WHITE SUPREMACY
Romania recalls envoy from Kenya for ‘calling Africans monkeys’

AFP Published June 11, 2023

BUCHAREST: Romania on Saturday said it had recalled its ambassador to Kenya for allegedly comparing a monkey to Africans while attending a meeting in Nairobi.

Dragos Viorel Tigau was at a UN building in Kenya’s capital on April 26 when a monkey appeared at the window of the conference room.

“The African group has joined us,” Tigau said according to a note from the South Sudanese embassy in Kenya.

The Romanian foreign ministry said it had only been informed of the incident this week and “began a procedure to recall its ambassador”.

“We deeply regret this situation and offer our apologies to all those who have been affected,” it added, saying racist behaviour or comments were “absolutely unacceptable”.



Kenyan diplomat Macharia Kamau said the episode “appalled and disgusted” him.

“Utter shame attempts to cover up this disgrace. This (is) intolerable and unacceptable in any age, let alone (the) 21st century,” he wrote on Twitter.



Published in Dawn, June 11th, 2023

US double standard

DAWN
Editorial 

Published June 11, 2023

IN a major blow for Julian Assange, a UK high court has denied the WikiLeaks founder permission to appeal his extradition order, a decision which his family says brings him “dangerously close” to being taken to the US where he faces criminal charges under the Espionage Act. Though his team has vowed to launch a new appeal, the high court not only refused his appeal, but in a separate order, denied Mr Assange permission to appeal and challenge the dismissal of other parts of his case. In early 2021, a UK judge had rejected a US request to extradite Mr Assange, as it found such a move would be “oppressive” to his mental health. But that decision was overturned 11 months later after the US gave assurances that his rights would not be violated.

America’s relentless pursuit of Mr Assange speaks volumes for its hypocrisy on the subject of press freedom and human rights. While it positions itself as a crusader for democracy and a free media, the Assange case is a clear example of how a whistleblower is being punished for putting Washington’s dark truths before the world, which is unlikely to forget the facts unveiled by WikiLeaks. By making public internal and classified documents originating from US embassies around the world, Mr Assange exposed the reality of America’s foreign policy. Among other things, the leaks unearthed the horrors of war, civilian casualties and military abuse meted out by US soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan. The Harvard Business Review had said at the time that the disclosures were “historic, if not seismic”. The American government’s pursuit of Mr Assange means that investigative journalists and whistleblowers who publish information the US wants to hide will be subjected to the same hunt. It is evident that the case against Mr Assange is politically motivated. As a country that lectures the world on rights and values, the US should really restrain itself.

Published in Dawn, June 11th, 2023

PAKISTAN
Neutral on Ukraine war, seeking deeper ties with Russia: Bilawal

Iftikhar A. Khan 

Published June 11, 2023 


This photo shows Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari during an interview with Al Jazeera TV on Saturday. — Screenshot courtesy: Al Jazeera English
LISTEN TO ARTICLE1x1.2x1.5x


ISLAMABAD: Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari has said Pakistan is committed to maintaining relations with all the countries and seeking enhanced engagement with the Russian government through deep meaningful ties.

However, he said, the country wanted to maintain neutrality over the Ukraine conflict.

He expressed these views in response to a question during an interview with Al Jazeera TV, broadcast on Saturday.



In reply to another query, he said after the fall of Kabul, the international community had many expectations from the new rulers.

“Pakistan’s position is in line with the position of the international community,” he made it clear, adding that the international community wanted Taliban rulers to ensure women’s rights including access to education and that the Afghan soil should not be used for terrorist activities.

Says army’s ‘outside influence’ cannot continue, change must come

He said engagement of the global community with the new rulers of Afghanistan was the only solution as it was in the interest of all to have a secure and prosperous Afghanistan that was at peace with itself and with its neighbours. The world wanted the incumbent rulers to fulfil their commitment with the international community, he said.

The foreign minister, replying to a question, said that Pakistan faced security threats from the TTP terrorist outfit as different terrorist incidents occurred in Pakistan after the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan.

He reiterated that Islamabad wanted the Afghan Taliban to act against these terrorists and cited hosting of a recent meeting of Pakistan, China and Afghanistan which focused on threats of terrorism.

About ties with Iran, the foreign minister said that recently a border market was established in Balochistan at the Iran-Pakistan border to encourage bilateral trade, whereas the government was also working on electricity transmission from Iran. He termed the restoration of diplomatic ties between Saudi Arabia and Iran a ‘positive development’.

“It is a positive news not only for the two countries, but for the whole region and for us,” he said.

He strongly rebuffed the allegations against China’s investment in Pakistan and said it was unfortunately a reflection of “biased attitude”. Pakistan was engaged with China through CPEC under which energy and road infrastructure projects were being completed, he added.

Democracy

Noting that Pakistan was at fork in the road towards democracy, the minister said most people wanted army to remain apolitical and not to intervene in politics of the country. He agreed that army had an outside influence that could not continue the way it was, and a change had to come.

“…We are the ones who not from today but from generations have been struggling for a change”, he said, but such a change was not possible overnight. “And we do not believe this change can come by attacking military institutions in the country,” he remarked.

He was of the opinion that change can come only if democratic forces and civilian institutions such as parliament take their place and assert themselves. “This is the only way the Pakistani democracy can be strengthened. When civilians take their own space, it will ease the army out of politics,” he said.

Published in Dawn, June 11th, 2023

Unwinnable war

Aizaz Ahmad Chaudhry

Published June 10, 2023 

The writer is a former foreign secretary and author.


RUSSIA’S ‘special military operation’ against Ukraine, launched on Feb 24, 2022, is morphing into a long, drawn-out war. Initially, Russia made substantial territorial gains, but the Ukrainians fought back and liberated several regions of their country. Nearly a year and a half later, the war is deadlocked. There are no prospects of either side securing a decisive military victory. How will this war end? The answer might lie in the genesis of the war and why it began in the first place.

Russia and Ukraine have a shared history of political, economic, cultural and familial ties. The Russians consider Ukraine as central to their identity. However, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine became an area of overlapping influence between Russia and the European Union. With the EU admitting several countries from Eastern Europe into its ranks, and Nato expanding eastward, Ukraine became keen to join both organisations.

Initially, Russia’s leadership did not show much concern about Nato’s eastward expansion, even though many in Russia and the West were familiar with the quote “not one inch eastward”, attributed to US secretary of state James Baker as an assurance to Mikhail Gorbachev in February 1990. However, when Nato’s eastward expansion continued in the direction of Russia’s borders, Moscow’s anxieties swelled, and it sounded a warning that if Nato were to admit Ukraine into its ranks, it would be a red line for Russia.

Could the war between Russia and Ukraine have been averted?

Political developments in Ukraine further heightened Russia’s security concerns. Pro-Russia president Viktor Yanukovych, who had suspended association talks with the EU and revived economic ties with Moscow, was ousted in 2014 through street protests. Within days, Crimea was seized by Russia. Since the Ukrainian leadership continued to express its intent to join Nato and the EU, Russia began to amass troops along the border with Ukraine. In December 2021, Russia demanded a “legally binding guarantee” that Nato would not admit Ukraine as a member and scale down military activity in eastern Europe. The US reiterated that the decision was the prerogative of Nato and Ukraine. As the Russian troop build-up continued, President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine whipped up national sentiments to prepare his country for war. The stage was thus set for a fratricidal war in Europe.

After the Russian invasion, the West intensified its economic sanctions against Russia while extending material support to Ukraine’s war effort. Russia began to lean towards China. Meanwhile, the human and financial costs of the war have been rising for all. Ukraine has been devastated and millions of Ukrainians have been displaced. The conflict is also taking a heavy toll on Russian President Vladimir Putin’s forces. With neither side ready to cease hostilities, there is no end in sight.

Could the war have been averted? An opportunity for peace was lost when Ukraine and the West failed to address Russia’s security concern about Ukraine joining Nato. As mistrust deepened, several rounds of peace attempts between Ukraine and Russia during 2022 failed.

There could be two possible explanations for Russia’s military venture. One perspective is that Russia was provoked into invading Ukraine because the West refused to address its security concerns. The other is that this was Putin’s design to resurrect Russia’s glory and re-establish its area of influence. Regardless, the question now is: what endgame do the parties have in mind? Russia cannot annex Ukraine and would welcome an end to the war because its own human and financial costs are rising steeply. Ukraine cannot defeat Russia and needs peace to reconstruct the devastated country and bring home the millions who had to flee. The US cannot provide an endless supply of military hardware, intelligence and training in a war that is not directly under its control. The international community is also concerned about the severe implications the war has for the world economy, particularly energy and grain supplies.

The only reasonable solution is to negotiate an end to the war. Russia’s security concerns should be addressed. Ukraine must accept the ground reality and reconcile its desire to join the EU and Nato with the pro-Russia leanings of a segment of its population. The West should stop stoking a proxy war, and, instead, play the role of mediator to stop hostilities and resolve issues peacefully.

For Pakistan, Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine on the very day our then prime minister was in Moscow as his guest was unfortunate. The energy and grain crises triggered by the war have affected Pakistan as well. Importantly, Pakistan should also be deeply concerned that the war lends itself as a precedent of a larger country attacking a smaller neighbour and occupying a part of its territory.


Published in Dawn, June 10th, 2023

HINDUTVA FASCIST MISOGYNIST
India wrestling chief holds political rally, silent on sexual misconduct probe

Reuters Published June 11, 2023

The chief of the Wrestling Federation of India, Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, who wrestlers accuse of sexually harassing female players, also a federal lawmaker from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ruling party, waves towards his supporters during a political rally in Colonelgunj, in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, India, June 11, 2023. — Reuters

The chief of the Wrestling Federation of India, under police investigation for suspected sexual misconduct after accusations by female athletes, held a political rally on Sunday in his first public appearance since the probe was launched in April.

Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, also a federal lawmaker from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ruling party, is the subject of a criminal case filed by seven female wrestlers who accused him of groping young athletes at training camps and tournaments.

Singh has denied all the allegations. Delhi police are investigating and will submit their findings before a trial court on Thursday.

“I will not comment on the allegations. I am waiting for the court order on this case,” Singh told reporters at the Sunday gathering near his political constituency in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh.

Clad in a saffron robe and turban typically worn by Hindu monks, Singh told a crowd of supporters in scorching heat that he would continue to implement policies introduced by Modi and was committed to serving the people

Attendees shouted “long live our lawmaker” and “we stand with you” as they gathered for the rally.

Singh, a six-term member of parliament, also runs about 50 private educational centers in and around his political constituency.

He has been the president of the Wrestling Federation of India for nearly a decade. His son is a local lawmaker and also an official at the federation.

The accusations sparked protests by India’s top wrestlers and other athletes, at times drawing a heavy-handed response from authorities who briefly detained or forcibly dispersed the participants.

Images of athletes being dragged away and carried off in buses went viral, sparking criticism from leading athletes and opposition politicians. Wrestlers eventually secured meetings with government ministers after threatening to throw their medals into the Ganges River.

The incidents have shone a spotlight on the government’s response to criminal complaints against an influential member of Modi’s ruling party and spurred Delhi police to open two investigations against Singh in April, including one under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act.

Global sports organisations have also weighed in on the case.

United World Wrestling, the sport’s international governing body, issued a statement condemning the brief detentions of wrestlers during protests and criticised a lack of results in the investigations against Singh.

This month, Sport and Rights Alliance, a global coalition of non-governmental organisations that promotes human rights in sports, urged the International Olympic Committee to ensure a transparent, independent, and impartial investigation into the allegations.

“It takes a lot of courage to break the silence and disclose a case of sexual abuse,” network coordinator Joanna Maranhao said.

PAKISTAN

Extent of our backwardness

Riaz Riazuddin

DAWN

Published June 10, 2023 

The writer is a former deputy governor of the State Bank of Pakistan.

HOW much have we progressed in our 76-year history, and to what extent are we a backward nation compared to our former colonial masters? Some readers may find this comparison unfair — in contrast to a comparison with other developing countries. But the purpose here is to highlight the differences in the development trajectory, in terms of a few socioeconomic indicators, between Pakistan and the UK which ruled the subcontinent for two centuries. Take, for example, the literacy rate.

The UK achieved an adult literacy rate (15 years and above) of 54 per cent at the beginning of the 18th century (1701). We attained a literacy rate of 54pc (10 years and above) in 2006. This means that we were 305 years behind in literacy in 2006 compared to the UK.

We have progressed to increase our literacy rate in FY22 to about 63pc. This level was attained by the UK around 1850. It means that we have reduced our backwardness in literacy from 305 to 172 years in a span of 16 years.

Why aren’t we trying to catch up with our former masters more quickly? After all, we adopted a ruling mindset identical to our colonial masters 76 years ago, which is in full display even today. Isn’t this itself one of the many reasons for our backwardness?

The UK wouldn’t have attained an almost 100pc literacy rate at the beginning of the 20th century had it ruled its own country with a colonial mindset. Before our independence, our enemies were our masters.

With them gone, we are trying (successfully) to find enemies within. This seems to be the main effort of our current masters. Perhaps I asked the wrong questions at the beginning. But let me continue to indulge in my naïve probing.

Had I chosen female literacy, instead of overall literacy, in the first paragraph, the emerging backwardness would have been much bleaker. But let me find solace (if possible) in some other indicators.

Our average life expectancy was around 35 years in 1950 — a level achieved by the UK in the mid-16th century (1550). At independence, we were 400 years behind our colonial masters.

Since then, we have progressed to attain an average life expectancy of 67 years (FY20), which was achieved by our former colonial masters in 1947. Therefore, we were only 75 years behind the UK in terms of life expectancy in FY22. The UK’s life expectancy in 2021 was 81 years. How long will we take to attain this level?

Why aren’t we trying to catch up with our former masters more quickly?

The infant mortality rate (the number of infants dying, per 1,000 live births, before their first birthday) in 1950 was around 278. In the UK, it was 150 in 1861, a level Pakistan reached in 1968.

This implies that we were 107 years behind England in 1968 in terms of infant mortality. We have since progressed to witness an infant mortality rate of 56 in 2023. This level was achieved by Britain around 1940, meaning we are 83 years behind in terms of infant mortality.

The child mortality rate (the number of children dying, per 1,000 live births, before their fifth birthday) in Pakistan was 377 in 1950, according to the UN Inter-agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation. Such a high rate was never seen in Britain in the last 200 years.

The child mortality rate was only 37 in 1950 in the UK (10 times lower than Pakistan’s). The estimated rate in 2021 was around four in the UK, and 63 in Pakistan. While Pakistan is dozens of years behind the UK, our progress in terms of reducing child mortality from 377 in 1950 to 63 in 2021 nevertheless seems remarkable.

The youth mortality rate (between five and 14 years) was close to 27 in our country in 1964. It has been reduced to around seven in 2021. This rate has seen a reduction in the UK from only 3.6 to 0.7 in 2021. This rate in Pakistan in 2021 was 10 times higher than in Britain.

According to World Bank data, the maternal mortality ratio (MMR is the number of childbirth-related deaths of women per 100,000 births) in Pakistan was 154 in 2020. However, according to the Pakistan Economic Survey, 2022,this ratio was 186 in 2020.

MMR was only 10 in the UK in 2020. Our country was able to reduce it from 387 in 2000 to 154 in 2020, according to the World Bank. MMR in the UK was 11 in 2000. Some reasons for the high MMR in Pakistan are lack of health facilities, especially in the rural areas, violence against women, poverty, poor hygiene and a low level of education.

The incidence of tuberculosis in Pakistan was around 250 to 275 per 100,000 persons in 2020. This rate has been moving very slowly downward for the last 20 years within this range.

The World Health Organisation has classified Pakistan as a high-burden country (along with India and Bangladesh and 27 other countries). The numbers are lower in both India and Bangladesh compared to Pakistan. In the UK, the incidence of TB came down from the 250-275 range in 1914 to only 10 per 100,000 persons in 2020. We are over a century behind the UK in containing TB.

There is one important aspect of development in which our country has done remarkably well. It has succeeded in reducing extreme poverty, measured by the ‘dollar a day’ benchmark which is actually $2.15 a day at 2017 purchasing power parity prices. Pakistan was able to reduce its poverty headcount ratio from 67.3pc in 1987 to 3.9pc in 2022, according to the World Bank.

The incidence of extreme poverty in the UK was only 1pc in 1987, reducing to 0.3pc in 2021. While our country is behind the UK, it has done better than both India and Bangladesh in terms of poverty. In terms of all the other indicators described here, it has done worse compared to other countries in the subcontinent.

It is almost impossible to find solace in our socioeconomic indicators. Should we find comfort in the fact that we detonated nuclear devices in May 1998?


rriazuddin@gmail.com
Published in Dawn, June 10th, 2023

Stereotyping Baloch youth

Muhammad Amir Rana 

Published June 11, 2023 

The writer is a security analyst.

EDUCATED Baloch youth face an image problem in urban Pakistan, mainly in Punjab which controls the country’s sociopolitical narratives. Security institutions, the intelligentsia, the media, even educationists and civil society construct the image of the Baloch youth in a negative way. It goes beyond the image of the angry Baloch. They build an image of a tribal man unfamiliar with urban ‘manners’, unschooled in religion and politically charged, one who does not believe in (state-crafted) nationalism. Such a projection harms the Baloch, including the educated ones, perhaps more than all the repression they have been facing.

The myths surrounding the Baloch must be dispelled. The Baloch youth’s interaction with the rest of the country has expanded enormously in recent years. A major contributory factor has been their admission in universities in Punjab either on the basis of their own merit or the quota the government has reserved for them. Sardars still love to send their children to British-age imperial schools and colleges. However, middle-class parents are also sending their offspring to Punjab to public and private educational institutions for better opportunities and to save them from both, the insurgents and surveillance by the security agencies.

Karachi is a second home for the Baloch, especially for those from the coastal areas. They have learned the art of living in a metropolis. Karachi may not have nurtured the stereotype, but it is not breaking the myths surrounding the Baloch either.

There is a perception that the Baloch have highly secular tendencies and are thus less religious, which makes them prone to absorbing Indian and Western propaganda. Perhaps this rings true for some sardars and power elites of the province, but the common Baloch is as practising a Muslim as an inhabitant of Punjab. When state institutions use religion for ethnic profiling, it ultimately triggers a process of ‘otherisation’. The Baloch are vulnerable to religious sensitivities and associated violent and non-violent extremist tendencies. The JUI-F and its factions have political influence not only in the Pakhtun-dominated areas but also in the western part of Balochistan.

The libraries in Balochistan are more crowded compared to those in other provinces

While travelling from Karachi to Quetta, one can witness extensive graffiti by religious groups, including the TLP, and banned sectarian outfits. In a negative sense, Al Qaeda and other international militant organisations have many Baloch in their fold, along with other nationalities, but even this fact has failed to break the myth of Baloch ‘secularity’. When the media highlights a suspected nexus between the Baloch insurgents and the TTP, it is also read as an unholy alliance between the pawns of external forces.

Undoubtedly, Baloch insurgent groups are inclined towards leftist ideology like many other separatist movements in South Asia and regions beyond. These movements have blended leftist ideology with nationalism, but it doesn’t mean they are anti-religion. Nationalist politics influences the separatist movement, but Baloch nationalist politics has remained under the influence of Muslim nationalist tendencies since its inception after World War I. In this regard, Shah Muhammad Marri, a leading Baloch historian, compiled an interesting account of that part of history.

However, this is not about history, but the deeply entrenched myths in urban Pakistan about the Baloch. Countering these myths though, are sections of the progressive intelligentsia that often refer to the educated Baloch as the most well-read youth in Pakistan, and as proof, point to the record sale of books at literature festivals in Balochistan. The libraries in Balochistan are more crowded compared to those in other provinces. On a recent visit to different parts of Balochistan, including the small town of Nushki, one witnessed a large number of youth in libraries. However, most of the youth go to libraries to utilise the resources to study for professional and civil services examinations.

Reference books are expensive and not easily available in small towns. Internet connectivity is also very poor, and the youth have no other option but to spend more time in libraries, where they do not face long spells of loadshedding as many libraries are located within the premises of the district administration.

Educated Baloch youth are often attracted to the bureaucracy, security institutions, and other public services, which can empower them economically and socially — no different from youth in other parts of the country, who have similar dreams. However, the pursuit of knowledge and a better life becomes a crime when the Baloch raise critical questions.

Balochistan’s educated youth interact with progressive intelligentsia more than the youth in the rest of urban Pakistan, and read the works of popular historians and intellectuals from Punjab. But even reading these writers in Urdu does not save them from the high surveillance of the security agencies. Progressive thinking helps them to think politically, but it also increases the risk of detachment from mainstream thinking.

The news of the disappearance of an educated youth causes more anger as this is perceived as an action carried out by the state institutions, which are viewed as opposed to mainstreaming Baloch youth. The security apparatus has no appetite for progressive ideas, social change, and freedom of expression, and they see the Baloch youth through a narrow ideological prism, designed around the two-nation theory and binary thinking.

Stigmatising and labelling pushes Balochistan’s marginalised youth deeper into an identity crisis. This is more dangerous than ignoring their legitimate demand for resource distribution and political empowerment. The identity crisis catalyses grievances. This is not hard to understand. When Maulana Hidayat-ur-Rehman of Haq Do Tehreek fails, with all his religious credentials and struggle within the constitutional domain, and when the establishment-supported chief minister boycotts the federal budget and the National Economic Council meeting, then what kind of signals are being sent to the ordinary people of Balochistan?

Economic, social and political disparities cannot nurture uniform thinking — this is equally true for both Gwadar and Lahore.

Published in Dawn, June 11th, 2023

PAKISTAN
Gathering storm

DAWN Editorial

Published June 11, 2023 

ALTHOUGH experts had earlier said that the very severe storm Biparjoy was unlikely to significantly affect Pakistan, the weatherman now asserts that, as per fresh data, the country’s coastal areas may be vulnerable to the cyclone.

At the time of writing, Biparjoy was barrelling through the Arabian Sea, and was a little less than 1,000km from the Pakistan coast. According to weather models, there are two likely paths the storm can take, both with the potential to affect Pakistan: one projection sees Biparjoy headed for the Oman/Makran coast, while the other predicts the cyclone hitting the Gujarat/Sindh shore.

Biparjoy is likely to make landfall by June 15, which gives the authorities plenty of time to prepare, though the effects of the coming storm are likely to start impacting weather patterns in southern parts of the country from early next week. As per the Met Office, these include the potential for heavy rainfall, “flooding in the coastal areas” and high winds.

While panic should be avoided, the state needs to prepare for the consequences should the storm hit the coastline with intensity. The relevant government bodies have started issuing statements, while fishermen have been told to avoid heading out to sea. Moreover, in Karachi the authorities have begun to restrict public access to the beach.

However, as Met officials have pointed out, squally winds pose a danger to weak structures. In this regard, plenty of billboards and hoardings remain in Karachi, despite a court order calling for their removal. In the event that strong winds batter the coast, flying billboards are likely to prove deadly.

The state should take no chances where public safety is concerned and have contingency plans ready in case of flooding and strong winds. Also many parts of Karachi — particularly the Defence area as well as other localities — remain dug up for roadworks. It is hoped that the civic authorities have equipment ready to drain water from these under-construction thoroughfares.

Meanwhile, the infrastructure along the Makran coast in Balochistan is poor. Plans need to be in place to evacuate vulnerable populations to safer places till the storm subsides.

The government should launch a public-awareness campaign through mainstream and social media warning populations along the coast about potential hazards, and what to do in case of emergency situations if Biparjoy does crash into Pakistan’s coast.

Published in Dawn, June 11th, 2023

Unhinged and unafraid, Polite Society is a story told by and for brown women

Nida Manzoor’s debut feature packs a mean womanly punch — or several!

COMMENT
Pireh Moosa

DAWN
09 Jun, 2023

We are in an era with a delightful surge in Pakistani global media representation. Joining this wild train — and shifting its tracks — is British-Pakistani director Nida Manzoor’s first feature film, Polite Society. Starring Nimra Bucha and Umbrella Academy’s Ritu Arya, the film carves its own niche as a South Asian women-centred action comedy on sisterhood, shaadi culture, and the maniacal inner workings of a “polite society” we know all too well.

As an avid fan of Manzoor’s previous award-winning television series, We Are Lady Parts, this film was one I was exceptionally excited for. I watched it with all the motivation I could muster at 3am — and it did not disappoint.

Set in the UK, Polite Society follows young Ria Khan (Priya Kansara) — a fierce misfit determined to become a stuntwoman with the help of her tough but supportive older sister, Lena (Ritu Arya), who faces her own struggles as a woman of “marriageable age” and a simultaneous art school dropout. After learning of Lena’s unusual engagement, and meeting her fiancé (Akshay Khanna) and mother-in-law (Nimra Bucha), Ria feels in her bones that something is off. She and her equally bizarre friends set off on a heist mission to track down what the in-laws are hiding.



Wacky and wild as it is, this film does many crucial things. One of those is, of course, making women not only the centre but the drivers of the narrative. For once, I found myself watching an action film where women weren’t the sexy bikini-clad girlfriends or even the one-off typecast “badass bitch” — they were the action.

I held my breath, watching Ria wipe blood off her lips and charge forward again, particularly in vigorous battles with Bucha’s marvellously wicked Raheela — the brains behind her son’s cruelty and a rigid enforcer of patriarchal values herself, as aunties often are. Still, there was an aggressive satisfaction I felt, fists tightening over my blanket as the characters kicked and screamed things out on-screen. What made it especially fun to watch was seeing women who looked like me kick ass in glittering, embroidered pishwas. Magnificent.



Another plus in the film — apart from the flying kicks, hair-pulling, and sucker-punching — is its complex portraiture of all kinds of women’s relationships. From familiar, hilariously vicious rivalries between women in-laws to moments where mothers miss a beat with their daughters, Polite Society colours its relationships in multiple shades.

Manzoor’s depiction of sisterhood is far from sweet, refusing to shy away from all the erratic chaos that comes with sisterly love. But Ria and Lena’s messy sibling fights point to a much larger and widely dismissed pain stemming from the common tearing apart of women’s bonds through patriarchal influences on marriage. And with the disintegration of such bonds comes a far deeper grief over losing friendship, comfort, dreams, and even one’s sense of self.

Rather than dwelling overwhelmingly on these themes, Polite Society takes its viewers through ludicrous, sometimes marginally believable plot-lines with various strange twists that, only when left to simmer, really get you thinking.



Thankfully, for me and my endeavour to avoid deeply triggering content, this is ultimately, a feel-really-good film. Seeing Ria fight for her sister with her friends in moments of collective feminine rage against the patriarchy gave me a vengeful kind of joy, buzzing all the way from my core to my fingertips. The power of sisterhood — by blood or not — is truly unparalleled.



One of Manzoor’s prime talents is her knack for killer comedy with quick-cuts, snappy character one-liners, and an almost animated cinematographic style. Slow-motion shots of Ria’s valiant — but often failed — attempts at fighting, set to the sound of cracking bones, were too ridiculous to be jarring, often bringing me to fits of laughter. Kansara herself is an impressive new presence with her dedication to authenticity, deciding to take on many of her own stunts, as well as her perfectly awkward expressions and impeccable delivery.



From rishta aunties to rich brown immigrants, Manzoor and her cast mock desi culture, both home and abroad, like nobody’s business. And they’re mostly right — apart from all the cuss words Ria freely throws around in front of her mother. It’s the chappal sentence for most of us, I’m afraid.

Still, as a film that delves into Pakistani women’s lives, from navigating social expectations to the pain of waxing, Polite Society soars amongst the plethora of Pakistani diasporic media representation we’re seeing these days — including Jemima Khan’s recent What’s Love Got to Do With It?, where Sajal Aly’s screen-time was disappointingly low.

Having co-written the punk score for We Are Lady Parts, Manzoor marks her punchy projects with a strong, diverse musical presence. Ranging from Mohammed Rafi to recent artists like The Bombay Royale, Polite Society’s greatest moments of action, comedy, and drama come to life through the accompanying soundtrack. A standout song, now on repeat for me, is Karen O and Danger Mouse’s alternative track, ‘Redeemer’. And of course, to mine and all filmi viewers’ delight, Manzoor finesses her shaadi-based action-comedy with a surprise choreographed dance to an unforgettable Bollywood classic — no spoilers!




All in all, Polite Society is about its women. Those who are lost, and those who are unwavering; those who are good, evil, or anything in between — each of them angry and powerful in their own right. Although making an absurd heist mission out of a shaadi had its occasional defects, such as limited time spent on developing nuance in characters, Manzoor’s action-comedy offers a space for critiquing the tensions and traumas of desi marriage culture, whilst shifting the narrative towards sisterhood, strength, and women’s aspirations.

In love or not, Polite Society stands for no compromise on the grounds of women’s comfort, independence, and happiness. And it’s definitely convinced me to sign up for karate!




Polite Society’s DVD release is set for June 13

She was always there: Pakistani women have a long history of resistance

Scholars, politicians discuss how women’s visibility in the public sphere changes the political culture of Pakistan.

To protest is an inherent part of any democracy. Protests are fundamental to the success of democratic processes as they highlight the struggles of the people and, therefore, result in social change.

Throughout Pakistan’s history, women have always played a crucial role in public protests. Be it the 2013 women-led protests in Swat for the provision of civic amenities, the Hazara women’s protests against targeted killings or the Gwadar women marching for basic rights — the list goes on and on.

If you go through the popular rhetoric on social media these days, however, some would have you believe that the PTI is the first political party to have created space for women to participate in political activities, that this is the first time women have taken to the streets for a political cause, and that this is the first time that they have been manhandled or detained by law enforcers for participating in protests.

The reality is that women have been passionately mobilising and protesting — often alongside their male counterparts — since before Independence and have also been at the receiving end of brutal repression by the state. Whether it is to support their favourite leader or a political party that they align with, they have never been afraid to be at the forefront of any movement. They have also taken the lead in actively mobilising for social causes that fail to make it to the priority lists of political parties. For the sake of brevity, however, this essay only focuses on women’s participation in political causes.

A woman PTI supporter shields her younger brother from a baton charge during the party’s protest near Millennium Mall — Shakil Adil / White Star

A tradition of rebellion

The phenomenon of women’s participation in politics — mainstream or otherwise — began well before Independence. In the 1946 elections, two women, Begum Jahanara Shahnawaz and Begum Shaista Ikramullah, were elected to the Central Constituent Assembly and continued to be part of the first Constituent Assembly after Partition.

This was also the year women supporting the Muslim League came out on the streets and protested against the government for refusing to allow the political party to form a ministry. They faced violence from the state — very much like they do today — and many were arrested.

Women leaders of the Muslim League are released from Punjab Jail in March 1947 — Lahore Museum Archives

Of course, no one can deny the role women played in the Pakistan movement. Women like Fatima Jinnah, Ra’ana Liaquat Ali Khan, Begum Abdullah Haroon, Begum Ghulam Hidayatullah, Jehan Ara Shahnawaz, Viqarun Nisa Noon, Begum Tassaduq Hussain and many unnamed others fought alongside men against colonial powers and for a separate nation.

Initially, women’s protests for the cause were limited to Lahore and Karachi; however, the Civil Disobedience Movement of 1947 saw Pakthun women in modern day KP come to the fore and register their protests.

After Independence, women’s inclusion in politics as well as other aspects of the democratic process were seriously deterred by long periods of dictatorships.

It is also ironic that it was under a military dictator that women received an unprecedented number of seats in the federal as well as provincial assemblies in 2002 and entered formal political representation. Then again, it was the same military ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, who in 2005 had this to say about the rising incidence of rape cases in the country: “This has become a moneymaking concern. A lot of people say if you want to go abroad and get a visa for Canada or citizenship and be a millionaire, get yourself raped.”

Bushra Gohar, a senior leader of the National Democratic Movement (NDM) and former senior vice-president of the Awami National Party (ANP), told Dawn.com that “democracy and the political process in the country has been weakened by long military dictatorships and military control during the brief transition to democracy”.

“The attacks on political leaders have affected political parties as well. They weren’t able to develop a strong democratic political system within parties,” said the former MNA.

Bushra Gohar — AFP

In spite of this, women actively participated in protests against several dictatorial regimes. Whether it was during the protests of the late 1960s against Ayub Khan — where students, women, workers and peasants, along with politicians like Zulfikar Ali Bhutto forced the dictator to resign on March 25, 1969 — or during the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) in the early 80s against General Ziaul Haq’s rule, women have always been a force to be reckoned with.

In recent years, Gwadar has seen a series of protests, many of them led by women. The Haq Do Tehreek (HDT), led by Jamaat-i-Islami’s Maulana Hidayatur Rahman, has been staging regular protests in the city for a number of demands, including the banning of illegal trawlers in Balochistan’s waters, a reduction of security checkpoints, as well as the liberalisation of trade with neighbouring Iran.

Despite facing violence from the law enforcement agencies time and again, in the form of tear-gas and arrests, the protesters continue to gather. In late December last year, the Balochistan government imposed Section 144 for a month. Despite the law prohibiting the gathering of five or more people in public, the demonstrators continued to pour onto the streets — and get arrested.

Maasi Zainab brings women to the maulana’s protests and sit-ins — Dawn

Sixty-five-year-old Maasi Zainab is the female face of Gwadar’s HDT and is also the one who helped bring Rahman to the forefront. He was on his way to Turbat when he heard Zainab’s message on his phone and decided to come to the port city and join her for the protests. Since then, she has been a strong supporter of Rahman and continues to go door to door to invite women to the protests and sit-ins.

Before Gwadar, hundreds of women marched in the streets of Swat in 2013 to protest prolonged power outages and load shedding of natural gas in the area. This was the first time in the history of the region that women — most of them housewives from Saidu Sharif and adjoining areas — took to the streets to voice their demands.

During one such demonstration, Tabbasum Bashir, an activist who headed the protest, told The Express Tribune: “This protest is a slap on the face of the government. Despite cultural and social barriers, the women are here to demand for their rights.”
Always there, less recognised

According to academic Ayesha Khan, who is also author of the book The Women’s Movement in Pakistan: Activism, Islam, and Democracy, “women have always been politically engaged in Pakistan, at many different levels”.

“They have joined political parties, protest movements, and community mobilisations to access greater rights and resources. But because fewer women have played visible leadership roles, their contributions to the political culture have been recognised less,” she added.

The cover of Ayesha Khan’s book

In 1981, the MRD movement against the dictatorship of Gen Zia demonstrated bravery of women protestors. The PPP, which at the time was headed by former PM Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s widow Begum Nusrat Bhutto and later by their daughter Benazir Bhutto, joined hands with the Awami Tehreek and other secular democratic parties to mobilise people across Sindh against the dictator.

Women affiliated with Rasool Bux Palijo’s left-leaning Awami Tehreek formed the Sindhiyani Tehreek (ST) to call for an end to feudalism and the patriarchy, demanded federalism and provincial autonomy and fought to restore democracy. Although the ST was a women’s wing and not entirely independent, it had an independent working mechanism, a separate constitution and distinct areas of operation. Hundreds of women partaking in the MRD were arrested and faced violent suppression from the state at the time.

The Sindhiyani Tehreek played a crucial role in mobilising rural Sindhi women for the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy — Sarmad Palijo/Twitter

“Women in the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy during the 1980s were brutally repressed and attacked by the military for speaking out against the regime and demanding the political rights of the people, particularly in Sindh,” explained Khan.

Farhatullah Babar, a prominent PPP politician and former senator, remembers the women’s resistance against Zia as “heroic”.

“It was heroic because the women had stood up against a military dictatorship with whom the mullahs had also joined hands.”

Farhatullah Babar — Mohammad Asim / White Star

Describing the women’s struggle against the “mullah-military alliance as a glorious chapter in the history of women’s rights in Pakistan”, he said: “Zia used the name of Islam to curb resistance to his dictatorship. In particular, religious principles were interpreted in ways that militate against the weakest section of society, namely the women.

“When the Federal Shariat Court at the time decreed that stoning to death was unIslamic, he [Zia] sacked the chief justice and brought in a handpicked head of the Shariat Court and authorised him to also review any verdict of the court. Thus reviewing its previous judgment, the new court declared stoning to death Islamic,” he added. “Zia went too far.”

Gohar also recalled the protests of the Women Action Front against Zia’s “draconian laws [as] very powerful”.

Beyond the mainstream, political parties at local levels have also attracted women members and supporters, whether it is the Hazara, Baloch or Pashtun women fighting against terror and militant attacks in the region and protesting against the abduction of their loved ones — who are often given the misnomer of ‘missing persons’.

“The Baloch women’s movement against enforced disappearances is very inspiring,” Gohar continued.

“Women who protest against the terror attacks on Shia Hazaras in Balochistan face risk to their lives by taking to the streets — many of these women are affiliated with Hazara political parties, for example, the Hazara Democratic Party,” said Khan. “Women in the ANP in KP have been exposed to militant attacks. In fact, which political party has members that have not been suppressed by the state?” she asked.
Obstacles to participation

Afiya Zia, a researcher, activist and author of Faith and Feminism in Pakistan, said that while women have been actively engaging in political struggles over the years, much of their energy has been directed towards the countless cases of violence against them, for example, “Sindhi and Baloch women protesting against dams and honour-based killings and for their right to marry [whoever] they want.”

Gohar, who herself has been a part of many protests since the beginning of her political career, said: “Over the years, starting from military dictator Ziaul Haq, I have been threatened, harassed and my party membership revoked for my rights-based political positions.”

This shows that despite the enthusiasm and bravery women have shown time and again, they have not had it easy. At every stop, they face challenges and harassment to merely have their voices heard within or outside political avenues.

When PTI’s Azadi March took to the streets in the federal capital in 2014, women were seen participating in great numbers. The appearance of famous pop singers such as Abrarul Haq, Shehzad Roy, Najam Sheraz and Salman Ahmad of Junoon were a regular occurrence at Imran Khan’s sit-in.

Like everyone else in the audience, women enjoyed the music and danced — eliciting strong cries of ‘fahashi!’ from the morality police. They were not only character-shamed online but offline too, even inside the parliament itself.

PTI’s Azadi March in 2014 — Reuters

In 2018 — the incumbent Interior Minister of Pakistan — Rana Sanaullah passed derogatory remarks regarding women who attended PTI’s rally, saying, “The women that were present [there], their ‘thumke’ [hip movement] showed where they had come from. In yesterday’s rally, they hired dancers to attract people to come. This is how the fill their jalsas with people.”

This character assassination of female participants at protests and rallies is not a rare occurrence. Last year, Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman, JUI-F chief, said at a rally that PTI’s female supporters “want him [Imran Khan] to come to their bedrooms”. This misogynistic mindset does not only reflect his individual opinion but also highlights a deep-rooted problem of rampant sexism in all levels of our society.

“Politics in Pakistan is male-dominated and controlled. There is very little space and acceptance of women in politics. Women have to work twice as hard to be accepted as a leader,” asserted Gohar.

“Patriarchy, tribalism and conservatism coupled with Talibanisation as state policy have made the political environment toxic and hazardous for women in politics,” she said, listing the reasons that deter women from entering and staying in politics.

She is now one of the founding members of the National Democratic Movement — a Pashtun nationalist, regionalist, and social-democratic political party — and its Pakhtunkwa chairperson. She said she is a part of all key policy decision-making forums of the party.

But not everyone has been so lucky. According to Gohar, “over the years, political parties have become family enterprises with very little room for ideological politics.”

As a result, women’s participation in protests and movements has shrunk, she lamented. “This is largely because political parties haven’t invested in women members’ mobilisation and facilitation. Security and financial constraints have also affected women’s participation in public gatherings.”

More than anything, this goes to show how complicated women’s struggles are in Pakistan — just like anywhere else — and that they cannot be painted with a broad brush.

“Women’s rise in politics hasn’t been organic nor have political parties taken any internal reform to enable gender mobility or increase representation — not even invested in women voters, “ said Afiya.

In the 2018 elections, for example, only five per cent of the candidates contesting for the general seats were women. Of these 171 candidates, eight won seats.

And yet, Babar feels “it is absolutely important that women are part of the mainstream politics to carry forward the agenda of their emancipation. In a patriarchal society like Pakistan, women will have to take the lead”.

“They have proved that when they took the lead, they also made significant achievements. Women must therefore be an important part of any protest or political movement for their emancipation.”

Header image: A woman gestures next to a burning police vehicle during a protest in Karachi following Imran Khan’s arrest — Reuters/ File

Wara Irfan 

Published May 29, 2023

The author is a KAS-Dawn.com media fellow, interested in the intersection of gender, visual cultures and lived experiences.

NotAllMen but how do we know which ones?

Noor Mukadam’s landmark case has exposed the entrenched male privilege in Pakistan.

The venue inscribed on the birthday invitation was an orphanage in Islamabad. Walking down the entrance, I saw a stage fully decorated with the honouree's beautiful calligraphy and painting collection. The birthday girl's father, a man weighed down by loss yet resilient to the core, embraced me and thanked me for coming. Unfortunately, the birthday girl would not be joining us today.

Noor Mukadam was murdered a year and a half ago at age 27, and we were all present to celebrate her memory. Shaukat Mukadam, her father, told me that his daughter would come here every year to celebrate her birthday with the orphans. "She would have been here if she were alive," he murmured with a smile, his eyes glistening with unshed tears, glancing around the venue as if he felt her presence lingering among us.

Remembering the victim of a horrific murder that jolted the city was a small crowd of mere 10 to 15 people present in a two million-strong city. In our midst at Noor's birthday, the family of Sarah Inam was also present. Sarah was also brutally murdered in Islamabad, the capital city of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, just a few months after Noor Mukadam.

The city had barely recovered from the shock of one brutal act when it was forced to witness yet another heinous crime. The common denominators were the same: the murderers were men from privileged backgrounds. The kind of men I went to school with, worked alongside, or socialised with. Men who sadly believed it was okay to take someone's life.

The chilling reality of these incidents serves as a sobering reminder of the urgent need to address the deep-rooted issue of male privilege.

Male privilege

Male privilege is a prevalent and pervasive plague in Pakistan, rooted in our society's patriarchal structures, culture, and history. In the land of the pure, the concept of male privilege is an unwritten rule, deeply ingrained into the very fabric of our society. It is the systemic and often unacknowledged advantages, entitlements, and social power conferred upon men that are reinforced repeatedly through our elders, the media, social constructs, dramas, and movies.

This idea that men are superior to women and that their ego and status are 'supreme' casts its shadow over our homes, and almost every subsequent sphere of society. Even the slightest impingement triggers this fragile male ego leading to devastating consequences for women, such as workplace harassment, abuse at home, or in the case of Noor and Sarah — murder.

Male privilege lies at the heart of the femicide epidemic this country faces. This plague is evident even in polls; in a recent survey conducted by Ipsos, "85 per cent of Pakistanis agree that the main role of women in society is to be good mothers and wives". In comparison, the global average stands at 41pc.

In short, one can infer that an average Pakistani is twice as likely to discourage women from going to work, contributing to society, or finding purpose in their life if it comes in the way of being good mothers or wives. We are all party to this male privilege and have created an environment for it to persist.

An enabling environment

Our society's permissive context further exacerbates this male privilege, implicitly granting men the license to stare, grope, harass, rape, assault, and get away without facing the consequences. Wedded to our outdated loyalties, colonial-era constructs perpetuated by our societal norms have shielded men from being held accountable.

We shun the voices of our own when our traditional loyalties are questioned. We stop our women from protesting for their own rights, we encourage and expect our women to give up their careers for a suitable husband or discourage divorcing an abusive husband. We often turn a blind eye to harassment happening in front of us, diverting attention or dismissing it as someone else's problem instead of stopping the perpetrator in his tracks, and challenging the oppressive systems that allow such injustices to persist.

Fighting fatigue and resolve to change

This July will mark 730 days since evil struck our capital's heart and took Noor away. The fervour once shown with hundreds present at gatherings remembering her, has dwindled. The truth is we forget these things. Life takes over.

Inevitably, we will forget about the murders. We will forget about the horrific rape incident in F-9 Park. We have forgotten how a mother was raped before her children on the motorway. We forgot about the manifold incidents of violence against women before Noor’s and countless unknown cases that never even made it into the mainstream news. New stories replacing old incidents capture our attention. The carpet we use to hide our shortcomings is replaced with a newer, bigger carpet. All that is left are mourning families. The status quo persists, and the enthusiasm of our citizens and politicians wavers.

Change will require us to prioritise endurance to drive change over participation in a one-off protest. We need more than just thoughts and prayers — we need endurance over enthusiasm. We need the endurance to continue protesting, educating, crafting, and implementing laws that ensure women feel safe in their homes, workplaces, and the public sphere. It will require a series of interventions, experiments, continuous course correction, patience, and pain.

Educating the public and beginning conversations is a start and the upcoming seminar "Countering the Femicide Epidemic" organised by the National Commission on the Status of Women, in collaboration with Noor's family and the Institute of Strategic Studies in Islamabad on June 1, is a time to indulge in the tough conversations we desperately need to have. The event is open to all members of civil society.

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Noor Mukadam’s landmark case has exposed the entrenched male privilege in Pakistan. After a long trial in the lower court, which sentenced Zahir Jaffer to death — a verdict upheld by the high court — the nation now awaits the Supreme Court's verdict. Women across the country hope for a judgement that challenges the tenacious status quo and removes the cloud of fear that has arrested them.

On Noor's birthday, I noticed her beautiful and inspiring calligraphy and thought about who she could have become — a world-renowned calligrapher, another Edhi who could have helped thousands of orphans, or simply just another loving daughter, sister and friend. I also realised that no one is going to fix this for us — no messiah is coming. We all must lead and end this plague.

Change starts at home; it lies within you. It begins when we listen unconditionally, when we become curious, question, and renegotiate centuries-old loyalties. When we do not look away, but instead stop a harasser in the act, and when we let women decide how they want to live their life. Most importantly, it's when we tell our men that they are not entitled to women.

Header Illustration: A photo of Noor Mukadam. — Photo courtesy Leena Ghani Twitter

Hamza Haroon 

Published May 31, 2023

The writer is a graduate of the Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. He has previously served as Special Adviser to the Minister of Science and Technology from 2020 to 2021. He tweets at @HamzaAliHaroon