on access," Barbara Bazron, who heads Washington's department of behavioral health, tells AFP.

For example, users no longer need to go through a dispatch center to receive prescriptions -- 70 approved entities can directly receive new patients, she explained.

More than 5,000 people are currently enrolled in these care programs.

The city has also prioritized the free distribution of naloxone, giving away 56,000 kits in 2021, and tests to detect whether drugs contain fentanyl.

City Hall is also "gathering information" on safe injection sites, such as those recently set up in New York, says Bazron, who admits she is willing to look at any option.

"Nothing is off the table," she says.

la/st/wd

'Historic setback' for Brazil as hunger surges

 the result of "the ongoing dismantling of social policies

Wed, June 8, 2022


The number of people living in hunger in Brazil has surged 73 percent in the past two years, a "historic setback" for a country that had made huge gains against poverty, a report said Wednesday.

Around 33.1 million people in Latin America's largest economy are living in hunger, up from 19.1 million in 2020, said the report from the Brazilian Network for Research on Food Security.


That represents 15.5 percent of households in the country of 213 million people, according to the study, which was based on data collected between November 2021 and April 2022.

More than half the country -- 125.2 million people -- suffers food insecurity of some kind, meaning they are in hunger or do not know if they will have enough to eat in the near future, it added.

That figure was an increase of 7.2 percent from 2020.

The "historic setback" is the result of "the ongoing dismantling of social policies, the worsening of the economic crisis, the increase in social inequalities and the second year of the Covid-19 pandemic," the report said.

It even found increased food insecurity among those benefiting from a new social program called "Auxilio Brasil," which President Jair Bolsonaro launched this year.

The average payment under the program, 500 reais (around $100), has been eroded by annual inflation of 12.13 percent.

Images of hungry Brazilians digging in the trash for food have become commonplace as the country has struggled to bounce back from the pandemic.

The researchers found food insecurity affected more than half of rural households and a "terrifying" 27.4 million people in urban areas.

Hunger nearly doubled among families with children younger than 10, affecting 18.1 percent of them.

Black and mixed-race Brazilians are hardest hit, at 18.1 percent of households, versus 10.6 percent for whites, the report said.

mls/jhb/des

Rep. Ted Lieu Silently Schools GOP On Jesus Christ's Comments About Homosexuality

Rep. Ted Lieu (D-Ca.) found a way to quietly school his Republican counterparts who are targeting the rights of LGBTQ Americans ― with a little help from Jesus Christ.

The Democratic congressman was speaking on the House floor when he noted “the historic wave of bills targeting LGBTQ teens, children and their families” and decided to add to the dialogue.

“I just thought I would now recite what Jesus Christ said about homosexuality,” he told his fellow House members.

Typically a story like this would include a transcript of the comments, but, in this case, it’s really better to hear it directly from Lieu himself.

Don’t worry: It’s only 15 seconds long.

This article originally appeared on HuffPost and has been updated.

Tunisia: Striking judges, lawyers protest president's action

Via AP news wire
Wed, June 8, 2022

Tunisia President  Kais Saied'

(ASSOCIATED PRESS)

Tunisian lawyers and judges held a small protest outside the capital’s courts Wednesday as part of their weeklong strike following the president’s dismissal of 57 judges.

President Kais Saied's removal of the judges was the latest sign of growing interference in the judiciary as he tightens his grip on power. Critics accused Saied of staging a coup in July 2021 after he sacked the government and took on executive powers.

Dozens of lawyers and activists gathered on the steps of the Palace of Justice in Tunis to denounce Saied's actions. Some shouted “Down with the coup," and others chanted, “Judicial authority, no police orders.”

Several lawyers told The Associated Press they would continue their opposition to the president's actions, which include ditching Tunisia’s 2014 constitution to rule instead by decree.

Saied's dismissal of the judges was “illegal and false,” lawyer Amel Miladi said. The firings didn’t follow the laws “made to protect citizens… laws that are anchored in Tunisian constitutional law,” she said.

Miladi said she thinks the strike has been successful, and would continue. Another lawyer, Nawel Toumi said that they intended to “continue this movement and continue to say no”.

Last week, Saied justified his actions by listing a long series of accusations with scant evidence against dozens of judges, ranging from alleged corruption and the illegal amassing of wealth to protecting terrorists and sexual harassment.

Hundreds of judges unanimously voted over the weekend to hold a sit-in and strike. They accused the president of ignoring the constitution and removing judges without “recourse to disciplinary procedure.”

Courtrooms across the North African country have been closed since Monday. Anas Hamadi, president of the Association of Tunisian Magistrates, said 99% of judges participated on the first day of the strike. The protest will continue until the dismissed jurists are reinstated, Hamadi said.

In response, Saied ordered judges’ salaries to be reduced in accordance with the number of strike days.

Constitutional law professor and opposition figure Jawher Ben Mbarek told the AP that he had attended Wednesday’s protest to support the judiciary’s independence in the wake of Saied’s “attacks on the justice system and the judiciary body”.

“(Saied) has regularly harassed judges and the justice system… he has given himself the right to unilaterally fire judges, without a motive or an official investigation. This is an apprentice dictator that is trying to restore the dictatorial system that Tunisians got rid of in 2011” said Ben Mbarek.

Ben Mbarek added that for the first time since 25 July, when Saied first froze Parliament, the political crisis had extended to include state institutions.

“The judiciary is an sovereign institution of the Tunisian state, and now it is in conflict with the President of the Republic. It’s a new fact -- for the first time, the state itself is resisting Kais Saied. This is new and I think this will be fatal for him.”

Saied conferred on himself sweeping powers last year, measures the president claimed were needed to “save the country from imminent peril” and to fight widespread corruption.

Earlier this year, he replaced Tunisia's Supreme Judicial Council. The council had been a key guarantor of judicial independence since the country's 2011 revolution, which deposed a longtime autocratic leader and introduced democratic reforms.

Under pressure from Tunisia’s allies, who are concerned about democratic backsliding in the country, Saied laid out a roadmap that foresees organizing a July 25 referendum on political reforms and a Dec. 17 parliamentary election.
Sudan starts post-coup talks without key civilian bloc


Wed, June 8, 2022


Sudan on Wednesday began UN-facilitated direct talks between rival factions hoped to resolve a political crisis sparked by last year's coup, but with a critical civilian bloc refusing to participate.

Since the coup, Sudan has been rocked by deepening unrest -- near-weekly protests, a violent crackdown that has killed over 100 people, and a tumbling economy.

As talks took place in the capital Khartoum, hundreds of people rallied in the east of the city calling for civilian rule, in the latest protest against the October 25 power grab led by army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan.

Security forces fired tear gas to disperse them, an AFP correspondent at the scene said.

"It is important to not let this moment slip," United Nations special representative Volker Perthes told reporters in Khartoum. "We are asking everybody to work with one another in good faith."

The military takeover derailed a fragile transition to civilian rule that had been established following the 2019 ouster of long-serving autocratic president Omar al-Bashir.

The UN, African Union and regional bloc IGAD have since March been pushing for Sudanese-led talks to break the political stalemate.

On Tuesday, Burhan hailed the talks as a "historic opportunity" and called on political factions "to not stand as a stumbling block".
- Push for talks -


Wednesday's talks were attended by military officials, representatives from several political parties, and senior members from ex-rebel groups.

But Sudan's main civilian bloc, the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) -- which was ousted from power in the coup -- as well as the influential Umma party have refused to take part.

Members from the resistance committees, informal groups which emerged during the 2019 protests against Bashir and which have led calls for recent anti-coup rallies, were also absent.

The meeting "does not address the nature of the crisis" and any political process should work on "ending the coup and establishing a democratic civilian authority", the FFC said in a statement earlier this week.

The Umma Party said the objective of the talks was "undefined" and the political climate "was not fully prepared."

In remarks after Wednesday's meeting, Perthes said the "trilateral mechanism" of the UN, AU and IGAD would continue efforts to bring the groups which refused to attend to the table.

"Their presence is important for the success of these talks," he told reporters.

"The trilateral mechanism will continue its efforts to persuade them to participate."

Senior military official Ibrahim Jaber, a member of the ruling Sovereign Council, said messages would be sent to the missing factions to convince them to attend.


IGAD envoy Ismail Wais urged those not the talks to join. "They are always welcome and the door is open," Wais said.

"We... cannot imagine a political solution without the participation" of the absent factions, AU envoy Mohamed Lebatt said.

The talks came after Burhan lifted last month the state of emergency imposed since the coup.

Authorities have in recent weeks released multiple civilian leaders and pro-democracy activists.

Perthes welcomed the measures, but said "more can be done".

Western nations including Britain, France, Norway and the United States have also urged Sudanese authorities "to undertake further confidence-building measures".

In a statement on Wednesday, they called for an "effective end to the use of force against protesters, lifting emergency decrees; ensuring progress on ongoing investigations into human rights violations."

mz-ab/pjm


Sudan: Critics slam fresh dialogue as disingenuous

Sudan's military leadership is embarking on talks with civilian groups. But critics warn that the supression of opposition to military rule continues and that the country's economic crisis is getting worse.

Sudan has seen waves of protest since the 2021 coup

Following eight months of political stalemate, the Sudanese military leadership on Wednesday embarked on talks with civilian opposition groups.

The fresh dialogue comes after military ruler General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan last month  lifted the state of emergency which had been in place since the 2021 coup that brought him to power.

He also recently released 125 protesters and called for "a fruitful and meaningful dialogue that achieves stability during the transitional period."

This appears to be in contrast to his earlier position that he would only step down once a new elected government was in place.

Is General Burhan changing his political direction due to political and economic pressure?

Despite the easing of the military's grip, more than 70 activists remain in detention and only last weekend, another unarmed protester was shot dead by the military, making him the 100th fatality in anti-coup demonstrations, according to the Central Committee of Sudanese Doctors.

'A glimmer of hope'

The UN's Integrated Mission for the Support of the Transition in Sudan (UNITAMS) has welcomed the new attempt at dialogue.

"This is a glimmer of hope. It offers the various Sudanese stakeholders an opportunity for constructive dialogue," the UN wrote in a statement ahead of the talks and emphasised that the UN, the African Union (AU) and the regional Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) were open for a tripartite dialogue with civilian groups such as the main civilian group Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC).

However, while the FFC confirmed that it had received an invitation from the UN-AU-IGAD trio for a meeting with the military on Wednesday, the group "conveyed its apologies" and said they would not attend. According to news agency Reuters, the main reason was that the talks would include parties that supported the coup.

"Most people, especially activists, are quite suspicious of these [dialogue] claims, particularly because there is a perception that the international community seems to be insisting on some kind of negotiated settlement with those who conducted the coup," Mohammed Elnaiem, a Sudanese activist based in London, told DW.

Critics slam talks as disingenuous 

Mohamed Yousif Almustafa, a Sudanese activist in Khartoum, also doesn't regard a tripartite dialogue as a realistic option.

"We cannot consider any talks with Burhan under the current circumstances because he is trying to ensure he remains in the driving seat of the government," he told DW.

Sudanese security forces often react with with tear gas and live ammunition to the protests

Almustafa believes that the "ultimate objective of any dialogue with the military is to reproduce the partnership with them, to guarantee their immunity from being accountable for the crimes they have committed."

Since the military coup in October 2021 when the army deposed the transitional government under Abdalla Hamdok, and replaced it with a Sovereign Council under military rule, civilians have been taking to the streets, calling for democracy and for the military to return "back to the barracks". During those demonstrations, 100 protesters have been killed so far and more than 5,000 have been injured.

"No one has been held accountable for these crimes. And the repression shows no sign of abating," Human Rights Watch (HRW) warned in a recent statement on Sudan.

Adama Dieng, the UN's designated expert on human rights in Sudan, said at the end of a visit to Khartoum last weekend that "there can be no justification for firing live ammunition at unarmed protesters. There is no justification and I insist on that."

Inflation and price hikes due to the war in Ukraine have made food almost unaffordable

Mounting economic pressure

Aside from the increasing domestic and international criticism, Sudan's rapid economic decline will likely also have added to Burhan's readiness for talks.

Since his declaration of a state of emergency in 2021, the international community has frozen aid funds. As a result, national debt has skyrocketed and the population of 45 million is facing massive economic pressure.

Last year's average inflation rate stood at a staggering 359% and the official unemployment rate is above 30%.

The UN's Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has recently warned of a worsening food crisis in 20 so-called "hunger hotspots," including Sudan and South Sudan. The organization expects that 30% of the population, or 10.9 million people, will be needing "lifesaving support this year — the highest number in the past decade."

The crisis is further exacerbated by the COVID pandemic and the effects of the Russian attack on Ukraine.

Political strategy

"The government is giving up its previous intransigent position for two main reasons," Ashraf Abdel Aziz, a political analyst in Sudan, told DW.

First, resistance in Sudan itself is growing.

"And second, the military has not been able to solve the economic crisis," he added.

The analyst suggests that General Burhan could be counting on a new political solution simply in the hope of retaining power.

Activist Elnaiem believes that "if the military wants to have any kind of say, it should figure out how it's going to give up its domination over significant sectors of Sudan's economy and pass it into the hands of the people, investigate the crimes and establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission for the crimes that the military and the Rapid Support Forces and the police and various other bodies of the country have committed. " He also insists that the military "should draw a roadmap of demobilizing all of the militias and its exit out of politics."

However, as of now, he does not see this is happening.

"It doesn't seem that that's what the military is interested in, nor does it seem that this is what the trilateral mechanism is about."

Edited by: Andreas Illmer