In western scholarly debate, there is nearly universal acceptance of rape as a male trait typical of all time periods and cultures. This view is essentially anchored in assumptions that male dominance is universal. Thornhill and Palmer (2000, p. 83) go so far to attribute a positive evolutionary value to male dominance and violence as factors that contribute to reproductive success: “If females' resistance results in their mating with males adept at overcoming it, the sons of rapists will be similarly adept, having inherited the genes of their fathers.” Therefore, the authors argue, “It is conceivable that in the past women who filtered potential rapists by resisting them bore sons who turned out to be adept at raping and thus may have had more grandchildren than passive females.”
Feminist scholarship has challenged the idea of rape as a natural given. Susan Brownmiller opened the door with her groundbreaking work Against Our Will (1975). Unlike Thornhill and Palmer, Brownmiller does not see rape as an act of nature and an evolutionary triumph but as an act of power and domination, a concept that has been further developed in later feminist debates. MacKinnon (1987, p. 87), for example, focuses on rape as a construct defined by men and the consequences this has for dealing with rape: “The rape law,” Mackinnon (1989, p. 182) argues from a legal perspective, “affirmatively rewards men with acquittals for not comprehending women's point of view on sexual encounters”. Scully's (1990) study of sexual violence views rape as learned behavior within a patriarchal culture. According to her findings rapists as compared to other felons are more likely to believe in a double standard regarding gender roles and they identify more strongly with the traditional male role. In her study of the anti-rape movement, Bevacqua (2000) addresses one of the cornerstones of feminist research, the connection between theory and practice. “For three decades,” Bevacqua (2000, p. 199) observes, “the movement has been calling into question the sexual entitlement of American men.” She believes that advances have been made when she concludes, “At its core, the anti-rape movement is a threat to the male right of sexual dominance.”
As the record indicates, both feminist and misogynist scholars talk about what will be referred to here as “rape culture” though they clearly understand its causes and impact very differently. As used in the following discussion, “rape culture”, a term coined by Hall and Flannery (1984, p. 404), refers to a system that produces assailants who “may believe that normal sexual relationships involve male dominance and female resistance. Rape may be a way of proving one's manhood, an important concern for adolescent males.” In rape cultures, dominance and control over women become aspects of achieving and experiencing masculinity, and rape, while not condoned, becomes part of the culture at large. But while the concept of rape culture postulates that rape is the result of social forces it does not clarify if these forces operate universally. This is a point where feminist debate needs to go further and employ a cross-cultural approach.
Helliwell (2000, p. 797), an anthropologist from Australia, who says she admits having shared the view of rape as a universal began to question this hypothesis when she became confronted with the issue in a community in Borneo “in which rape does not occur.” Her observation, however, is not an isolated incident. The hypothesis of rape as an inevitable factor in human culture, indeed, vanishes in the view of cross-cultural evidence, which shows that there are cultures in which rape is unknown or occurs so rarely that a different gender profile emerges as compared to our own. This means that we have to ask new questions. Thus, rather than, as Palmer (1989, p. 12) suggests, to place “emphasis on identifying the ways in which certain cultures are inefficient in discouraging males from raping,” we need to ask, “Why do men not rape?” The question is not directed at the individual level but at cultures in general, that is, how do “rape cultures” differ from non- (or low-) rape cultures?
Sanday began this discussion in 1981. Using the Human Relations Area Files as her database, she concluded that “rape-free” societies do exist. In this category, she included cultures with extremely low incidents of rape. According to Sanday (1981, p. 18), two major factors are responsible for the absence or low incident of rape: First, “rape-free” societies are characterized by sexual equality and the notion that the sexes are complementary.” Second, “the key to understanding the relative absence of rape…is the importance… attached to the contribution women make to social continuity.”
Sanday has been criticized for her interpretation of some of the data (see esp. Palmer, 1989). Indeed, the issue of data interpretation is riddled with many difficulties especially in this area of research. Above all, we face the problem of definition and the availability of statistical evidence. However, these peculiarities of the data situation affect all scholars dealing with rape.
In this paper, I will approach the issue of rape by focusing on matrilineal societies.1
I choose matriliny as a category for three reasons. First, we have evidence from many such cultures that allow us to define them as “rape-free” following Sanday's definition.2
Secondly, they prominently acknowledge women's contributions to social continuity and thus reflect Sanday's second category. And, thirdly, they fit Sanday's first category of sexual complementarity. The database is constituted from matrilineal societies for which information on rape is available and includes North and South America, Oceania, Asia, and Africa. This paper addresses only rape of women by men and defines rape as an act reflecting male dominance and entitlement associated with sexual violence against women. Rape becomes a specific expression of gender dynamics in a given society. Since different cultures create different gender dynamics we can expect to find wide variation with regard to definition and perception of rape and different approaches dealing with it. A discussion of these issues must, however, also include the possibility of rape not existing at all.
In the following, I list evidence from rape-free or low-rape cultures for which further extensive ethnographic data exist which allow us to situate this information in a wider context.
For the Iroquois, several sources make the claim that rape is unknown Canfield, 1902, Seaver, 1932, Stone, 1838. Especially telling is a letter from 1779 written by General Clinton to his lieutenant in which he holds up the Iroquois warrior as a role model: “Bad as the savages are, they never violate the chastity of women, their prisoners. Although I have very little apprehension that any of the soldiers will so far forget their character as to attempt such a crime on the Indian women who may fall into their hands, yet it will be well to take measures to prevent such a stain upon our army ” (Stone, 1838, I, p. 404; see also Hewitt, 1932, p. 483). That general Clinton had, indeed, reason to be worried is apparent from the following remark by General Patton almost 200 years later (Patton, 1947, p. 23) with regard to western soldiers during the Second World War WW II: “I then told him that, in spite of my most diligent efforts, there would unquestioningly be some raping, and that I should like to have the details as early as possible so that the offenders could be properly hanged.” The general obviously does not condone rape and promises “proper” punishment. But it gives the reader of Patton's autobiography pause that a man as powerful as he cannot—“in spite of his most diligent efforts”—prevent rape. Both, generals Clinton and Patton see western men, at least during war times as potential rapists.
Iroquois and Western cultures, obviously, hold different views of masculinity as is evident from various statements doubting Iroquois men's masculinity and heroism in battle (cf. Randle, 1950, Stone, 1841), a view that also surfaces in remarks about rape as in the following which suggests the absence of rape due to a low sex drive:
I may here observe, that I don't remember to have heard an instance of these savages offering to violate the chastity of any of the fair sex who have fallen into their hands; this is principally owing to a natural inappetancy in their constitution (Anonymous, 1977 [1780], p. 5).
All of these observations and comments do not explain the rape-free character of Iroquois society but reflect the acceptance of rape as a given in the West.
Among the Ashanti in West Africa rape is seen as incongruous. Rattray (1927, p. 211) mentions only one case. The perpetrator was condemned to death.
For Oceania, various rape-free societies are reported. Nash, for example, working on Bougainville, found that her informants had problems even understanding the concept of rape: “Rape is practically non-existent,” writes Nash (1987, p. 164), the people “could not quite imagine how it would work (the woman would cry out [and people would help her]).” Lepowsky (1993, p. 292) documented the same for Vanatinai. She emphasizes the complementary roles of the sexes rather than the matrilineal structure: “Both women and men are brought up to have assertive personalities. But physical violence against women—and men—is abhorred and occurs only rarely. I have never heard of a case of rape. One of the last battles on the island took place as retaliation for a man's attack on his wife.”
Among the Mosuo of Southwest China rape is completely unknown (Knoedel, 1997, p. 344). Crime and murder are extremely rare. Furthermore, the Mosuo have astonished the West as well as their Chinese Han neighbors by rejecting marriage. While these data only state the absence of rape without giving an explanation, the next examples discuss motives for rejecting rape as unacceptable behavior.
For several societies, it is reported that rape is not only rare but also seen as a shameful act which puts a man's virility and his very humanity in question.
Among the Apache (Farrer, 1999), “Until very recent times, no proper male person would rape a female person (local or enemy), because the rapist lost face not being ‘man enough’ to get a woman on his own.” “An Apache man suffers enormous status loss by forcing himself sexually on anyone: ‘He does not even deserve to be called a man, a human being’” (Farrer, 1997, p. 242).
Sanday (1986, p. 84) reports for the Minangkabau that a rapist's “masculinity is ridiculed and he faces assault, perhaps death, or he might be driven from his village never to return.”
The Trobrianders present still another example that a man using force will face ridicule and shame. While Sanday lists the Trobrianders under her “rape-free” category, Palmer (1989, p. 10), quoting Malinowski (1929, p. 489f), states that rape exists and reports that the Trobrianders have a special word for rapist “tokolos” [sic]. But Palmer does not read Malinowski very carefully nor does he cite him correctly. Reading Malinowski's original text suggests a different picture: Explaining that the Trobrianders “attach shame to erotic unsuccess”, Malinowski (1929, p. 489f) writes that “Censure of lechery in a man has the same foundation. Tokokolosi (sic) is the word used to denote a man who pursues women and inflicts his attentions on them.” The example following (pp. 490–491) raises questions if this is, indeed, a rape situation. In a general comment on Trobriand sexual attitudes Malinowski (1929, p. 491) (emphasis added) makes it even clearer that to the Trobriands rape represents conduct not compatible with successful masculinity: “The whole attitude of the Trobrianders towards sexual excess displays an appreciation of restraint and dignity, and an admiration for success; not only for what it gives to a man, but because it means that he is above any need for active aggression. The moral command not to violate, solicit, or touch is founded on a strong conviction that it is shameful; and shameful because real worth lies in being coveted, in conquering by charm, by beauty and by magic.”
Among the Guajiro of South America, rape is considered a heinous crime. It took years before some of my informants admitted to me that rape occurred. Discussion about violence against and abuse of women indicated that our definitions—theirs and mine—differed. One woman told me that she had been raped during her puberty ritual while being inside the seclusion hut. It is, however, unthinkable by Guajiro standards that a rape could occur under such circumstances. As I kept asking her to explain this to me the woman described how a young man had been looking at her through the walls of her hut. Clearly, this was a grave breach of privacy. But it would not be called rape in many places. In another case, a young woman received the visit of a man who hoped to marry her. The mother, who was interested in this match, had left the daughter at home with a younger child of the family knowing full well (according to the daughter) that the suitor would visit her. He tried to talk her into having sex with him, but she refused. He did not rape her and he left the rancho late at night. The woman, telling me this many years later, blamed her mother for having left her alone that night and thus facilitating the encounter (Watson-Franke, 1983). But, she also blamed the nuns in the mission school she had attended for not having prepared her properly for adult life. She claimed that women who do not engage in sex had no business educating young females. Guajiros in general, though women more strongly, will always insist that sex has to be dealt with in a responsible manner and that women must be treated with utmost respect. Therefore, if the unspeakable occurs, the victim must undergo a ritual so she can reenter community and life as it was before the crime (Watson-Franke, 1982).
Guajiro women of the desert, however, do not live under the cloud of rape, they are not afraid. A personal experience will illustrate that. I remember walking with my guide in the desert late in the evening. It was already after 11:00 PM and we still had some way to go. I felt uncomfortable but said nothing not to upset her. The next day, however, I brought up the issue to avoid such nightly walks in the future. She replied, yes, she had been scared, too. This, of course, confirmed my conviction that the desert was as unsafe for a woman traveling at night as the big cities. When I then mentioned that a man in Europe had attacked me, she looked surprised and replied: “You were afraid of people? Oh no, there is no reason for that. I was thinking of the snakes.” How different our fears had been.
I will now turn to one of the factors identified as eliminating or reducing rape and rape-proneness, that is women's contributions to social continuity.
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