Ukraine Seeks Weapons to Beat Back Russia: Here’s What It’s Got





Michael Winfrey
Sun, January 15, 2023 

Ukraine’s allies have provided more than 4,000 armored vehicles, artillery pieces, aircraft and other weapon systems to help Kyiv fight Russia, and now NATO’s most powerful members are sending more lethal arms.

After months of caution, the UK said on Saturday it would provide Kyiv with Challenger 2s, among NATO’s most powerful top-shelf main battle tanks. That followed announcements from France, the US and Germany that they would provide Kyiv with fighting vehicles and has raised pressure on governments to give Ukraine more of the alliance’s best armored vehicles designed to destroy other tanks and take back territory from an enemy.

Here is a breakdown of some of the main systems that Ukraine has received, according to Oryx, a Dutch open-source defense analysis website, as well as announcements from Ukraine’s allies. The numbers are approximations and couldn’t be independently verified by Bloomberg. They may include items pledged but not delivered, and other items not included may have been delivered but not made public.

Tanks

410 Soviet-era tanks delivered by NATO members in former communist bloc, including Poland, Czech Republic and Slovenia.

The UK pledged to send Challenger 2s to Ukraine, the first time a Western country will have provided Ukraine with modern main battle tanks to fight Russian forces. The Sun newspaper said 12 would be sent in at least two shipments, although the UK government didn’t confirm the number.

Poland pledged a “company” of German-made Leopard 2 battle tanks if other NATO allies make a similar commitment.

Discussions continue in the US and Germany about whether they could also send main battle tanks.

Western defense officials meet Jan. 20 at Ramstein Air Base in Germany, where they will likely discuss sending more tanks. So far they have been concerned that doing so could provoke a response from Russia.

Armored/Infantry Fighting Vehicles

300 in all, including 250 Soviet-designed IFVs from former communist states.

In a first, France announced last week it will deliver an unspecified number of AMX-10RC wheeled tank destroyers.

The US and Germany said they will provide 50 and 40 Bradley and Marder fighting vehicles, respectively.

IFVs can transport troops and provide close attack support, including against enemy tanks. David Perkins, a retired US four-star general, said it would be “more than a match” for the T-72s that make up the bulk of Russia’s tank fleet.

Armored Personnel Carriers

1,100 in all, including 300 M113 troop carriers and 250 M117s.

More than 160 US-made M113s from seven other countries including the UK, Lithuania, Australia, Germany, Denmark, Portugal and Spain.

Several hundred other vehicles, including armored medical treatment centers.

Distinct from Infantry Fighting Vehicles, these armored transports can carry forces on the battlefield, but they have lighter weapons such as heavy machine guns that are mainly used for self defense.

Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) Vehicles

About 925 in all, including 440 US M1224 MaxxPros.

90 Australian Bushmasters and a number of UK Wolfhounds and Mastiffs.

These vehicles are similar to APCs but are specifically designed with angled hulls to protect occupants against mines and improvised explosive devices.

Infantry Mobility Vehicles

More than 1,540, including including 1,250 US-made High Mobility Multipurpose Wheeled Vehicles, or Humvees.

These wheeled personnel carriers — usually armored — move soldiers around the battlefield in attack, reconnaissance and patrol roles.

Artillery

300 towed howitzers.

Of those, more than 210 155mm M777s and 72 105mm Howitzers from the US.

400+ pieces of self-propelled artillery, of which 180 is on order.

Of those, more than 20 155mm howitzers from Britain, and 18 each from Poland, Germany and the US, among others.

Multiple Rocket Launchers

95 in all.


38 High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems, known as HIMARS, made by US-based Lockheed Martin.

40+ 122mm communist-era multiple rocket launchers from Poland and the Czech Republic.

One of the most potent weapons for Ukraine, HIMARS allow for accurate, long-range strikes. Ukraine has used them mainly to destroy Russian ammunition dumps and command and control centers, as well as troop assembly points.

Anti-Air Systems

37 German Gepard self-propelled tanks.


Eight US-made NASAMS missile batteries.


One US and one German-provided Patriot missile battery.


Six Strela-10Ms rocket systems from the Czech Republic.


Six Stormer HVMs from the UK.

A handful of other surface-to-air missile systems from Slovakia, Germany, Spain, France and Poland.

The German Gepards are self-propelled tanks that can shoot down low-flying cruise missiles, while the rocket systems can hit airborne targets at higher altitudes. In December, both the US and Germany said they would each donate a Patriot missile battery — the most advanced Western anti-aircraft system that can target shorter-range ballistic missiles of the type that could carry a tactical nuclear warhead, a threat that Russian President Vladimir Putin has suggested is an option.

Aircraft

14 Russian-made Su-25 ground-attack jets purchased from Bulgaria by NATO states and delivered to Ukraine.


Four Su-25s from North Macedonia.


20 Russian-made Mi17 helicopters originally destined for Afghanistan donated by the US.


11 Soviet-designed helicopters from the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Latvia.


Three UK Westland Sea Kings.


Six Russian-made Kamov helicopters from Portugal.


30+Bayraktar TB2 drones from Turkey, plus one each from Lithuania and Poland.


Hundreds of US Switchblade loitering munition systems.


415 reconnaissance drones.

Long-Range Missiles

No one has agreed to Kyiv’s request for the long-range guided Army Tactical Missile System, known as ATACAMS, which can hit targets with at much further distances than HIMARS.

Some Western officials have voiced concerns about giving Ukrainian forces more potential to strike targets deep inside Russia, as it could lead to a direct confrontation with Moscow.

Others

Other items include missiles that can be used against enemy radar, ships, and surface targets, as well as electronic warfare equipment, unmanned waterborne vessels, radar equipment and other systems.

--With assistance from Jeremy Diamond and Patrick Donahue.

©2023 Bloomberg L.P.

Ukraine will now get Western tanks. 

Why it matters

Sun, January 15, 2023 

STORY: As fighting continues in eastern Ukraine, the United Kingdom's government has confirmed that it will be the first NATO country to supply its ally with Western tanks.

A squadron of 14 tanks called the "Challenger 2" will deploy to the conflict in the coming weeks.

But what is the Challenger 2 and what kind impact can it have on the war?

The Challenger 2 is what's called a main battle tank, or MBT, and it's specifically designed to attack other tanks and armored vehicles, seen here during NATO exercises two years ago.

Until now Ukraine's military has primarily relied on its older, Soviet-era tanks. It's also captured and re-purposed some of Russia's during the invasion.

President Zelenskiy has long pleaded with allied countries to include their tanks in aid packages, but some Western officials have been cautious over the concern that Russia or even China could get their hands on advanced Western military technology.

Moscow is also likely to see the introduction of Western tanks onto the battlefield as an escalation of the war and NATO is desperate not to be drawn more directly into it.

The Challenger 2 has been in service with the British army since 1994 and has been deployed to Bosnia, Iraq, and other crises.

The UK's gift could put added pressure on other NATO countries, particularly the U.S. and Germany, to give their own tanks, which have so far resisted.

Along with the Challenger 2, Britain is also giving Ukraine about 30 artillery vehicles called the "AS-90."

It will take time to train Ukrainian forces on how to use the British tanks and artillery, and Russia's London embassy is dismissing the development.

The embassy says the Challengers are unlikely to turn the tide of the war, will drag it out, and will be targeted by Russia's own forces.

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for PERMANENT ARMS ECONOMY 

Cautious China approves GMO alfalfa import after decade-long wait

Sun, January 15, 2023 
By Dominique Patton and Tom Polansek

Jan 13 (Reuters) - China approved imports of eight genetically modified (GM) crops, permitting shipments of GM alfalfa for the first time after a decade-long wait, the country's agriculture ministry said on Friday.

Global seed makers and the U.S. government welcomed the decision after Beijing's slow approval process disrupted grain exports and launches of crops that need clearance from China because it is one of the world's biggest agriculture markets.

The approvals are "a positive step towards resolving the longstanding challenges biotechnology developers face in obtaining import approvals in China," said the Biotechnology Innovation Organization in Washington, the world's largest trade association for biotech companies like Bayer AG.

Beijing has a cautious approach to GM technology and has not approved any major food crops for cultivation, despite President Xi Jinping's backing of the technology. China allows the import of GM crops used in animal feed, but trade partners say the process is not always based on science and is often driven by politics.

Among those approved were two glyphosate-resistant types of alfalfa first submitted for approval more than 10 years ago. The crops are owned by Land O'Lakes subsidiary Forage Genetics International, after being co-developed by the company and Monsanto, now owned by Bayer, said Glenda Gehl, Forage Genetics' vice president and general manager.

U.S. farmers already grow the alfalfa, but Beijing's approvals open the door for expanded plantings in Western states that supply export markets, she said.

"This is a huge opportunity for alfalfa growers across the U.S.," Gehl said.

Access to biotechnology is especially important because of heightened concerns about global food security and high commodity prices, said Alexis Taylor, a U.S. Department of Agriculture under secretary, in an e-mail to Reuters.

China also approved a Corteva Inc glyphosate-resistant canola, DP73496, first developed by DuPont Pioneer and submitted for approval in July 2012.

Corteva plans to launch its Optimum GLY canola hybrids in North America and Australia, and is still pursuing other import approvals, said spokesperson Kris Allen.

Beijing promised to speed up access to its market under the Phase 1 trade deal concluded with the United States in 2020. The approvals come after the first meeting between U.S. President Joe Biden and China's Xi in November amid efforts to repair tense relations.

China could use the approvals as a goodwill gesture and as justification for a potential decision to cultivate more GM crops domestically, said John Baize, president of U.S. consultancy John C. Baize & Associates.

"They can say to the U.S.: 'See, you wanted us to speed up our approval. We did,'" Baize said.

China also cleared two GM sugar cane traits developed in Brazil, along with a BASF SE herbicide-resistant cotton.

The crops were allowed to be imported for processing in China from Jan. 5 for the next five years.

China also approved the safety of three domestically developed GM products, including insect- and glyphosate-resistant corn from Yuan Longping High-tech Agriculture Ltd and Hangzhou Ruifeng's insect-resistant soybean. (Reporting by Beijing Newsroom and Dominique Patton and Tom Polansek in Chicago; Editing by Mark Potter, Alexander Smith and Josie Kao)

IEA: World Needs $4.5 Trillion Investment In Clean Energy Tech By 2030

Editor OilPrice.com
Sun, January 15, 2023 

As the world enters a new industrial age, where technology manufacturing for clean energy will lead the way, total investments in clean energy technologies and infrastructure have to top $4.5 trillion in 2030 under the net-zero emissions by 2050 scenario, the International Energy Agency (IEA) said in a new report this week.

The unprecedented scale of required investment will need industrial strategies from the countries to mobilize those investments across all regions, technologies, and supply chains. The task is enormous, and risks are also greater due to the heavily concentrated raw materials and material processing in a handful of countries, especially China, the IEA said.

Other hurdles to a robust development of clean energy technology include policy and supply chain bottlenecks, according to the agency.

"Bottlenecks can occur as a result of policy and regulatory risks, a lack of confidence in demonstration and first-of-a-kind projects, uncertainty about project pipelines, wider macroeconomic factors such as currency stability, and geopolitical events," the IEA said in its report.

Investment in clean energy is continuously rising, but it needs to rise much more, especially this decade if the world has a chance to reach net-zero by 2050, the international agency noted.

Last year, clean energy investment hit $1.4 trillion, a 10% increase compared to 2021, and representing 70% of the growth in total energy sector investment.

Yet, fossil fuels still account for 80% of the primary energy mix in the world, the IEA said.



The energy transition depends on the supply chains in clean energy technology. As much as $1.2 trillion of cumulative investment would be required to bring enough capacity online for the supply chains to be on track with the NZE Scenario's 2030 targets. Currently announced investments cover around 60% of this estimate.

Considering the lead times from decision to production, most investments will have to be made during 2023-2025, at an average of $270 billion per year, which is nearly seven times the average rate of investment over 2016-2021, the IEA said.

"Lead times to establish new supply chains and expand existing ones can be long, requiring policy interventions today. Opening mines or deploying clean energy infrastructure can take more than a decade. Building a factory or ramping up operations for mass-manufactured technologies requires only around 1-3 years."

Apart from the need to scale up investments, and to do that now for projects to be up and running in 2030, the world needs to diversify its clean energy supply chains.

"The production of critical minerals is highly concentrated geographically, raising concerns about security of supplies," the IEA says.

For example, the Democratic Republic of Congo supplies 70% of today's cobalt, China supplies 60% of rare earth elements (REEs), and Indonesia 40% of nickel. Australia accounts for 55% of lithium mining and Chile for 25%. China processes 90% of REEs and 60-70% of lithium and cobalt, and it also dominates bulk material supply, accounting for around half of global crude steel, cement and aluminum output, though most is used domestically.

Diversification will also need enormous investment and the right supportive policies for establishing supply chains outside China.

"As we have seen with Europe's reliance on Russian gas, when you depend too much on one company, one country or one trade route – you risk paying a heavy price if there is disruption," IEA Executive Director Fatih Birol said in a statement.

"The era of clean technology manufacturing means every country needs to develop an industrial strategy that reflects its strengths & addresses areas where it's less competitive," Birol noted.

Many economies are competing to be leaders in the new energy economy, he added.

"It’s important, though, that this competition is fair – and that there is a healthy degree of international collaboration, since no country is an energy island and energy transitions will be more costly and slow if countries do not work together.”

By Tsvetana Paraskova for Oilrpice.com

POSTMODERN McCARTHYISM
Board shake-ups, threats to tenure and money: How conservatives are reshaping colleges

Alia Wong, USA TODAY
Sun, January 15, 2023 

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis's decision to overhaul the board of trustees at a progressive public college was his latest move in a larger movement against so-called "woke" education.

“Like so many colleges and universities in America, New College of Florida has been completely captured by a political ideology that puts trendy, truth-relative concepts above learning,” Bryan Griffin, DeSantis’s press secretary, told USA TODAY, attributing low student enrollment and other financial challenges to the college’s “skewed focus and impractical course offerings.”

The shake-up is part of a years-long effort by DeSantis and a growing contingent of conservative leaders to chip away at what they view as higher education's liberal bias. They're shepherding legislation targeting diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives and critical race theory, including bills explicitly addressing colleges through provisions that would reduce tenure. They're shaping higher education in more subtle ways, too, including through philanthropic giving.

Observers say these trends will continue into 2023 as legislative sessions kick off and key players ramp up their campaigns for national elections.

Conservative board takeover: DeSantis seeks to transform Sarasota's New College

'We will not go down without a fight': New College students respond to DeSantis
What happened at New College of Florida?

New College has a reputation as a left-leaning college. All but two of the new appointees to New College’s board of trustees are prominent conservatives.

DeSantis's chief of staff has said the hope is to make New College into something “more along the lines of a Hillsdale of the South.”

Hillsdale is a private Christian college in Michigan that has been lauded by some on the right for championing conservative values. The college doesn't receive any federal funding, exempting it from some of the civil-rights mandates typically applied to higher education institutions.

More: Can Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis recreate Michigan's Hillsdale College in his state?

The prospective New College trustees “are committed to refocusing the institution on academics and truth and ensuring that students are receiving a quality education,” said Griffin. "The campus will become a place for learning and discourse, as it was designed to be.”

New College students have said they’re drawn to the school precisely because of its offerings and because its values contribute to its academic rigor, as reported by the Sarasota Herald-Tribune, part of the USA TODAY Network. Among those values: building a “just, diverse, equitable and inclusive community” on campus.

In a statement, New College President Patricia Okker said she sees "tremendous opportunity for New College and I believe that our new trustees will bring fresh ideas and new perspectives. New College has a long history of embracing change, all while being true to our mission of academic excellence."

Opinion: Two former New College trustees respond

Is there a liberal bias in higher education?

College students tend to skew more liberal than the general population. In a 2020 survey of 20,000 students across 55 colleges, the most comprehensive analysis of its kind, 50% of respondents identified as liberal, versus 26% as conservative. Roughly a quarter of Americans generally say they’re liberal.

However, just 19% of Gen-Z adults – the group of people most likely to attend four-year colleges now – identify with the right, suggesting there are more conservatives on college campuses than among their age group as a whole.

“Most colleges and universities are not extreme,” said Samuel Abrams, a visiting scholar at the right-leaning American Enterprise Institute (AEI) and politics professor at Sarah Lawrence, a liberal arts college in New York that is often ranked as one of the country’s most liberal colleges. With the exception of some liberal-arts schools, particularly in the Northeast, “students are pretty centrist.”

Abrams' research suggests administrators and other leaders – from department heads to dorm staff – are the ones driving colleges' leftward shift. “We have undergrads who are a little bit more liberal than the average American, we have faculty who are understandably liberal but not crazy, as well as some conservatives,” Abrams said. “And then you have administrators who are extremely liberal activist progressives.”

Students continue to prize free speech rights on campus but increasingly feel those rights are being trampled upon, according to 2022 polling data from the Knight Foundation and Ipsos. The percentage of students who say speech rights are secure has dropped every year since the survey first asked the question in 2016.

Just last week, news broke that Harvard – where roughly eight in 10 faculty identify as liberal – had rescinded a fellowship offer to Kenneth Roth, the former executive director of Human Rights Watch. Roth is a prominent critic of Israel, which his organization has regularly accused of war crimes against Palestinians.

Critics are blaming the decision on pro-Israel bias within Harvard leadership and describing it as yet another example of the ways in which colleges – particularly elite ones – police thought.

Christian colleges: Battle over wokeness isn't just about politics, it's about dollars
Board shake-up part of larger movement against CRT, DEI

Since 2021, lawmakers in dozens of states have introduced legislation restricting lessons on race and systemic discrimination – often described as critical race theory – as well as on sexuality and gender identity.

For the most part, the bills have centered on K-12 schools. Increasingly, though, the legislation has focused on higher education. Thirty-nine percent of bills in 2022 targeted higher ed, compared with 30% in 2021, according to an analysis last year by PEN America, a free speech and literacy organization.

Another trend: Legislation targeting Diversity, Equity and Inclusion initiatives – for example, DeSantis’s “Stop W.O.K.E. Act,” whose higher education provisions are on hold for now because of a lawsuit. DeSantis is appealing.

More: DeSantis dealt 'Stop Woke' setback after promoting policy on Election Night

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis reacts after publicly signing HB7, "individual freedom," also dubbed the "stop woke" bill during a news conference in April.

Christopher Rufo, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute and one of the four prominent conservatives appointed by DeSantis to the New College board of trustees, has been at the forefront of the anti-CRT, anti-DEI movement. He and one of the other new appointees – Matthew Spalding, a dean and professor at Hillsdale – also played key roles in the Stop W.O.K.E. act's creation.

Rufo, through his chief of staff, said he would only consent to an interview if the reporter removed her pronouns from her email signature for 90 days. USA TODAY rejected the request and reiterated its desire for an interview but did not hear back. People state pronouns in email signatures for a variety of reasons, including to avoid being misgendered by people with whom they communicate.

“I was honored to be appointed to this board, along with friends and colleagues from the conservative movement,” Rufo wrote in a blog post Thursday. “Governor DeSantis has tasked us with something that has never been done: institutional recapture. If we are successful, the effort can serve as a model for other states.”

Christopher Rufo in Seattle.

Culture wars: House Republicans attack Defense Department for 'woke' social policies

Is New College replacing ‘one set of extremism with another’?

Mark Bauerlein, a fellow conservative and recent appointee to New College’s board, distanced himself from Rufo, however, saying he’ll take a different approach.

“I don’t have goals in mind,” the Emory University English professor emeritus said, stressing the DeSantis administration hasn’t given him any policy prescriptions and he doesn’t have an agenda for the role. Bauerlein said he’ll start by listening and getting "a feel for the atmosphere of the place.”

While “the leftward tilt (in higher education) has certainly happened, it’s not a problem if we find that academic standards are being maintained – if we find that the ideals of inquiry and discussion and peer review are held to a good level of rigor,” he said.

Bauerlein, who has written about and helped the state of Florida develop K-12 standards, said one of his first tasks might be to compare student projects from the 1990s and more recent work to assess whether “there is some deterioration, whether the standards significantly lower quality than before.” He’s also curious as to why so many students – close to 70% – are female, and whether DEI efforts are crossing the line.

While having little prior knowledge about the college and living in another state, he’s prepared for the host of issues he may have to chime in on, from facilities and athletic programs to administrator salaries and contracts.

“I think that the ‘transformation’ may be a lot slower and less striking than people expect,” Bauerlein said.

New College of Florida Board of Trustees member Mark Bauerlein

USA TODAY reached out to the other new appointees but didn't receive responses.

In a statement, Hillsdale's Spalding said: "I appreciate the complimentary nods to Hillsdale College, but we are not going to serve New College’s mission by remaking it into a carbon copy of another institution."

AEI's Abrams emphasized the importance of a cautionary approach. “What Florida has to do very carefully is they can’t swing too far in the other direction,” he said. “Florida needs to make sure that they showcase how viewpoint diversity works. … We don't want to replace one set of extremism with another.”

Another target of conservatives: academic tenure

In addition to targeting DEI, DeSantis’s Stop W.O.K.E Act aims to weaken tenure protections on the grounds that academics need to be held accountable for promoting critical race theory.

Reports indicate some professors in Florida adjusted or altogether removed classes in response to the law.

Tenure, which protects professors from being fired except in extreme circumstances, has long been in decline and for many reasons, including financial ones, said Irene Mulvey, president of the American Association of University Professors. But “what we’re seeing right now is really a war,” and the renewed focus on tenure by “right-wing conservatives” is one aspect of it, she said.

Proposals to erode or eliminate tenure has come up recently in roughly half a dozen states, she said, primarily targeting professors who teach about race and racism, equity and justice, and gender studies.

Texas: Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick cracks down on tenure

Iowa: Legislature won't ban tenure at public universities this year after bill fails to advance

“Tenure is what protects academic freedom for faculty in higher education – it’s necessary so faculty can promote the free and vigorous open exchange of ideas … without fear of being fired,” Mulvey said. “Trying to take away tenure from faculty is an age-old strategy from the totalitarian playbook to attack education to stop students from learning ideas the state disagrees with.”

Pressure could continue to mount this year as more states are expected to consider or implement tenure restrictions, according to reporting by the Associated Press. Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, for example, has vowed to revoke tenure from professors who teach critical race theory.

“The larger strategy is to create divisions … and then exploiting those divisions in order to win elections and build power,” Mulvey said. “It's cynical, it's disingenuous, and the consequences for higher education and democracy are really devastating.”

This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Ron Desantis turns eye towards progressive colleges in 'woke' war

Who are the six conservative trustees DeSantis installed at New College of Florida?

BY IAN HODGSON
Sat, January 14, 2023 

Gov. Ron DeSantis stirred controversy this month with his selection of six noted conservatives for the board of trustees at New College of Florida.

Most of his picks are not new to Florida education politics — having advised the governor on state policy or curriculum. What is new is the degree of direct influence they will have on the State University System’s smallest school.

READ MORE: New College was thrust into DeSantis’ culture war. Can it remain ‘quirky, queer and creative’?

Here’s a look at their backgrounds:

Christopher Rufo

Christopher Rufo, a writer, filmmaker and activist who has challenged critical race theory, delivers a speech at Hillsdale College, a small conservative school in Michigan. His talk was titled “Laying seige to the institutions,” where he proposed major changes at public universities in the U.S. Gov. Ron DeSantis announced Rufo’s appointment to the New College of Florida board of trustees on Jan. 6, 2023.More

Perhaps the most well-known of the six new appointees, Rufo, 37, is a senior fellow at the right-leaning Manhattan Institute and contributing editor of the institute’s City Journal publication.

He gained attention in 2020 when he publicized examples of diversity training material used in government and business workshops, popularizing the term “critical rate theory” as a rallying cry for the right.

In Dec. 2021, Rufo appeared on stage with DeSantis during the announcement of the governor’s “Stop WOKE Act,” which prohibits the teaching in schools and workplaces that any one race or sex is inherently privileged or biased.

In a 2022 address at Hillsdale College, Rufo laid out a hypothetical blueprint for conservative capture of a public university, starting with an independent board of directors appointed by a state’s governor.

“We have to get out of this idea that the public university system is a totally independent entity that practices academic freedom,” Rufo said. “These are public universities that should reflect and transmit the values of the public, and the representatives of the public, i.e., state legislators, have ultimate power to shape or reshape those institutions.”

Matthew Spalding

Matthew Spalding

Spalding, the 58-year-old dean of the graduate school of government at Hillsdale College, has spoken positively of DeSantis’ previous education initiatives and appeared next to the governor at the Stop WOKE Act announcement.

“I believe we are on the cusp of a moment of which the idea of education as an issue is re-aligning,” Spalding said in a December 2021 news release. “It is no longer a question of budget or policy; it is about returning it to its rightful place in the formation of good citizens.”

Spalding did not respond to requests for comment.

He co-chaired former President Donald Trump’s 1776 Commission and was coeditor of the ensuing report, which sought to define a conservative understanding of the “history and principles of the founding of the United States” in response to the New York Times’ 1619 Project.

The American Historical Association called the report a “simplistic interpretation that relies on falsehoods, inaccuracies, omissions, and misleading statements.”

The report calls for “authentic education,” founded on principles including solid family structures, limited government, private property and religious faith.

Charles Kesler

Charles Kesler

Kesler, 65, is a professor of government at Claremont McKenna College and a senior fellow at the Claremont Institute, a conservative think tank not associated with the university.

He serves as the editor of the institute’s flagship publication, The Claremont Review of Books, which has been characterized as the “intellectual home” of Trumpism.

His brand of “American Conservatism” — which he describes as “conservatism rooted in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution” — found a home in Trump’s America-first ideology and landed him on Politico’s 2017 list of the 50 Ideas Blowing Up American Politics.

Kesler served on the 1776 Commission and is listed as a contributor to the report. He did not respond to requests for comment.

Mark Bauerlein

Mark Bauerlein

An emeritus professor of English at Emory University, Bauerlein served on the National Endowment for the Arts in the Obama administration and advised on the 2020 revision to Florida’s K-12 English language arts curriculum.

He is perhaps best known for his 2008 book “The Dumbest Generation: How the Digital Age Stupefies Young Americans and Jeopardizes Our Future (Or, Don’t Trust Anyone Under 30).” In it, Bauerlein decries the fading interest in classical literature among millennials.

His outlook on the nation’s intellectual scene hasn’t improved since then, Bauerlein said. But despite his pessimism, he remains a devoted academic institutionalist — more concerned, he said, with academic rigor than ideology.

Jason “Eddie” Speir

Eddie Speir

Speir, 53, is the founder and superintendent of the Inspiration Academy, a private Christian high school in Bradenton.

He acknowledged that the six new trustees at New College may have been selected for ideological reasons: “Of course, there is motivation by politics. You can’t escape it,” Speir wrote in an email to the Tampa Bay Times.

“I believe today’s universities, New College in particular, become pipelines into a tyrannical ideology,” he continued. “When you separate a person from their creator and reduce their identity to a group, sexual preference, or skin color, you often create a victim in search of a villain.”

Despite different viewpoints, Speir anticipates that there will be alignment in purpose when the board meets.

“I’m an ardent believer in freedom of speech, and I can respect people with whom I disagree,” Speir wrote.

Debra Jenks

Debra Jenks

Jenks, 64, is a securities mediation lawyer in Palm Beach County. Of the six new trustees, she is the only one who attended New College of Florida, graduating in 1980 with a degree in economics.

“New College was a beacon of light and hope for me,” Jenks wrote in a email. “I hope we can keep New College of Florida from closure or potential merger.”

Can Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis recreate Michigan's Hillsdale College in his state?


Nirvi Shah, USA TODAY
Sun, January 15, 2023

The campus of Hillsdale College.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis this month appointed six new members to the board of trustees of a public college in his state that describes itself as “a community of free thinkers, risk takers and trailblazers.”

Underlying these changes, Florida Education Commissioner Manny Diaz said, “is our hope that New College of Florida will become Florida's classical college, more along the lines of a Hillsdale of the South.”

Hillsdale College spokesperson Emily Banks Davis said that “with respect to the idea of New College becoming the ‘Hillsdale of the South,’ we are, of course, flattered by the comparison. There can only be one Hillsdale College. … But that said, we understand why Hillsdale is a sort of benchmark.

“Students are hungry for the kind of rigorous liberal arts education that the college offers.”

In response to DeSantis’ appointments, New College President Patricia Okker, who has been in her role since mid-2021, indicated she was open-minded about the new board.

"I see tremendous opportunity for New College and I believe that our new trustees will bring fresh ideas and new perspectives,” she said. “New College has a long history of embracing change, all while being true to our mission of academic excellence.”

DeSantis aims to create 'Hillsdale of the south': Conservative overhaul in the works for a Florida college's board

So, what is Hillsdale College?

In many ways, Hillsdale College, in south central Michigan, and New College of Florida, on the state’s Gulf Coast in Sarasota, could not be more different.

The former is a private, Christian college founded in 1844 that prides itself on not taking public dollars or allowing students to take government aid to attend, allowing it to forgo federal rules about disclosing its student demographics and adhering to Title IX guidance on sexual discrimination.

Its founders were abolitionist Baptists, though it is officially nonsectarian, and Hillsdale says it was the first American college to ban discrimination based on race, religion, or sex. It says it was the nation’s second college to grant four-year liberal arts degrees to women. It has been called “one of the most important institutions in American conservatism” by the National Review. For conservatives, the outlet wrote in 1999, “Hillsdale is meant to be a model for how higher education should work.”

The campus of Hillsdale College which is located in south central Michigan.

How do Hillsdale and New College of Florida compare?

New College of Florida is a public institution. Though it was established in 1960 as a private college, it joined the University of South Florida in 1975 and became independent in 2001. At a campus dedication in 1962, its website says, earth from Harvard was mixed with soil from New College “as a symbol of the shared lofty ideals of the two institutions.” Today it has about 700 students, though in recent years it has struggled to maintain enrollment, as have many other colleges and universities.

At Hillsdale, annual tuition, fees, room and board are more than $43,000 this academic year. It has about 1,515 students. New College has won praise as one of the most affordable liberal arts colleges in the nation, and it costs about half as much as Hillsdale for in-state students. Enrollment at Hillsdale has grown over the past few years.

Both colleges boast a small student-to-instructor ratio, but the structure of an undergrad’s life at each respective institution is distinct.

Margo Nielsen, 19, a first-year student studying biology and art, finds a shady spot to read on the New College of Florida campus in Sarasota earlier this month.

At New College, the “chart your own course” program is designed to develop what it calls “essential skills that all students need to succeed in work, citizenship and life.” Hillsdale’s classical liberal arts program asks all students to enroll in what it calls “a structured core of courses that takes about two years to complete. Together, they follow a journey through literature, philosophy, theology, history, the fine arts, and the natural sciences, and [students] begin to see the world as a cohesive whole.”

Hillsdale’s acceptance rate also differs sharply from New College’s. Hillsdale is more selective, admitting fewer than 50% of applicants; New College accepts about 70%. And Hillsdale students are almost an even split between men and women, while New College is about 70% female.

'We will not go down without a fight': Students vow amid DeSantis' GOP takeover of Florida college

New College says 83% of grads have a job within four months of graduating, and within 10 years of leaving, they earn a median salary of more than $106,000 and about $55,000 within five years of graduation. A recent class at Hillsdale made an average of about $40,000 within six months of earning their degrees.

In addition, New College boasts of being the nation's top public college for the proportion of students who go on to get Ph.Ds. Of a recent Hillsdale graduating class, 21 percent continued their education.

How has Hillsdale's political influence developed?

Larry P. Arnn is president of Hillsdale College in Hillsdale, Michigan.

Hillsdale's former president George Roche, who died in 2006, "became a hero to conservatives," according to the National Review, for standing firm on its admissions policies in spite of affirmative action. Students couldn't even accept GI Bill benefits or Pell Grants if they wanted to attend, because this would have allowed federal oversight. One line of defense: Roche said it admitted women and Black students before the Civil War.

Hillsdale's current President Larry Arnn, one of the architects of a ban on affirmative action in California before working at Hillsdale, has built on some of Roche's legacy, including a massive endowment that members of Congress once fought to protect from taxation and huge distribution for its Imprimis publication.

He also oversaw the creation of a Washington D.C. outpost for Hillsdale, with the help of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas's wife, Ginni Thomas. And Arnn has called DeSantis, with whom the school has had a connection for nearly a decade, one of the most important people living. Arnn, Hillsdale’s president since 2000, is a critic of the teaching of critical race theory and the Common Core standards.

Arnn threw his support behind Donald Trump's candidacy in 2016, and that was reciprocated in what the college called “a take over” of the administration. At one point, Arnn was among those floated as Trump’s education secretary.

Hillsdale's president also was appointed by Trump to lead his short-lived 1776 Commission, which produced a report condemning the legacy of the civil rights movement. Matthew Spalding, one of DeSantis' new appointees to the New College board, was the 1776 Commission’s executive director.

The college has played a role in policymaking at public K-12 schools and in higher education for years and lends its expertise to a group of charter schools that enroll 14,500 students across the country, including at least seven in Florida.

Republican Gov. Bill Lee of Tennessee last year touted a partnership to bring 50 of the publicly funded, privately run schools to his state, but distanced himself from the plan after Arnn was captured on video disparaging teachers.

But now, five Hillsdale-affiliated schools are in the works in Tennessee.

Contributing: Chris Quintana, USA TODAY

This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: What is Hillsdale College? Florida Gov. DeSantis wants to replicate it

New College was thrust into DeSantis’ culture war. Can it remain ‘quirky, queer and creative’?


BY DIVYA KUMAR AND IAN HODGSON
Sat, January 14, 2023 

Nestled between Sarasota Bay and the Tamiami Trail, the small campus once dubbed “Barefoot U” has been a progressive enclave in a conservative county for 60 years.

New College of Florida has clung to its identity since its founding at the peak of the counterculture movement.

Now, the 110-acre liberal arts school with fewer than 700 students finds itself in the national spotlight, thrust into the culture wars after Gov. Ron DeSantis announced the appointment of six noted conservatives to its board of trustees on Jan. 6.

The new members include Matthew Spalding, a former vice president of the Heritage Foundation, a conservative Washington, D.C. think tank; professors and right-leaning authors Charles Kesler and Mark Bauerlein; and Christopher Rufo, an activist who spurred a national backlash against critical race theory and LGBTQ issues.

Rufo, who appeared with DeSantis when the governor unveiled Florida’s “Stop Woke Act” in 2021, already has announced an ambitious plan to quickly revamp New College. In an interview with the New York Times, he said plans are afoot for a “top-down restructuring” and the design of “a new core curriculum from scratch.”

He predicted the school would look “very different in the next 120 days.”

Some Republicans say the appointments are an opportunity for Florida to emulate Hillsdale College, a small, private Christian university in Michigan that has helped DeSantis shape education policy since 2019. New College, they say, could be “a Hillsdale of the South.”

While a Hillsdale spokesperson called the comparison flattering, the label elicited polarized views and concern among some alumni, faculty, students and prospective students.

Both supporters and critics see the six appointments to the 13-member board as part of a larger, rapid push to alter Florida’s higher education system in much the same way DeSantis put his mark on K-12 schools in 2022.

READ MORE: DeSantis’ ‘full armor of God’ rhetoric reaches Republicans. But is he playing with fire?

Late last month, the governor’s budget office required all state universities and colleges to detail what they spend on diversity initiatives and critical race theory. And later this month, the state Board of Governors will consider a new policy that restricts faculty tenure and ties enforcement to the Stop WOKE Act.

DeSantis press secretary Bryan Griffin said New College is due for a change.

The new trustees will be “committed to refocusing the institution on academics and truth and ensuring that students are receiving a quality education,” he said. “The campus will become a place for learning and discourse, as it was designed to be.”

The newly reelected governor, supporters say, is out to “recapture higher education.
‘Just the beginning’

When Bella Croteau first toured New College, the senior at Lakewood High in St. Petersburg immediately felt at home.

“My first thought was I don’t want to take a gap year anymore,” Croteau said. “I want to be here now. The demographic is exactly my type of people. There are so many LGBT students, there are a lot of Dungeons & Dragons players.”

Croteau gasped with delight during a visit when someone on campus said, “You look like you go here.”

“I was like, ‘That’s the best compliment ever,’” Croteau said.

“It’s so important to feel like your existence can be acknowledged, especially in school, when you are always beneath someone, when you’re always the small fish,” they said.

“Having an unconditional love for people, just humans, regardless of age or what major they’re in or what they identify as, having that there and saying we see you and we work with you — not around you — is what New College does and what makes it New College.”

The school, which has a ratio of six students for every faculty member and an average class size of 11, is known for its atypical approach. Students receive evaluations rather than grades and pursue independent research projects between traditional semesters.

Alaska Miller, a second-year cognitive science major, described the New College atmosphere as “quirky, queer and creative.”

Alaska Miller, a second-year student studying cognitive science and minoring in gender studies, described the campus as “quirky, queer and creative.” In trying to capture it, she mentioned she knew multiple people who read philosopher Michel Foucault for fun.

“Have you ever met that person who is a little quirky, but they’re like the smartest person you’ve ever met?” she said. “That’s like the kind of people who go to New College.”

Miller said the school’s significant LGBTQ population is a hallmark of its culture. She heard about the six new trustees on the way to a dining hall.

“To see suddenly we’re in the middle of a culture war is completely insane,” Miller said. “I never in a million years thought they even knew we existed sometimes. But now they want to turn New College into this weird ‘Hillsdale of the South’? It’s very strange.”

To Miller, who considers herself a leftist, the portrayals of New College as a bastion of “woke ideology” don’t hold up. In a class on political theory, she read Karl Marx and Thomas Hobbs, Frantz Fanon and Niccolo Machiavelli, a group encompassing a wide range of thought.

Sam Sharf, a second-year international politics major, predicted the move to put a conservative stamp on New College could spread to other Florida schools.

Sam Sharf, a second-year student from Tampa studying international politics, agreed.

“We come here as a predominantly LGBT student body and have a progressive vision for society,” Sharf said. “It’s not like they’re teaching us to be like this. We would be like this regardless if we came here or not. This is just a place where freedom of thought is allowed to flourish. Not all teachers are sympathetic to our visions.”

Sharf said she’s concerned about the attention the campus has drawn in recent days.

“Our small school is becoming a battleground in the conservative culture war, and with that it could bring violent actors to our campus,” she said.

She’s also concerned at the direction the new trustees may take.

“The alternative they’re positing is actually what they’re projecting us as being,” she said. “They want to create a conservative, dogmatized education where only that thought process is accepted. … They don’t want people to learn things that are critical of the state or America, or just critical thinking in general. This is just the beginning. If they succeed, they’ll be emboldened to try this everywhere. They’ll try this at Florida State University or the University of Florida.”
A school ‘on the ropes’

Though U.S. News & World Report ranks New College No. 5 among public liberal arts colleges nationally, the school has faced troubles in recent years.

“They’ve kind of been on the ropes,” said Christian Ziegler, vice chairperson of the Florida GOP. After the new trustees were announced, he sent a message to supporters about DeSantis’ “aggressive and incredible actions,” asking them to “let the victory saturate — THIS IS WINNING!”

The college’s most recent state accountability plan outlined two challenges to overcome. It said, “New College of Florida must become an inclusive community where all independent thinkers and innovators eager to learn in an engaging academic environment experience a strong sense of belonging.” Also, the college “must fully realize the transformative power of integrating career education with a challenging honors curriculum,” the plan said.

It laid out a goal that every student complete an internship or apprenticeship before graduating. It set a target to increase enrollment to 800 undergrads by 2026.

Since 2016, when New College welcomed a freshman class of 861, enrollment and revenue have declined. Patricia Okker became president in 2021 and was handed the task of building community partnerships, boosting the endowment and improving the school’s numbers. The most recent fall class saw a slight increase in enrollment and the largest group of transfer students in recent years.

Okker started a task force to improve retention rates and recently launched the New College Challenge, bringing students and scholars at top universities together to solve coastal resiliency issues.

For some, like faculty union chair Steve Shipman, the newest call for changes came as a surprise.

“It’s a little disheartening,” he said. “It felt like we were on an upswing.”

Griffin, the DeSantis press secretary, said the new trustees have a firsthand understanding of Florida’s education system after working with the state on other initiatives.

He pointed to the values section on New College’s mission page, which says the school is committed to creating a more “inclusive community” and “ensuring that historically marginalized and oppressed groups are not experiencing trauma and harm.”

Griffin said the passage illustrates the college has been “completely captured by a political ideology that puts trendy, truth-relative concepts above learning.”

“The public expects their tax dollars to go towards the statutorily stated mission of ‘provid[ing] a quality education,’” he said in an email, quoting state law. The school’s mission statement, Griffin argued, “quite literally admits the institution will adjust outcomes based on non-academic factors of their choosing.”

Ziegler, the GOP leader, said the change is beneficial for everyone involved.

“Their mission, vision and values have the same woke principles the governor and Legislature frankly are fighting against every day,” he said, adding that New College might fare better with state budget writers after undergoing “a reset.”

Ziegler said Hillsdale College has “carved out a reputation going back to the basics and really focusing on history as it really was, rather than going to college, getting brainwashed by liberals.”

He said that, as a father of three young daughters and a Sarasota County business owner, he’s excited by the prospect of broader higher education options for his family and the community.

“This is the first step,” Ziegler said. “And hopefully there are more steps when it comes to reforming higher education.”
What will happen?

On Monday, President Okker issued a statement giving a “warm welcome” to the new trustees, who are awaiting confirmation by the Republican-controlled state Senate. She said she was eager to hear their ideas for making New College “a national model for a top-tier liberal arts college.”

For the first time in years, Okker added, the school has a “tremendous opportunity” to be led by a full board.

Florida gives university boards of trustees broad powers — from hiring the president to planning and budgeting and deciding which academic programs stay or go. Each board has 13 members — six appointed by the governor, five by the state Board of Governors and one representative each for the students and faculty.

The Board of Governors, which is mostly appointed by the governor, will soon add a new trustee as well, likely giving the New College board a seven-member majority that could execute the governor’s vision for the school. State officials declined to answer questions about how the governor’s six vacancies came open at once and how the new trustees were vetted.

Others were more cautious than Okker but still optimistic about New College’s future.

Joey McMahon, a transfer from the University of South Florida, is studying psychology and philosophy at New College.

Joey McMahon, a third-year transfer student, said he looks forward to talking with the new trustees, particularly Rufo, who compared his 120-day plan to Elon Musk’s takeover of Twitter.

Shipman, the faculty union chair, said he was unsure how much could be achieved in that time frame, given academic hiring cycles. “We’re adopting a wait-and-see mentality,” he said.

Even Rufo’s fellow appointees expressed skepticism about his timeline.

Bauerlein, the Emory professor, said he felt the board would operate in a way that would be “a lot less political and a lot more managerial,” with a healthy mix of personalities.

“At this point, it’s good to have a guy like Christopher in the room,” he said, referring to Rufo. “We’re going to have a student representative on the board, who I’m betting will be very much on the opposite side of Christopher. There’ll be a faculty member, who I imagine will not share Christopher’s outlook on things.”

Spalding, the Hillsdale professor, said in a statement that the “political controversy” surrounding the appointments was “overwrought.”

“I appreciate the complimentary nods to Hillsdale College,” he said, “but we are not going to serve New College’s mission by remaking it into a carbon copy of another institution.”

Croteau, the Lakewood High student, said they still plan to attend New College.

“It’s not like we’re going to disappear,” Croteau said. “Until something changes, it’s still the New College I toured and the one that I love. I’m just having high hopes now.”

Times staff writers Ian Hodgson and Jeff Solochek contributed to this report. Divya Kumar and Hodgson cover higher education for the Tampa Bay Times, in partnership with Open Campus.

REAL CRT

The hidden story of when two Black college students were tarred and feathered

Karen Sieber, Humanities Officer, Minnesota Humanities Center, University of Maine

THE CONVERSATION
Sun, January 15, 2023 

Newspaper coverage of the incident is hard to find. New York Herald

One cold April night in 1919, at around 2 a.m., a mob of 60 rowdy white students at the University of Maine surrounded the dorm room of Samuel and Roger Courtney in Hannibal Hamlin Hall. The mob planned to attack the two Black brothers from Boston in retaliation for what a newspaper article described at the time as their “domineering manner and ill temper.” The brothers were just two among what yearbooks show could not have been more than a dozen Black University of Maine students at the time.

While no first-person accounts or university records of the incident are known to remain, newspaper clippings and photographs from a former student’s scrapbook help fill in the details.

Although outnumbered, the Courtney brothers escaped. They knocked three freshmen attackers out cold in the process. Soon a mob of hundreds of students and community members formed to finish what the freshmen had started. The mob captured the brothers and led them about four miles back to campus with horse halters around their necks.

Before a growing crowd at the livestock-viewing pavilion, members of the mob held down Samuel and Roger as their heads were shaved and their bodies stripped naked in the near-freezing weather. They were forced to slop each other with hot molasses. The mob then covered them with feathers from their dorm room pillows. The victims and bystanders cried out for the mob to stop but to no avail. Local police, alerted hours earlier, arrived only after the incident ended. No arrests were made.

Incidents of tarring and feathering as a form of public torture can be found throughout American history, from colonial times onward. In nearby Ellsworth, Maine, a Know Nothing mob, seen by some as a forerunner to the KKK, tarred and feathered Jesuit priest Father John Bapst in 1851. Especially leading into World War I, this method of vigilantism continued to be used by the KKK and other groups against Black Americans, immigrants and labor organizers, especially in the South and West. As with the Courtney brothers incident, substitutions like molasses or milkweed were made based on what was readily available. Although rarely fatal, victims of tarring and feathering attacks were not only humiliated by being held down, shaved, stripped naked and covered in a boiled sticky substance and feathers, but their skin often became burned and blistered or peeled off when solvents were used to remove the remnants.
Discovering the attack

When I first discovered the Courtney brothers incident in the summer of 2020 – as Black Lives Matter protests took place worldwide following the May death of George Floyd – it felt monumental to me. Not only am I a historian at the university where this shameful event occurred, but I’ve also devoted the past five years to tracking down information about the Red Summer of 1919, the name given to the nationwide wave of violence against Black Americans that year.

University alumni records and yearbooks indicate the Courtney brothers never finished their studies. One article mentions possible legal action against the university, although I couldn’t find evidence of it.

The Courtney brothers, pictured tarred and feathered inside the livestock-viewing pavilion on the University of Maine’s campus. 

Seth Pinkham papers, Fogler Library, University of Maine

Local media like The Bangor Daily News and the campus newspaper reported nothing on the event. A search of databases populated with millions of pages of historic newspapers yielded just six news accounts of the Courtney brothers incident. Most were published in the greater Boston area where the family was prominent, or in the Black press. While most of white America was unaware of the attack, many Black Americans likely read about it in The Chicago Defender, the most prominent and widely distributed Black paper in the nation at the time.

Anyone with firsthand memory of the incident is long gone. Samuel passed away in 1929 with no descendants. Roger, who worked in real estate investment, died a year later, leaving a pregnant wife and toddler behind. Obituaries for both men are brief and provide no details about their deaths. My efforts to speak with Courtney family members are ongoing.

No condemnation

The tarring and feathering is also missing from official University of Maine histories. A brief statement from the university’s then-president, Robert J. Aley, claimed the event was nothing more than childish hazing that was “likely to happen any time, at any college, the gravity depending much upon the susceptibilities of the victim and the notoriety given it.” Rather than condemn the mob’s violence, his statement highlighted the fact that one of the brothers had previously violated unspecified campus rules, as if that justified the treatment the men received.
A cross-country search

When I began my research on the Red Summer in 2015, almost no documents about the events were digitized, and resources were spread out across the country at dozens of different institutions.

I spent much of 2015 on a 7,500-mile cross-country journey, scouring material at over 20 archives, libraries and historical societies nationwide. On that trip, I collected digital copies of over 700 documents about this harrowing spike in anti-Black violence, including photographs of bodies on fire, reports of Black churches burned, court documents and coroners’ reports, telegrams documenting local government reactions and incendiary editorials that fueled the fire.

I built a database of riot dates and locations, number of people killed, sizes of mobs, number of arrests, supposed instigating factors and related archival material to piece together how these events were all connected. This data allowed me to create maps, timelines and other methods of examining that moment in history. While each event was different, many trends emerged, such as the role of labor and housing tension spurred by the first wave of the Great Migration or the prevalence of attacks against Black soldiers that year.

The end result, Visualizing the Red Summer, is now used in classrooms around the country. It has been featured or cited by Teaching Human Rights, the National Archives, History.com and the American Historical Association, among others.

Yet most Americans have still never heard about the Black sharecroppers killed in the Elaine Massacre in Arkansas that year for organizing their labor or the fatal stoning of Black Chicago teenager Eugene Williams for floating into “white waters” in Lake Michigan. They weren’t taught about the Black World War I soldiers attacked in Charleston, South Carolina, and Bisbee, Arizona, during the Red Summer.

There is still work to do, but the recent anniversaries of events like the Tulsa Massacre or the Red Summer, which coincided with modern-day Black Lives Matter protests and the killings of Americans like Breonna Taylor and George Floyd, have sparked a renewed interest in the past.

This new discovery brings my research back home to campus. It has afforded me an opportunity to engage students with the events of the Red Summer in new ways.

As the humanities specialist at the McGillicuddy Humanities Center, I worked with students in a public history class in the fall of 2020 to design a digital exhibit and walking tour of hidden histories at the University of Maine. This tour includes the attack on the Courtney brothers. Intentionally forgotten stories, or those buried out of shame or trauma, exist everywhere. By uncovering these local stories, it will become more clear how acts of violence against people of color are not limited to a particular time or place, but are rather part of collective American history.

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. 

It was written by: Karen Sieber, University of Maine.

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One year after volcanic blast, many of Tonga's reefs lay silent




 The aftermath of Tonga volcano eruption on Jan. 15, 2022

Sat, January 14, 2023 
By Gloria Dickie

(Reuters) - One year on from the massive eruption of an underwater volcano in the South Pacific, the island nation of Tonga is still dealing with the damage to its coastal waters.

When Hunga-Tonga-Hunga Ha'apai went off, it sent a shockwave around the world, produced a plume of water and ash that soared higher into the atmosphere than any other on record, and triggered tsunami waves that ricocheted across the region - slamming into the archipelago which lies southeast of Fiji.

Coral reefs were turned to rubble and many fish perished or migrated away.

The result has Tongans struggling, with more than 80% of Tongan families relying on subsistence reef fishing, according 2019 data from the World Bank. Following the eruption, the Tongan government said it would seek $240 million for recovery, including improving food security. In the immediate aftermath, the World Bank provided $8 million.

"In terms of recovery plan ... we are awaiting for funds to cover expenditure associated with small-scale fisheries along coastal communities," said Poasi Ngaluafe, head of the science division of Tonga's Ministry of Fisheries.

SILENT REEFS

The vast majority of Tongan territory is ocean, with its exclusive economic zone extending across nearly 700,000 square kilometres (270,271 square miles) of water. While commercial fisheries contribute only 2.3% to the national economy, subsistence fishing is considered crucial in making up a staple of the Tongan diet.

The U.N.'s Food and Agricultural Organization estimated in a November report that the eruption cost the country's fisheries and aquaculture sector some $7.4 million - a significant number for Tonga's roughly $500 million economy. The losses were largely due to damaged fishing vessels, with nearly half of that damage in the small-scale fisheries sector, though some commercial vessels were also affected.

Because the Tongan government does not closely track subsistence fishing, it is difficult to estimate the eruption's impact on fish harvests.

But scientists say that, apart from some fish stocks likely being depleted, there are other troubling signs that suggest it could take a long time for fisheries to recover.

Young corals are failing to mature in the coastal waters around the eruption site, and many areas once home to healthy and abundant reefs are now barren, according to the government's August survey.

It is likely volcanic ash smothered many reefs, depriving fish of feeding areas and spawning beds. The survey found that no marine life had survived near the volcano.

Meanwhile, the tsunami that swelled in the waters around the archipelago knocked over large boulder corals, creating fields of coral rubble. And while some reefs survived, the crackling, snapping and popping noises of foraging shrimp and fish, a sign of a healthy environment, were gone.

"The reefs in Tonga were silent," the survey report found.

FARMING REPRIEVE

Agriculture has proved a lifeline to Tongans facing empty waters and damaged boats. Despite concerns that the volcanic ash, which blanketed 99% of the country, would make soils too toxic to grow crops, "food production has resumed with little impacts," said Siosiua Halavatu, a soil scientist speaking on behalf of the Tongan government.

Soil tests revealed that the fallen ash was not harmful for humans. And while yam and sweet potato plants perished during the eruption, and fruit trees were burned by falling ash, they began to recover once the ash was washed away.

"We have supported recovery works through land preparation, and planting backyard gardening and roots crops in the farms, as well as export crops like watermelon and squash," Halavatu told Reuters.

But long-term monitoring will be critical, he said, and Tonga hopes to develop a national soil strategy and upgrade their soil testing laboratory to help farmers.

SKY WATER

Scientists are also now taking stock of the eruption's impact on the atmosphere. While volcanic eruptions on land eject mostly ash and sulfur dioxide, underwater volcanos jettison far more water.

Tonga's eruption was no different, with the blast's white-grayish plume reaching 57 kilometers (35.4 miles) and injecting 146 million tonnes of water into the atmosphere.

Water vapor can linger in the atmosphere for up to a decade, trapping heat on Earth's surface and leading to more overall warming. More atmospheric water vapor can also help deplete ozone, which shields the planet from harmful UV radiation.

"That one volcano increased the total amount of global water in the stratosphere by 10 percent," said Paul Newman, chief scientist for earth sciences at NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center. "We're only now beginning to see the impact of that."

(Reporting by Gloria Dickie in London; Additional reporting by Kirsty Needham; Editing by Katy Daigle and Tomasz Janowski)