Wednesday, November 29, 2023


“All is quiet, but it's not a good time to visit”: How anti-Semitic protests changed the lives of Dagestani Jews



LONG READ

Maria Alexeeva
17 November 2023

On November 14, the Russian Interior Ministry put on the wanted list the administrator of the Utro Dagestan Telegram channel, which had been calling for anti-Semitic riots in the republic. On October 29, a mob stormed Makhachkala airport looking for “Israeli refugees.” The authorities of Dagestan declared the riots “planned from the outside” and assured there was no anti-Semitism in the republic. Meanwhile, social media are rife with calls to stop renting apartments to Yahudi (the Arabic for “Jews”), and Dagestanis living in Israel are afraid to visit their relatives back home. Oded Forer, chair of the Knesset’s Immigration, Absorption, and Diaspora Affairs Committee has appealed to the Jewish community of Dagestan to leave for Israel. The Insider's correspondent traveled to Derbent, formerly home to the largest diaspora of Mountain Jews in the North Caucasus, and spoke with locals to find out how they live among the republic's mostly Muslim population and how the conflict in Israel is changing their lives.


CONTENT

“They're fighting for the Zionists!”


“We'd rather make do without flights than see something horrible happen”


“We're reasonable people and normally live in peace”


“Palestine, we stand with you!”


“How can you call for their expulsion? They're ours!”


RU


“They're fighting for the Zionists!”

The house on Sadovaya Street in the highland village of Nyugdi in Derbent District is empty. The neighbors haven't seen its owner, Livi Sadiyaev, 58, or his wife in days. His car service center in the neighboring village of Bilidzhi is also closed. The Sadiyaevs, who are Mountain Jews, left when Dagestanis essentially declared open season on the Jewish population.

“The Sadiyaev family lives in the village of Nyugdi, and two sons from this village are in Israel, fighting for the Zionists; their names are Aliran and Roni! It's not a hoax!” Such a post appeared in the Utro Dagestan Telegram channel, followed by calls for the persecution of Yahudi or “Zionists.” The channel was soon blocked, but the post went viral on other social networks, ruining the peaceful life of a family that had resided in Nyugdi for decades.







The hatred was triggered by a photo of a rocket taken by one of Livi's sons, who is fighting in the Israel Defense Forces against Hamas. On it, he wrote: “This is for you freaks, from the Sadiyaevs.” According to the neighbors, the father shared the photo with his acquaintances, expressing his approval. Both the image and his comment ended up on social media. Users in the comments began calling to “avenge the Palestinians.” The police secured Livi's house, and a video of Livi apologizing appeared on social media:

“I realize my mistakes and apologize to the Derbent District, Derbent, and all of Dagestan.”





“He who comes to us with a sword will die by the sword,” the village of Nyugdi, Sadovaya Street


The Sadiyaevs were one of the few remaining Jewish families in Nyugdi, historically a settlement of Mountain Jews. A strip of such communities is stretched across the modern southern Dagestan and northern Azerbaijan. Today Nyugdi has a predominantly Muslim population of just over 2,000 people, but in the 19th century, 68 of Nyugdi's 74 households were Jewish. In the 1990s, most of the Jews left Nyugdi for Israel, including Livi Sadiyaev's sons Eliran and Roni. Livi and his wife stayed, but no one can tell if it's safe for them to return to their home.

“Livi's a fool to have done that, of course. Why would he share it? He knows it was an emotional gesture. What's happened makes me very sad,” says Sabina (name changed), a resident of Nyugdi.

We’re standing outside the village council building, which was once a synagogue. Despite the recent renovation in 2009, the building looks as though it was about to fall apart. The village also has a functioning mosque and an Armenian church, but the Armenians are all gone, so the church is just a tourist attraction.





Police stopped patrolling Sadovaya Street after Livi Sadiyaev left


The shop assistants near the former synagogue speak Azerbaijani, as the village is about 20 kilometers from the border with Azerbaijan. Sabina, my interviewee, is Lezgin. According to Livi's neighbors, ethnic diversity was always key to preventing sectarian conflicts in the village.

“This is Livi's homeland,” says Sabina. “He was born here, studied, and performed with a band, singing songs of Mountain Jews. He fought in Afghanistan in the 1980s and then went into business and agriculture. How's he supposed to move now?”

“My heart goes out to him. He let his emotions get the better of him,” says local farmer Islam. “I myself have a son in the Russian army, fighting in the SVO [special military operation] for a year and a half. My heart hurts every day, so Livi’s probably does too. But not everyone is so understanding! The post came about when there was a rally at the airport, when passions were flying high, and our youth mostly supports Palestine. Now it seems things have changed for good.”





Nyugdi


For now, all is quiet in Nyugdi. Locals are harvesting persimmons and pomegranates and hope there will be no more unrest. Still, the air is filled with tension: the neighbors refuse to discuss the recent events, in stark contrast to Dagestanis’ habitual openness and loquacity. The shell photo, the harassment of the family, and the pogrom at the airport came as a shock to many, both in the village and in Derbent, which is now home to the largest community of Mountain Jews in the North Caucasus.
“We'd rather make do without flights than see something horrible happen”

“I don't think any Jews left Derbent after the pogrom at the airport. On the contrary, I believe people started coming back when the fighting in Israel broke out – if only to sit it out. Everyone is welcome,» says Vera, a hotel manager from Derbent. “We’ve got nothing to fight about. We've all lived here for a long time.”

I meet Vera at “Grisha's House,” a local landmark. Now a restaurant and art space, in the 20th century this building was owned by a famous Derbent businessman and philanthropist of Jewish origin. Dates, business meetings, underhanded deals – all sorts of things took place at “Grisha's House”.

Jews began to settle in Derbent in the 19th century, and its central district was soon even dubbed the Jewish Quarter. The area wasn't considered the most prestigious, but it wasn't the worst either. Armenians and Russians lived closer to the sea, says Vera. In 1917, Derbent had 11 synagogues, but the Soviet government later closed all of them, except for the now-active Kele-Numaz.





“Grisha's House” used to be the heart of Derbent


The pogroms at Makhachkala airport scared tourists away from Derbent, but not for long, according to employees of several hotels, including Vera’s. About one-third of her hotel's guests canceled reservations after Oct. 29. However, just a week later, new reservations started to come through.

The pogroms at Makhachkala airport scared tourists away from Derbent, but not for long


The storming of the airport “surprised and perplexed” Vera. Most of our interviewees described their emotions similarly. Vera didn’t realize the scale of what was happening until the barrage of calls from her concerned relatives and friends in Moscow, Baku, and Israel. They were offering her to leave Derbent and come stay with them, but she refused. She fears that moving will only add to her anxiety.

“Where's it easy now? This is my home. Not only Jews have a good reason to worry but also Christians, Muslims, and atheists. All reasonable people. Luckily, people are mostly reasonable around here. I know everyone,” the woman says. She’s lived in Dagestan all her life, but her daughter and son left, like many local Jews, and are now studying in Israel.

In their calls to search for Jews at the airport, the authors of the Utro Dagestan Telegram channel, which coordinated the protests, clarified that they were targeting refugees from Israel and not locals of Jewish origin. But Vera and many other Jewish community members were not reassured by this.





The rally outside the airport terminal in Makhachkala, October 29
Photo by Ramazan Rashidov / TASS / dpa / picture alliance


“They said they were against Zionists, Israelis, and not against us local Jews – but we have children and relatives in Israel!” the woman exclaims. “Maybe it's a good thing that flights from Tel Aviv have been canceled? Because a lot of people come to visit. Children come to check on their parents and vice versa. We have large families, five or six kids each, and then there are also nephews, brothers, and sisters. We'd rather make do without flights than see something horrible happen!”

The riot at the airport was not the first, but rather the last in the series of anti-Semitic protests in the North Caucasus. On the same day, a spontaneous rally in support of Palestine and against Israel was held in Makhachkala. In Nalchik, unknown individuals set fire to a Jewish center under construction and wrote “Death to Yahudi” on the building. On Saturday, October 28, a few dozen residents of Khasavyurt came to the Flamingo Hotel and demanded proof there were no Jews in the hotel, tossing stones at the building. A rally demanding to keep out “Jewish refugees” was also held in Cherkessk.

Derbent managed to avoid riots. All our interviewees are sure their city is too tolerant and peaceful for any kind of pogroms.





Derbent's “Jewish Quarter”


They interpret what happened as a one-time outburst of hatred triggered by some external influence, but no one knows what caused it in the first place. The topic makes everyone uneasy.
“We're reasonable people and normally live in peace”

“No, no, no! Neither I nor the head of the community will tell you anything about it today! Makhachkala told us to keep our heads down and our mouths shut,” said a representative of Derbent's Jewish community when asked how the storming of the airport had affected the lives of local Jews. He said the order “to avoid speculation” came from Moscow, where the community's chair and chief rabbi headed shortly after the riots. A couple of minutes later, Ilya (name changed) agreed to talk on condition of anonymity.

We meet him at the old Jewish cemetery in Derbent. The cemetery is more than 240 years old, Ilya says, and almost every local Jew has relatives buried here. “My mother is buried in Israel, but my father is buried here, and so is my grandmother, who raised me,” Ilya shares. “And I'm not leaving.”





A cemetery visitor and a worker lay tiles at a Jewish cemetery in Derbent


However, Ilya urges his relatives not to visit Dagestan for the time being. He has six children, five of whom are in Israel. They visit their father regularly – or rather, they did before the airport pogrom. The last ones to arrive in September were his daughter and grandson, who left a day before the pogrom.

“I told them all: sit tight, don't even think of coming! Let's wait till things get back to normal.”

Ilya urges his relatives not to visit Dagestan for the time being


Ilya doesn’t believe any Israelis will go to Russia to sit out the shelling, even if the war in the Gaza Strip drags on.

“Trust me, no Jew will ever come to Dagestan or Russia for love or money! I sometimes talk to my children and brothers and invite them to stay, but they always say Moscow will never be as good as Israel. We’re indeed preserving an entire state today. Even with the war going on, we'll keep it. All the more so considering the war’s not all over Israel.”

Israel's ambassador to Russia has urged Israelis not to visit the North Caucasus until Russian authorities declare it safe to do so. So far, there have been no such assurances, though the leadership of Dagestan is trying its best to show the absence of the problem. Ilya also insists there’s no threat to Jews in Dagestan, that “the head of the republic and Vladimir Putin have everything under control and everything will be nice and quiet, without any chaos.”





Stickers in support of Palestine in Derbent


“Local Jews sometimes marry non-Jews: Dargins, Avars, Lezgins. One of my sons, who lives in Moscow, has an Avar wife. I remember him coming to me and saying: ‘Dad, I really like her!’ What was I to do?” explains my interviewee. “Maybe that's why we reasonable people normally live in peace. We need to show humanity in some matters, not dogmatism.”

At the same time, about 70% of Derbent's Jews are religious, Ilya claims. As he recalls, once upon a time dozens of young men and girls in Derbent gathered to study Torah. Today young people are less “preoccupied” with religious issues. «To be religious, you have to read it all, study it all! Ilya shows a book wrapped in a black cover that he brought with him. This is the Torah: Mountain Jews wrap holy books in a double cloth cover. Unlike in other Jewish communities, it’s against their tradition to touch the books with bare hands.

Cemetery workers who are installing a tombstone on a nearby grave overhear our conversation with Ilya. One of them chips in to answer my question about the spread of radical Islam among Dagestani youth:

“They listen to some preachers online and then teach us how to pray. They teach old people to pray, can you imagine that? They think they are better Muslims than we are! Our society has always been very tolerant, in a good sense. But they're hardliners. They don't listen to us. As they say, it's not our tradition. We've never had anything like this before.”





“Caliphate” and “Islamic Caliphate” graffiti appear on buildings, fences, and transformers in and outside Makhachkala


His buddy also mentions religious arguments with the younger generation:

“My neighbor's grandson says to me: ‘You should pray more as you absolve yourself of your sins with every prayer!’ And I say: ‘So why do you sin so much that you have to pray all the time?’”

Ilya and the cemetery workers explain the events at the airport as a “foreign invasion,” agreeing with the head of the republic, Sergey Melikov. My interviewees believe the authorities should reach out to radical youth to avoid repeating the situation.

“Do they engage with young people? Are there any initiatives?”

“Well... the other day Vladimir Putin held a meeting with representatives of all confessions,” Ilya says after a pause. As if correcting himself, he continues: “In fact, Russia’s never had a president like him, believe me. Even under the Romanovs, there was no such order and such authority in Russia as there is now!”

Both the community leadership and the Dagestani government delicately deny the existence of any inter-confessional enmity, either in the past or at present. Officially, there’s no anti-Semitism in Derbent, and the events at the airport were an isolated incident. But the synagogue in Derbent closed its doors for 10 days for security reasons “because a lot of people come there to pray,” my interviewee explained.

Officially, there’s no anti-Semitism in Derbent, and the events at the airport were an isolated incident





Kele-Numaz Synagogue in Derbent


We say goodbye to Ilya late at night. Lastly, I ask him if he felt personally threatened after the events at the airport. He is evasive. “Thank God, we were lucky here in Derbent, and the riots didn't spill over. Dargins, Lezgins live with us; we are one. We hang out and drink tea; we visit each other. For me, they’re neighbors first of all, and whether they are Avar or Lezgin Muslim doesn't matter to me. We have 36 nationalities here, and we’re all like brothers.”

However, local taxi drivers have trouble fitting into the picture of universal friendship that Ilya, Vera, and other Derbent interviewees so diligently painted for me: “I'm sick of the Jews! They sully Russia. They sully the entire world. Local, non-local, whatever. They're getting cocky. We saved them in the Great Patriotic War, 20 million died, and now they’ve turned against Russia. They’re helping the Banderites!” rants Abdulnasir, a 60-year-old taxi driver. He doesn’t seem to remember that Jews died on WWII battlefields alongside representatives of other nationalities, even though the Jewish cemetery in Derbent has a huge monument in memory of the Jews killed during the war.





A WWII memorial in Derbent to honor the fallen Jews


In another taxi, from Derbent to Makhachkala, driver Ali argues with the other passenger about anti-Jewish sanctions: “I’ve deleted Yandex Taxi altogether, because all of the team is Jewish, and they support this war,” Ali explains. He’s 20 or so, a Kaspiysk native, and a supporter of Palestine. He recalls that he was at the airport on the day of the pogrom, to “support the brothers.” But he wouldn't go into the terminal building. “I pick up passengers there. I know there are cameras everywhere, and I don't want any trouble.”





The closer you get to Makhachkala, the more cars have stickers in support of Palestine


Police cars are whizzing by with sirens blaring. Law enforcers were deployed in Makhachkala and on the roads leading to the Dagestani capital because the day before, Telegram channels started posting calls for a pro-Palestinian and anti-Israeli rally in the city center. “Traffic cops are everywhere now, even in places where we haven't seen any in a while. Policemen are patrolling the entrances and exits of villages in Khasavyurt and Kizilyurt districts, and there are even more in the towns,” warns a Dagestani pro-Palestinian Telegram channel.

“Palestine, we stand with you!”

We drive to Makhachkala via Kaspiysk, where “a lot of young people sympathize with the Palestinians,” Ali tells me. It was from Kaspiysk and Buynaksk, he said, that most of the participants in the October 29 airport rally arrived. Occasionally, we are overtaken by cars with “Palestine, we stand with you!” stickers. At a traffic circle near the airport, someone stretched a huge Palestinian flag.

On the morning of the rally, anti-Israeli stickers and posters appeared in Makhachkala, calling to boycott Israeli products, not to rent apartments or houses to “Jewish refugees,” and to refuse them service in restaurants and taxis. “All of you are witnesses to how Palestine has sheltered them and the gratitude it has received,” said a publication on a now-blocked Telegram channel. “Today Palestinian children are dying at their hands, and tomorrow it could affect our people.”

One of the pro-Palestinian stickers appeared outside a synagogue despite the building being guarded 24 hours a day by the police. Like in Derbent, the synagogue in Makhachkala has also been closed.

On the evening of November 5, police from all over Dagestan were summoned to Magomed Yaragsky Street, the projected location of the rally: 20 cars per 300 meters, and that's not taking into account the cars and police vans parked in the alleys.





Police officers near Magomed Yaragsky Street


Since Telegram channels had been summoning locals to the protest for several days, the law enforcers had spared no effort in preparing. But other than police officers, no one came, unlike the airport, which was flooded with protesters in less than a couple hours.





Police officers stop and inspect cars on Magomed Yaragsky Street on November 5


“Attended by thousands of law enforcers, the rally for Palestine and in support of the detainees at Makhachkala airport turned out to be a success,” joked social media users on the next day.
“How can you call for their expulsion? They're ours!”

The taxi driver Ali, his passenger, and the elderly driver from Derbent were the only Dagestanis I met who spoke out harshly against both the Israelis and the local Jews. All other Muslims, both young and old, called the actions of the rioters stupid.

“They ruined their own airport. To what end? How does this help the Palestinians?” wonders shawarma chef Aziz. His shop window features a sticker in support of Palestine. But he’s sure Dagestani Jews can't be held responsible for Israel's operation. “They’ve lived here for many years. Their ancestors lived here. This is their homeland too, not Israel, so how can you call for their expulsion? They’re ours! No one’s ever oppressed them here,» Aziz says, and I lose count of the number of times someone said there's no anti-Semitism in Dagestan.





A poster in support of Palestine in a courtyard on Gamidov Avenue, Makhachkala


In reality, there have been episodes in the history of the North Caucasus when intolerance towards local Jews drove them from their homes.

There have been episodes in the history of the North Caucasus when intolerance towards local Jews drove them from their homes


Thus, Jewish communities in Grozny, Nalchik, Kizlyar, and other Russian strongholds emerged after Mountain Jews had to leave some villages, where a surge of intolerance towards non-Muslims during the Caucasian War triggered pogroms and reprisals. On the whole, the Jews of the imperial North Caucasus fared much better than their counterparts throughout Russia. Derbent was the only city in the empire where the authorities disregarded the decree on the Pale of Settlement.





The first Russian-Jewish school in Derbent (1904)


Outbursts of anti-Semitism occurred under Soviet rule as well. In 1926, there was a Jewish pogrom in Makhachkala, initiated by rumors that Mountain Jews had allegedly killed a Muslim child for ritual purposes. The pogroms spread to several settlements, including even tolerant, ethnically diverse Derbent. A similar story happened in the 1960s when a “blood libel” almost led to riots in Buynaksk. Pogroms were then avoided.

In the 1990s, many Jews left the Caucasus and moved to Israel. Their motivation wasn’t purely economic: during the Chechen wars, there were cases of kidnapping for ransom throughout the North Caucasus, including in Makhachkala and Buynaksk. “It's the least risky to kidnap a Jew as there’s no tukhum (clan) behind them. Jews are afraid to complain to anyone and will give up their homes and all their property acquired over several generations without a word, just to preserve the life of a loved one,” the Naslediye portal quoted a Dagestani official as saying in 2001.

In recent years, there have been almost no anti-Jewish protests in Dagestan, except for rare cases of domestic anti-Semitism. But in 2013, Rabbi Ovadya Isakov of the Derbent synagogue survived an assassination attempt. An unidentified man shot him five times at night, and the rabbi was hospitalized in serious condition. Russia's Investigative Committee concluded that the attack could have been linked to Isakov's religious activities. Russia's Chief Rabbi Berl Lazar blamed the jihadist underground for the attack.

Be that as it may, Isakov didn’t leave Dagestan and still holds his position. After the events at Makhachkala airport, he said the situation in the region was complicated and that people were scared. Moreover, he doesn’t feel safe and doesn’t rule out the need to evacuate Jews from Dagestan if this kind of unrest continues. All my interviewees, however, believe this will not be the case and hope they’ll be able to stay in their home region.

Orthodoxy, autocracy, anti-Semitism. How the Russian Empire endorsed and justified pogroms

“Pogrom” is one of the few words that European languages borrowed from Russian. Back at home, it seemed to have fallen out of use in recent decades, becoming a relict of the past – until the Makhachkala airport riot gave it a new relevance. That said, Judeophobia was a permanent trait of the Russian Empire, and the history of Jewish pogroms counts many brutal chapters. The authorities almost invariably failed to act, and in some cases even encouraged the looting and the slaughter.



LONG READ

The Insider
24 November 2023

CONTENT

Ivan the Terrible, Peter the Great, and Elizabeth of Russia


The wave of pogroms under Alexander III


The Kishinev pogrom of 1903


The wave of pogroms of 1905: Odessa


The triumph of injustice

RU

Ivan the Terrible, Peter the Great, and Elizabeth of Russia


As early as in the 16th century, Ivan the Terrible refused to let Jewish merchants into Moscow, saying the Jews were “culpable of wrongdoing, turning our people off Christian faith, and bringing poisonous potions into our land.” Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich expelled Jews from the cities that fell under his rule: “And the Jews shall not be and shall have no residence in Mogilev ... Send the Jews from Vilna to live outside the city.”

Peter the Great was relatively lenient to the Jews (in 1708, he even personally stopped a pogrom his soldiers started in Mstislavl and ordered to hang 13 of the pogromists), but once his widow acceded to the throne, the Supreme Privy Council issued a decree banishing Jews from the country: “Jews, both male and female ...shall all be expelled out of Russia abroad immediately and henceforth shall not be allowed to return under any circumstances, and all authorities shall be warned accordingly.” Peter the Great's daughter, Elizabeth of Russia adhered to a similar position.

However, up to the latter half of the 18th century, anti-Semitism was not a major issue in Russia for a simple reason: Jews were few and far between. Things changed after the partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, when a huge number of Polish Jews suddenly found themselves under Russian jurisdiction. Already subjects of the empire, they could no longer be simply “prevented” from entering it. The government had to come up with something new, so they invented the Pale of Settlement: an area outside of which Jews (except for those who converted to Christianity and some other categories that varied over time) were forbidden to live and work. The Pale of Settlement was in place from 1791 to 1917, although its borders changed, often along with the state borders of the empire.




Temporary pass for a Jew to travel beyond the Pale of Settlement to other parts of Russia on family matters. Late 19th century


By 1825, the Russian Empire had found itself in a completely new situation: as demographer Pavel Polyan writes, with 1.6 million Jews, Russia was home to nearly half of world Jewry.

As of 1825, 1.6 million Jews lived in the Russian Empire – nearly half of the world's Jewry

Around the same time, in 1821, the empire saw its first major Jewish pogrom – in Odessa (the name of Odesa in imperial Russia). The pogrom was initiated by members of the Greek diaspora, which controlled the bread trade in the region and detested the increasing role of Jewish merchants. As a pretext, they used the murder of Greek Patriarch Gregory, who’d been brutally assassinated in Constantinople by the Turks, but Odessa’s Greeks were spreading rumors that “the Jews were to blame.” The patriarch’s body was brought to Odessa, and on the day of his funeral, Jewish pogroms broke out in three parts of the city – but the non-Jewish population hardly supported them at the time. The instigators of the pogroms were never found.

In 1859, Odessa saw another major pogrom, once again organized and led by the Greeks. The local authorities sent police to quell the pogrom but were reluctant to antagonize the influential Greek diaspora and tried to treat the incident as a trivial brawl.

The next Odessa pogrom, in 1871, lasted three days and damaged 863 houses and 552 shops. This one was different from the previous ones: although the Greeks started it too, this time other ethnicities joined the unrest. The reaction of the authorities, who turned a blind eye to the pogrom for three days and reacted only on the fourth, is also noteworthy. “Gloating, the local government and the general public reveled in the destruction and encouraged the aggressors to loot,” wrote historian Yuliy Gessen.

And yet that was only the backstory. The pogroms in Russia reached full force in 1881.
The wave of pogroms under Alexander III

Almost all of the Romanovs were anti-Semites to a degree: even “enlightened” Alexander II, who somewhat liberalized the position of the Jews, could easily be heard saying things like “the people are generally courteous but extremely unkempt and resemble Jews” (his take on Italians). Meanwhile, his successor, Alexander III, made no secret of his anti-Semitiс views. A man of less than stellar education, he sincerely believed in blood libel and was Judeophobic even in everyday life. Count Sergei Witte, Russia's first Prime Minister, recounted how the Emperor refused to give loans to Jewish bankers because he “couldn't fathom why to offer any kind of loans to Jews” and sometimes rejected cooperation with Jews even to the detriment of his own interests.

Alexander III was a Judeophobe even in everyday life

This had an immediate impact on policies: not only did Alexander III repeal all the relaxations introduced by his father, but he also tightened anti-Jewish laws whenever he could. “Temporary rules”, which prohibited Jews from settling in the countryside, purchasing real estate, renting land outside of towns and shtetls, and doing business on Sundays, both deprived many Jewish families of their livelihood and, as publicist Semyon Dubnov notes, ushered in legitimate pogroms. And they were only a fraction of the anti-Jewish laws passed under Alexander III, as the policy of the “peacemaking tsar” was blatantly anti-Semitic. His attitude could not but affect public sentiment. Admittedly, the government was unlikely to initiate the pogroms, but it spared no effort in showing that pogroms were allowed.

The impression that the government tacitly approved of pogroms, if not directly called for them, was a major factor behind the wave of pogroms in 1881-1884, which was formally triggered by the assassination of Alexander II. Soon after the attack, many newspapers were quick to place blame on the Jews, directly or indirectly.

The accusations were absurd: only one of the arrested Narodnaya Volya terrorists, Gesya Gelfman, and she was far from being the mastermind. This did nothing to assuage the anti-Semitic press; many were especially outraged that Gelfman, who was pregnant, had had her execution postponed until after childbirth. Some newspapers explicitly announced upcoming anti-Jewish marches on Easter Eve. Given the level of censorship in the time of Alexander III, such outbursts couldn’t have been printed without the tacit approval of censors, who were the mouthpiece for the state authorities. And that was exactly how the general public interpreted the situation: what’s printed has to have been approved.

The wave of pogroms began on April 15 in Elisavetgrad (now Kropyvnytskyi) with a petty clash between a tavern keeper and a visitor over a broken glass. A brawl that began in the tavern soon spilled over into the street. “Booing and shouting, the crowd rushed in pursuit of the fleeing Jews, smashing windows in Jewish shops along the way... Ravaging shops, throwing personal effects and goods outside, and destroying any Jewish property they could lay their hands on,” eyewitnesses recalled.

The patrols tried to intervene, but showed little enthusiasm: firstly, there were no orders from above, and secondly, because of “the crowd of onlookers from among the educated and the wealthy: ladies, women with infants and young children, against whom the officers did not dare to use force.” The next day the pogroms resumed with a new vigor: shops smashed, Jews beaten, the police and cadets trying – and failing – to stop the rioters. It wasn't until regular troops entered the city that the pogroms in Elisavetgrad were curbed. But it was too late as the unrest was rapidly engulfing the neighboring towns. In total, the wave of pogroms rolled over 150 settlements.

All of these pogroms had a common trait: the participants were absolutely convinced of their impunity. A rumor persisted that there was even a royal decree to beat the Jews, a decree that was never made public because the Jews allegedly interfered with it. Besides, the pogroms were not entirely spontaneous: provocateurs appeared the day before in almost every settlement where they broke out.

They argued that “Jews are being beaten everywhere, and this goes unpunished,” that «the Emperor dislikes Jews» and won't give soldiers the order to “shoot at Russian people,” that they “personally heard a police officer cite the Emperor’s decree allowing the beating of the Jews since they are oppressing the Russian people,” or that “the Emperor is traveling abroad and ordered for all Jews to be beaten before his return.” Leaflets by anonymous authors were posted everywhere, calling for the “eradication of the heinous Jewish tribe” and conveniently announcing the dates of upcoming pogroms.

Leaflets called for the “eradication of the heinous Jewish tribe” and conveniently announced the dates of upcoming pogroms


There are different opinions about the extent to which the pogroms were planned. A note submitted to the government by Baron Ginzburg stated that most of the pogroms had occurred in settlements along the railroad, and all of them had followed the same scenario: first, a rumor emerged about an upcoming pogrom on a particular date; on that day a “gang of ragamuffins” arrived by train, got drunk, and started the pogrom, taking the cue from their ringleaders (who had lists with addresses of Jewish apartments and shops in advance). In the crowd, there were always a few instigators, reading out anti-Semitic articles and presenting them as decrees authorizing the beating of Jews.

The note also stated that the authorities tacitly sympathized with the pogromists: despite knowing the dates of the pogroms in advance, they never took preventive measures. The authorities sometimes confirmed this. Thus, General Novitsky, an eyewitness of the Kiev (currently Kyiv) pogrom of 1881, wrote that the Jews “undoubtedly owed this pogrom to the governor-general of Kiev, Adjutant General Alexander Drenteln, who hated Jews with all his heart and gave carte blanche to rampant mobs of ruffians and Dnieper tramps who openly thrashed Jewish properties, shops, stores, and markets, even in the presence of the general himself and his troops, who’d been summoned to curb the unrest. The troops became impassive spectators of all the lawlessness, havoc, and robberies of Jewish properties, and their morale was so low that they even looted Jewish stalls on outdoor markets, which I saw for myself.”


The Pogroms of the 1880s
Print by Johann Schonberg


The same failure to act, bordering on complicity, characterized the Balta pogrom in March 1882. This pogrom turned out to be one of the most violent, with 211 people injured, 12 killed, at least 20 cases of rape reported, and 976 houses and 278 shops looted.

“Deliberately or inadvertently, [the authorities'] actions only fueled the riots,” writes historian Arkady Zeltser. “Thus, on the first day of the pogrom, the troops prevented Jews from passing over the bridge to the Turkish side, which enabled the rioters to destroy Jewish property there; further on, the authorities released 24 Christians arrested on the first day of the pogrom under the pressure of the mob, while the detained Jews remained under arrest until the governor’s arrival. ... The troops tried to contain the riots to some extent; patrolling the town, the local battalion cordoned off the crowd and held it for almost an hour ... but when the police officer, the military chief, and the police inspector appeared, the chain was broken, and the mob, accompanied by peasants who had arrived from the villages, pounced on the liquor store, got drunk and began to smash and crush everything in their path. ... The police officer disappeared somewhere, and no one saw him throughout the pogrom. The police and soldiers aided and abetted the hooligans. Military chief Karpukhin patrolled the city throughout the day, accompanied by soldiers, who, however, did not counter the pogrom.”

During the subsequent debriefing, Balta’s authorities tried to convince their superiors that the riots had been organized... By none other than the Jews themselves.

Other government representatives blamed the Jews for the pogroms too, although indirectly, by saying they’d pushed people to the extreme. The most common explanations include the ‘economic domination’ of Jews, their making drunkards of Russian people, and their ‘malicious’ commercial activities. Jewish communities were even reproached for their secluded, tightly-knit nature – which they largely owed to the Pale of Settlement and other anti-Semitic laws.

The wave of pogroms abated in 1884, after causing the first major outflux of Jews from the Russian Empire. The First Aliyah, which included about 2 million Jews, was largely triggered precisely by the pogroms.
The Kishinev pogrom of 1903

Under Nicholas II, pogroms resumed. In the 1890s, they flared up sporadically all over the country. But the most outrageous bloodshed occurred already in the 20th century in Kishinev (now Chisinau), on April 6 and 7, 1903.

This pogrom was all the more shocking because Bessarabia was considered an oasis of calm. Unfortunately, the government had created an atmosphere that strongly favored pogroms.

Firstly, the post of Minister of the Interior and Chief of the Gendarmes during these years was occupied by Vyacheslav von Plehve, an open anti-Semite. Many eyewitnesses named him as one of the main culprits and organizers of the Kishinev pogrom (Count Witte also shared this opinion). And while today's historians doubt his immediate involvement, hardly anyone questions his approval of pogroms. General Kuropatkin, former Minister of War under Nicholas II, looks back on a conversation with Plehve in his diary: “As well as from the Sovereign, I heard from him that the Jews should be taught a lesson, that they’d grown arrogant and were spearheading the revolutionary movement.”

The important caveat is “as well as from the Sovereign.” Nicholas II was as much of an anti-Semite as his father – and even surpassed him. He appears to have sincerely believed in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, openly sympathized with the nationalistic Union of the Russian People, which thrived under his rule, and was quick to grant pardon to arrested pogromists. All of the above instilled confidence that pogroms were not just acceptable but desirable to the authorities.

Nicholas II sincerely believed in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and openly sympathized with nationalists


The groundwork for the Kishinev pogrom was laid by Bessarabets, a newspaper published by the infamous Black Hundred activist Pavel Krushevan, who had also been the first to release The Protocols of the Elders of Zion in 1903. The newspaper painted the previous day's murder of 14-year-old Mikhail Rybachenko (as the investigation soon found out, he'd been killed by a relative over an inheritance) as a brutal ritual killing. Day after day, journalists reveled in the gory details (the killers had allegedly sewn the boy's eyes, ears, and mouth shut) and explained that the Jews had released the child's blood and used it to make matzah. In addition, the Jews were blamed for all their other purported “transgressions.”

The date of the forthcoming pogrom was no secret, with public places strewn with anti-Semitic leaflets, and rumors spreading throughout the city that the tsar had issued a decree “to beat the Jews within three days after Easter.” The Jewish community reached out to the local government with a request for protection, and the Christian population preemptively painted crosses on their doors and put icons in the windows.

The pogrom began on April 6 (19 N.S.), the first day of Orthodox Easter. At first, the pogromists threw stones at the windows of Jewish homes, then started smashing shops. There were no human casualties early on, but the authorities’ indifference convinced the aggressors of their absolute impunity. Dr. Moses Slutsky, the chief physician of the Jewish hospital, who treated the pogrom victims, recalled that more wounded and killed were arriving every minute: “A cabman I knew and whose services I often used brought a severely wounded man to the hospital and left; half an hour later, his own corpse was brought in his carriage.”

“The faces of the dead were disfigured to such an extent,” writes the doctor, “that even the closest relatives of the deceased – their wives and children – could barely recognize them: broken skulls, from which the brains fell out, smashed faces, covered with blood and down... Often, the dead could only be identified by what they were wearing.” There was no fleeing from the pogromists: they broke into houses, beat up anyone who got in their way, searched for those who’d hid, and chased everyone who tried to escape.




Kishinev, after the pogrom


As Slutsky recalls, a family climbed to the roof, and “the thugs followed them. Soon the thugs caught them and started pushing the poor things off the roof one by one as the crowd below roared with laughter.” Almost all of the victims died. Another family hid in a shed but also unsuccessfully: a neighbor stabbed the head of the family with a knife, and then “the thugs beat him to death with clubs in front of his wife and children.” Many of the pogromists had indeed been their victims’ good neighbors if not friends. “Interestingly, there was a town policeman on duty near the house and a few soldiers not far away,” remarks Slutsky, “And yet, despite desperate pleas for protection, they remained passive onlookers, excusing themselves by saying they’d received no orders to intervene.” By contrast, according to the doctor's testimony, the police sometimes detained Jews who tried to set up self-defense units.

It wasn’t until the evening of the second day that the local garrison was authorized to use arms against the pogromists. The soldiers were given ammunition – but never fired even a single shot. “Within an hour and a half, peace was restored throughout the city. There was no need for bloodshed or gunfire. All it took was certainty,” wrote Vladimir Korolenko in his essay on the Kishinev pogrom.

Finally, arrests were made, and the casualties were tallied: 49 killed, 600 wounded, and 1,500 houses destroyed – more than one-third of all Kishinev households. “Everywhere, the trees were sprinkled with down like snow. Holes from ripped-out doors and windows gaped. The streets were strewn with fragments of furniture, smashed crockery, torn bedding, clothes, and pages from Jewish books. ... Ransacked synagogues, where Torah scrolls had been torn and desecrated,” recalls Slutsky, looking back on the city after the pogrom.






The wave of pogroms of 1905: Odessa

In 1905, the pogroms broke out with renewed vigor, and the authorities appeared to have become even more forgiving – for a host of reasons. First, they viewed Jews as potential “insurgents” (the propaganda of the time spared no effort in trying to equate “Jew” with “revolutionary,” making this, in a sense, a self-fulfilling prophecy). Secondly, Nicholas II saw the Black Hundreds as the core of his support in the troubled days, willingly endorsing their activities. Finally, the government was only too willing to direct the rage of the poor toward the Jews, distracting them from the actual source of their troubles.

The pogroms followed the same pattern, always starting with instigators spreading rumors of a Jew desecrating an icon, for instance, or shooting at the Emperor’s portrait. Police and troops often remained passive. However, Jewish self-defense groups had by then emerged in many towns and cities and sometimes managed to stop pogromists, who were unaccustomed to any resistance. They were especially efficient if the authorities did not interfere with their defense (which was not always the case).





The wake of the Odessa pogrom


The pogroms peaked in October 1905: 690 episodes in 102 settlements, with a total death toll ranging from 800 to 4,000 (by different estimates). The bloodiest one occurred in Odessa (currently Odesa) on October 18-21, 1905.

When the pogrom began, the situation in the city was already unstable, so all it took was a tiny spark. A conflict occurred between two protests; a child died, and the mob was quick to blame the Jews. On the first day, Jewish self-defense units were quite successful in containing the riots, disarming and detaining at least 200 pogromists. Unfortunately, the local authorities intervened, stepping up for the opposite side. The town mayor Dmitry Neidgardt ordered to remove police officers from the streets (allegedly fearing for their safety), and the governor-general A. Kaulbars, according to some sources, ordered the troops to use all kinds of weapons to suppress Jewish self-defense. The pogromists were given the green light.

After that, the pogroms continued for another four days, and many soldiers also joined in, according to eyewitness accounts. A Russkoye Slovo correspondent telegraphed from Odessa: “The riots are taking on grand, threatening proportions, accompanied by killings, violence, rape, attacks on civilians, and endless looting. Huge crowds of hooligans, reinforced by residents of the suburbs, scum, port beggars, armed with crowbars, clubs, and stakes with iron ends, are moving along the streets in groups, destroying and looting everything in their path.”

The riots spilled over into the suburbs. Jews who tried to escape were drowned at sea or killed right on the trains. The police did not interfere; from the onset, rumors circulated among the pogromists about orders to leave them alone until October 21. And indeed, the order to use force was issued only on the morning of October 22, and the riots immediately stopped.

According to various estimates, the Odessa pogrom killed from 500 to 1100 people. There was not enough space in the cemetery, and Jews had to be buried in mass graves. Another 3,000 people were wounded. Tens of thousands were left homeless.
The triumph of injustice

The pogroms were followed by trials, but more often than not they became a new source of abuse for the victims: “procedural pogroms,” as lawyers put it. Jews were treated like criminals. The sworn attorney and publicist Lev Kupernik wrote about the “presumption of a Jew's guilt”: “Every man is considered decent until the contrary is proved; conversely, every Jew is considered a scoundrel until the contrary is proved.”

The trial after the Gomel pogrom in 1903 is very indicative in this sense. Thirty-six Jews from self-defense groups ended up in the dock with the pogromists. Eyewitnesses recall that the court was biased against both the Jews and their defenders: at one point, the atmosphere became so outrageous that the Jews’ defenders resigned halfway through the session. Eventually, 23 of the 36 Jews were convicted, with the same punishment as the pogromists. The indictment was a clear message from the authorities: Jews weren't allowed to defend themselves against pogroms.

The indictment was a clear message from the authorities: Jews weren't allowed to defend themselves against pogroms


The fate of the Odessa mayor Dmitry Neidgard, who was guilty of at least failure to act during the pogroms of 1905, is also noteworthy. Under public pressure, he was removed from office but received subsequent promotion, becoming a senator, then a Privy Councillor, and in 1907, the Odessa Duma awarded him the title of honorary citizen of Odessa.

Nicholas II himself made no secret of his allegiance. “The people were outraged by the insolence and impudence of revolutionaries and socialists, and since nine-tenths of them are Jews, all the anger fell on them – hence the Jewish pogroms,» he wrote to his mother on October 27, 1905.

The global community sharply condemned the pogroms in the Russian Empire. U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt demanded that Nicholas II amend the anti-Semitic laws (primarily on settlement), but the emperor refused, even though it meant losing much-needed foreign loans. He was not in a hurry to offer pogrom victims financial aid either, believing they were already receiving enough from domestic and Western Jewish organizations.

The Kishinev pogrom and subsequent incidents are believed to have indirectly influenced even the outcome of the Russo-Japanese War because American bankers of Jewish descent financially supported the Japanese in protest against Russia's policy toward the Jews. In the future, the anti-Semitism of Nicholas II and his entourage served them poorly, pushing Jewish youth, who had no chance for a normal life under their rule, to join the revolutionary movement.
Economic statecraft with American characteristics

MARK BEESON VAN JACKSON

The United States keeps pitching Asia regional deals for
economic arrangements that are not politically viable at home.


Pressing trade deals that do little more than insulate American tech oligopolies from the laws and regulations of Asian nations will not restore US primacy or counteract China’s influence 
(Dall.e/Canva)



Published 29 Nov 2023 
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Once upon a time, trade policy was a bit dull and the preserve of pointy-headed specialists. Its ends were rarely scrutinised. Its means were obscure to the public and largely exempted from political friction.

Now, however, trade policy is increasingly integral to a nationalist form of “economic statecraft” that has come to define inter-state competition, especially between the United States and China. Consequently, “getting trade policy right” is a highly political question subject to a range of conflicting interests and priorities that make identifying – let alone pursuing – a clear-cut “national interest” all but impossible.

The difficulties of separating economic and strategic policies are unusually acute for the United States.

For example, Donald Trump signalled just how dramatically American priorities can change with the abrupt departure of the United States from negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). But American attitudes toward globalisation and neoliberal economics have changed too, and Trump’s possible return highlights just how persistent the theme of American unpredictability is likely to be as it struggles to accommodate competing goals and interests within the fractious world of Washington.
China is already the region’s dominant economic actor and the principal economic partner of all its neighbours.

The latest iteration of regional economic statecraft is the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), an initiative that many in the region would struggle to name, let alone benefit from. And the plan has become increasingly tangled with domestic politics, with criticism about the influence of “Big Tech” lobbyists that not only advocated for but literally wrote portions of the IPEF text for the Biden administration. Members of the Democratic Party in Congress are increasingly vocal about the agreement’s failure to protect labour rights and the environment, forcing a promised grand announcement about IPEF at the recent APEC summit in San Francisco to be reined in at the last minute.

As happened with the TPP, which was eventually adopted as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the United States has solicited the support of Asian governments for an economic arrangement that is not politically viable for the United States itself. And even if the Biden administration was willing to make IPEF a vessel for worker interests and environmental protections, insisting on either may make the agreement much more difficult for countries in Southeast Asia to accept, especially given that it offers no privileged market access to the United States.A launch event for the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) in May 2022 ahead of the Quad summit in Tokyo (Adam Schultz/Official White House Photo)

More fundamentally in the context of the United States’ long-term competition with China for regional influence, IPEF is unlikely to change the existing direction of travel. China is already the region’s dominant economic actor and the principal economic partner of all its neighbours.

Enthusiasts of great-power rivalry often overlook that in the decades since the 1997–98 Asian Financial Crisis, Asian governments have constructed a financial and economic architecture that buoys their economic interdependence largely to the exclusion of the United States. The Chiang Mai Initiative for intra-regional currency swapping, the Asian Bond Market Initiative, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Plus-Three (China, Japan, and South Korea), the ASEAN Surveillance Process, the Northeast Asia Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat, and the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) are just a handful of the arrangements that constitute Asia’s economic order.

China is party to most of them; the United States is party to none of them. And this list excludes the numerous Sino-centric institutions networking the region such as the Belt and Road Initiative, or the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (RCEP), which excludes the United States but includes all its key regional allies.
Unpalatable and unlikely as it may be, perhaps there is something that American policymakers might learn from the Chinese approach.

The salutary lesson is that America does not run the table on Asian political economy anymore. Pressing trade deals that do little more than insulate American tech oligopolies from the laws and regulations of Asian nations will not restore US primacy or counteract China’s influence. America’s “Build Back a Better World” initiative is a pale imitation of China’s grandiose Belt and Road Initiative, which despite much criticism, has delivered tangible outcomes that are literally cementing China’s place in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.

Unpalatable and unlikely as it may be, perhaps there is something that American policymakers might learn from the Chinese approach. Successful economic statecraft depends more on addressing the key concerns of potential partners: poverty alleviation, transitioning to sustainable economic growth, and delivering useful infrastructure and investment.

But at a time when the United States is distracted by conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine, not to mention the polarisation of domestic politics, it may prove difficult for American foreign policymakers to move beyond the all too familiar staples of containment and zero-sum competition with its principal rival.

It’s worth remembering the long peace of Asia owed a good deal to the development of cooperative coexistence between the United States and China. Economic interdependence could still be a force for more stable great power relations, and one that would likely be welcomed throughout the Indo-Pacific. Whether any country’s economic statecraft can rise above the short-term national interest may prove to be the defining issue of our time.
Scientists 'Surprised' by Antarctic Glacier Suddenly Doubling Its Speed


Nov 28, 2023 
By Jess Thomson
NEWSWEEK
Science Reporter

A huge Antarctic glacier has suddenly started melting much faster than before after years of little change thanks to warming oceans, researchers have found.

The Cadman Glacier, situated on the Antarctic Peninsula, increased the speed of its retreat by around 94 percent between 2018 and 2019 after nearly 50 years of relatively little change, showing how vulnerable the region is to climate change, a new paper in the journal Nature Communications reveals.


The researchers used satellite observations and oceanographic measurements to look into how the Cadman Glacier changed between 1991 and 2022, finding that the speed at which the glacier was melting was accelerating, increasing by a rate of around 0.5 gigatons (around 200 billion pounds) per year. Between November 2018 and December 2019, the Cadman Glacier's calving front crept back by 5 miles.
The mountainous and glaciated coastline of the Antarctic Peninsula. Researchers have found that the Cadman Glacier is melting at an accelerated pace thanks to warming oceans.
ANNA HOGG

"Cadman Glacier is on the west coast of the Antarctic Peninsula, the mountainous spine that points out from the continent toward South America. Since the 1970s, when we started having regular satellite images, the glacier appeared stable with its terminus (where it meets the sea) not changing position significantly," Benjamin Wallis, a glacier and climate researcher at the University of Leeds and a co-author of the paper, told Newsweek.

"But in 2018 the glacier started accelerating its flow and retreating, shrinking in length by 8 kilometers (5 miles) between 2018 and 2021. Since 2021, the glacier has not shown any signs of readvancing."

The researchers also found that the retreat of the glacier occurred at the same time as a positive temperature anomaly in the upper ocean, with a 1,300-foot deep channel allowing warm water to reach the Cadman Glacier. Having nearly doubled in its speed of retreat, 2.16 billion tons of ice are now draining from the Cadman Glacier into the ocean each year.

"We were surprised to see the speed at which Cadman went from being an apparently stable glacier to one where we see sudden deterioration and significant ice loss," Wallis said in a statement.

The retreat of glaciers in Antarctica increasingly destabilizes the Antarctic Ice Sheet, which is the largest single mass of ice on Earth. Until recently, most research had been focused on glacier melt toward the eastern Antarctic Peninsula due to the breakup of the Larsen ice shelves, as the western peninsula had been more stable. This research shows that the western peninsula glaciers, including the Cadman Glacier, are less stable now than they were before.

"Our work points to the warming ocean causing the glacier to accelerate and retreat. This is because the oceans around Antarctica have been warming and the glacier is in contact with these waters where it flows into the ocean and begins to float," Wallis said. "It was melting from beneath, which we were able to detect using satellite data.
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"Outstanding and pioneering work by other glaciologists and oceanographers has shown that ice shelves and glaciers in Antarctica are being eroded by warm ocean water. This paper is an example of how this can lead to sudden and rapid ice loss. There are other glaciers in the same region which might behave in a similar way in the future."


A map showing the location of the Cadman Glacier on the Antarctic Peninsula. A study has found that ocean warming caused the glacier to rapidly retreat between 2018–2019, after years of stability.
Created with Datawrapper


The researchers stress that while the Cadman Glacier alone melting won't have much of an impact on sea level rise, it's symptomatic of the Antarctic ice sheet slowly decaying due to increasing water temperatures. As the Cadman and other glaciers across the peninsula start melting further, this may lead to significant increases in sea level over the next few decades.

"The glacier in this study, Cadman Glacier, is small in Antarctic terms and won't contribute significantly to sea level rise on its own," Wallis said. "However, it's important that we understand how glaciers like this in Antarctica respond to the changing environment so that we can make better projections of future sea level rise."

A marine-terminating glacier in Antarctica.
ANNA HOGG

Michael Meredith, a paper co-author and oceanographer at the British Antarctic Survey, agreed: "We have known for some time that the ocean around Antarctica is heating up rapidly, and that this poses a significant threat to glaciers and the ice sheet, with consequences for sea level rise globally," he said in the statement.

"What this new research shows is that apparently stable glaciers can switch very rapidly, becoming unstable almost without warning, and then thinning and retreating very strongly. This emphasizes the need for a comprehensive ocean observing network around Antarctica, especially in regions close to glaciers that are especially hard to make measurements."

Braving the frigid air in Antarctica, painter draws inspiration for global exhibit, highlights impact of climate change


Stepping out onto land in Antarctica, I marveled at the grayscale panorama. It looked like a blend of light sky and dark sea that inspired my first piece of art.

Grisel GonzĂĄlez
November 28, 2023

SOFIA, Bulgaria ꟷ Eighteen years ago, I received an invitation to join the Argentine Antarctic Cultural Project, a remarkable event commemorating the 100th anniversary of Argentina’s presence in Antarctica. Managed by the powerhouse behind Argentina’s Antarctic missions, The National Antarctic Directorate (DNA), I embarked on a 40-day odyssey across the region. Immersing myself in the pristine white expanse and the breathtaking visual landscape, an unparalleled creativity ignited within me. Antarctica quickly became the nucleus of my artistic pursuits, culminating in my art collection and book Al Sur del Sur, mi AntĂĄrtida.

This year I unveiled a retrospective exhibition at St. Kliment Ohridski at Sofia University. The collection encapsulated the depth of my remarkable journey through Antarctica and celebrated the 30-year scientific alliance between Argentina and Bulgaria.

Read more arts & culture stories at Orato World Media
Committing to an expedition in Antarctica: simple tasks required complex routines

I approached my trip to Antarctica with an open mind, eagerly anticipating surprises along the way. Those surprises began immediately. When I arrived on the dock to board our ship, the sight of the ARA Almirante IrĂ­zar icebreaker stunned me. [An icebreaker is a ship or boat designed to navigate through ice-covered waters and create safe waterways for other boats and ships.] It resembled a bustling city on ice.

After several days of travel on the ship, at 5:00 a.m., we arrived at the Esperanza base where we would take refuge for the following weeks. Stepping out onto land in Antarctica, I marveled at the grayscale panorama. It looked like a blend of light sky and dark sea that inspired my first piece of art.

Settling into the base, the lack of accommodation surprised me. Between another group and ours, the base offered too few beds so we took over the gym and spread out our sleeping bags. I sought solace in a heated area but the warmth soon dissipated. Despite bundling up and wearing a hat, the freezing temperatures penetrated everything. I had to learn to adapt to this shift in climate.

I soon discovered that simple tasks like using the bathroom demanded complex routines. At night, I would emerge from my sleeping bag, dress in my warm clothes, trek to the school’s bathroom, return, undress, and resettle into bed.
I faced fear and risk but the landscape informed my art as I captured stunning moments

Exploring Antarctica presented clear risks. I made sure only to venture out in groups and never lose sight of the base. Nevertheless, every landscape before me delivered a thrill. Antarctica’s sheer beauty exceeded all my expectations.

Sometimes, the glaciologists gathering samples invited me to join their expeditions. Scaling the glacier’s foothills, we donned spiked crampons to traverse the icy terrain. Walking alongside the group leader, I learned the importance of proceeding in a single line to prevent potential accidents. The level of danger during these trips dawned on me, but it felt like the beginning of an adventure.

Dangerous situations loomed, like a rubber boat failing in the middle of the sea, and I felt a growing fear. Despite my distress, I felt a driving force to keep going. Antarctica’s barren landscapes, snow-capped mountains, and coastal moss delighted me. I absorbed all the information I learned and aimed to capture moments like the feeling of the biting cold and observing wildlife. I embraced the unique lighting and sought to create figurative art – that in which the subject matter is recognizable from the real world.

Soon, I discovered another inspiration: the constant and unexpected rain. In Antarctica, heat transformed snow into rain, revealing the impact of climate change. Witnessing increased moisture which fostered moss growth drove me to mix the color green into my work, symbolizing the changing landscape.
Bringing experiences from Antartica to a wider audience around the world

One day at what we called the seventh point [seven kilometers from base], scientists from the University of La Plata studied minerals, fauna like seals and penguins, and food sources. I began to approach the group as they collected samples from an elephant seal, when suddenly an approaching sea elephant startled us.

This experience inspired me. I wanted to begin to raise awareness about the importance of harmonizing our work with nature, and I did this by interjecting emotional intelligence into my art. Depicting the emotional impact that shifts in climate have on both landscapes and life forms became my primary focus.

Now, nearly two decades later, my works are being recognized for their impact. In a recent visit to Buenos Aires, the Head of Culture from the Bulgarian Antarctic Institute, Gergana Lapteva, unexpectedly invited me present a retrospective exhibition in Bulgaria. The exhibition commemorated a 30-year alliance between Argentina and Bulgaria and would feature a collection of 30 pieces.

We established a gallery connection and finalized the project with a sales agreement, leaving four pieces there on display. The palpable delight of those who attended and the incredible reception to my work felt intensely gratifying. During the visit, the Argentina ambassador in Bulgaria graciously hosted us, sparking a conversation about translating my book Al Sur del Sur, mi AntĂĄrtida into Bulgarian.

Further discussions with the Argentina embassy in Paris, facilitated by the Foreign Ministry, revealed an eagerness to create an exhibition there next year, and to translate the book into French. As I experience this new joy – rooted in my experiences in Antarctica – I have a new goal: to replicate my expedition, this time at the North Pole, and to unite the two polar extremes into a singular artistic endeavor.

All photos courtesy of Alberto Morales.










JOURNALIST’S NOTES
INTERVIEW SUBJECT
Alberto Morales, an Argentinean artist, started exhibiting in Buenos Aires in 1969 and later at the Lirolay Gallery in 1976 and 1977. In 2005, an invitation from the National Antarctic Directorate sparked his transformative journey across Antarctica. Recently, he presented “Al Sur del Sur, mi AntĂĄrtida” and curated a retrospective exhibition at Sofia University from September 12 to 22, showcasing his work influenced by Antarctica from 2005 to 2023.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
Alberto Morales, an Argentinean artist, established his career in Buenos Aires, Argentina. His debut exhibition as a student occurred in 1969, followed by individual showcases at the Lirolay Gallery in 1976 and 1977. Invited by the National Antarctic Directorate in 2005 to journey across Antarctica for 40 days, this experience profoundly influenced his artistic direction. Recently, Morales presented his book “Al Sur del Sur, mi AntĂĄrtida” and curated a retrospective exhibition titled “Al Sur del Sur, AntĂĄrtida Argentina,” spanning his work from 2005 to 2023. The exhibition, hosted at Sofia University’s central hall from September 12 to 22, celebrated Morales’ artistic journey shaped by Antarctica.
What is life like for women held in Japan's prisons?

Julian Ryall in Tokyo
DW
November 28, 2023

Rights groups are calling on the Japanese government to improve conditions for women in Japanese prisons. Statistics show most women in Japan are incarcerated for non-violent offenses.


Japan has 11 dedicated women's prisons, with 3,913 female inmates as of 2021, the most recent figures show
Image: Suksao/IMAGO

Many of the women held in Japanese prisons endure "serious human rights violations," according to a report released by a rights watchdog this month.

The violations include inadequate access to health care, separation from their children and excessive restrictions in their communications within and outside of prison.

A number of women questioned for the report, published by the Japan office of Human Rights Watch, even claimed they had been handcuffed while giving birth in prison, a charge that the Ministry of Justice has denied.


Japan has 11 dedicated women's prisons, with 3,913 female inmates as of 2021, the most recent figures show. The number of incarcerated women is down from a high of 5,345 in 2011, although the number of inmates aged 65 or older is increasing and stood at 20% of the total in 2021.

The leading causes of imprisonment are theft or crimes involving drugs, with 48% of all inmates serving time for theft and a further 33% convicted of narcotics offenses.
Falling short of standards

While the Japanese government is a signatory to international human rights conventions on the treatment of prisoners, Teppei Kasai, the rights watchdog's program officer, said it is falling short of the required standards.

"The reasons for these violations are complex," he told DW. "First, there are many women in Japan who shouldn't be imprisoned in the first place. Petty theft by older women, and the simple possession and use of drugs are the two leading crimes for which women are imprisoned for."

"Once they are imprisoned, they are in an environment that faces a serious shortage of resources, such as a lack of prison doctors and guards, which results in inadequate access to medical care as well as other abusive practices."

The agency's study, which is titled "They don't treat us like human beings," examined the experiences of 59 former and serving female inmates. It said penal institutions in Japan are "incredibly opaque" in that they have no adequate independent and effective oversight.

And that, Kasai said, can lead to abuse of power.

In one case that he said he found particularly shocking, a former inmate was punished with solitary confinement for 28 days. After her release, a mental health professional diagnosed her with bipolar disorder.

Under the United Nations' Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Japan is a signatory, "In no circumstances may restrictions or disciplinary sanctions amount to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment of punishment."

That includes prolonged solitary confinement, which the Mandela Rules identify as anything longer than 15 days

Newborn babes taken from mothers

Ayuko Takatoh, an attorney with the Clarte Law Office in Tokyo, said that the wording of the legislation is often problematic if it is open to interpretation by prison authorities, such as with regard to children in prisons.

"With regard to a mother bringing up her child in a penal institution after giving birth, the law stipulates that the director of the penal institution 'may permit' the mother to bring the child up in the prison," she pointed out.

As a result of the wording of the law, virtually every child is taken away from their incarcerated mother soon after being born.

And while the Justice Ministry disputes reports of women being handcuffed during childbirth, Takatoh said women are restrained immediately before going into the delivery room and while they are in labor and then again shortly after they have given birth.

Between 2009 and 2017, 184 women gave birth in Japanese prisons. From 2011 to 2017, just three women were permitted to keep their babies with them in jail, the longest time being 12 days.

Improper treatment of prison inmates is a result of "low awareness of human rights among Japanese people due to a lack of education," said Takatoh.

"While Japan is a safe country and crime is low, there seems to be a sense that people who commit crimes are different from us and they are 'monsters' who should be excluded from society," she said.

Human Rights Watch and other activists are calling on the government to improve conditions in Japanese prisons and the wider judicial environment, including by decriminalizing the possession of small amounts of drugs and introducing alternative punishments that would better help criminals to be reintegrated into society.

No job too hard for a woman: Tokyo's 'Rickshaw Girls'



"Imprisonment should be the last resort," said Kasai, who said community service is a far more appropriate sentence for older women charged with petty theft.

Kasai added that measures should be implemented to improve prison conditions, "Including not using restraints such as handcuffs on imprisoned pregnant women when they are being transferred to a hospital to get a checkup or to give birth, as well as immediately after giving birth."

Campaigners also believe women should be able to keep their babies for up to 18 months in prison and that they should have "adequate access" to medical care, including mental health care.

In addition, solitary confinement for misbehavior in prison should be limited to a maximum of 15 days, they said.

And Kasai is confident that positive change is possible.

"Robust debate and action within the Ministry of Justice and the parliament will be needed, but the necessary reforms should be possible with the clear understanding of both the authorities and the general public that the dignity of people who are in prison needs to be protected," he said.

Edited by: Srinivas Mazumdaru
WAIT, WHAT?!
GOPer accuses Hunter Biden of 'blocking' Comer's investigation by offering to testify
BE CAREFUL OF WHAT YOU WISH FOR
David Edwards
November 28, 2023

Newsmax/screen grab
Rep. Ben Cline (R-VA) accused Hunter Biden of "blocking" Rep. James Comer's (R-KY) impeachment investigation by offering to testify in public.

During an interview on Newsmax, Cline suggested that the offer was a plot to stall the probe.

"Well, this committee is trying to get the facts, get to the bottom of the corruption that was going on in the Biden family between Hunter Biden and the rest of the family and exactly follow the money to where it leads, and they're preparing a report to give to the Judiciary Committee," Kline explained. "The Democrats are stalling. They've essentially sent the message to Hunter Biden that we will protect you if it's in public and for show."

Kline claimed Biden would not "have to give any facts" if he testifies publicly.

"You won't have to give any information as you would in a deposition because in a deposition, it takes hours and hours and hours," he remarked. "You ask the little questions that won't be kind of interfered with by counsel for the other side, by members from the other side who just want to play for the cameras."

"So that's what this is all about," Kline added. "It's about blocking, continuing to block Chairman Comer and this House of Representatives from finding out the facts for the American people."