Friday, March 29, 2024

Breakdown of Safety Is Not Unique to Boeing — It’s Endemic to Capitalist Society



Heads are rolling at Boeing, but new leadership doesn’t alter the labor conditions and profit motives that erode safety.

March 28, 2024
Alaska Airlines N704AL, a Boeing 737 Max 9, which made an emergency landing at Portland International Airport on January 5, is parked at a maintenance hanger in Portland, Oregon, on January 23, 2024.
PATRICK T. FALLON / AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES

In a dramatic turn of events, Boeing CEO Dave Calhoun announced on March 25, 2024, that he will step down at the end of the year following the company’s poor safety record, negative press and significant financial losses following the multiple safety problems with its 737 Max jets.

The now-infamous Alaska Airlines January flight, landing after a door panel blew off the plane mid-flight, led to the grounding of 171 737 Max jets (and subsequent mass cancellation of flights) and a Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) order to suspend production on the 737 Max. The National Transportation Safety Board has made the flight an investigative priority. Since then, more dramatic accidents have occurred, including a cracked windshield, plane fires, fuel leaks, stuck rudder pedals, at least one tire failure, and other problems.

The FAA announced in a February 26 report conducted by a panel of experts including government, industry, labor and academics over the past year, that Boeing failed 33 of 89 safety audits of its 737 Max manufacturing process. The report led to a devaluation of Boeing stock, a market value of about $45 billion in 2024. To say this has been devastating for the company and for airline travelers’ confidence is an understatement.

Calhoun is not the only leader who has departed — other members of the executive leadership at the company have stepped down or announced their intention to, as well. But while the dramatic news of the deposed CEO has made many headlines, it’s also a corporate sleight of hand that obscures the ways in which corporate profit motives — including a failed “safety culture” that continues to leave workers vulnerable to reprisal as well as ongoing attempts to undercut union plants — have promoted unsafe production practices permitted by a weak regulatory state regime.

This latest corporate leadership shuffle is a signal to consumers and investors that the company means to improve confidence in Boeing’s products. But we cannot understand the Boeing controversy in a vacuum.


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Boeing was once known as an industry leader in manufacturing safe and well-made jets. The Boeing 737 was the best-selling airplane in history, used by 80 airlines, with most of them operating in Asia. But in October 2018 and March 2019, less than five months apart, the Boeing 737 Max jets experienced fatal crashes in Indonesia and Ethiopia, killing a total of 346 people. The FAA, under former President Donald Trump, was reluctant to ground the jets but finally grounded the 737 Max (following the lead of China’s aviation authority, Canada, the European Union, and 10 other countries) while the jet underwent a 20-month safety review process. The agency greenlit the jet to take flight again in November 2020, but concerns persist. Aviation experts argue Boeing has consistently chosen financial gains over an abundance of caution when dealing with pressing safety concerns. (Much has already been written about how financialization of Boeing, exemplified by its relocation of some production from Puget Sound in 2001, was a key turning point for the company.)

Boeing’s leaders knew there were serious safety problems with their company’s 737 Max jet and other products, yet they failed to institute systemic changes, despite the fact that workers gave them such warnings.

The American Airlines pilots union urged Boeing to address 737 safety concerns in a meeting with Boeing executives prior to the deadly 2019 Ethiopian Airlines crash. Pilots asked Boeing leadership to fix a malfunctioning anti-stall system, called “Maneuvering Characteristics Augmentation System” (designed to prevent the 737 from climbing too steeply and stalling) but Boeing’s vice president pushed back, claiming it wasn’t clear that a malfunctioning system caused the 2018 Malaysian Air crash. To make matters worse, Boeing also refused to honor one pilot’s requests for additional training on the 737, reprimanding him instead.

Changes in the federal safety regulation of aviation demonstrate how these endemic problems within Boeing’s safety regime were permitted. Regulatory oversight of aviation was understaffed and underresourced during the Trump administration, with the FAA’s top position vacant for 14 months and enforcement fines against airlines dropping 88 percent. Trump’s FAA gave more authority to private companies, but his administration isn’t solely responsible for the deregulatory shift, as the FAA had been moving toward “sharing” regulatory oversight with manufacturers over the years. This began in 2004, against the protests of aviation unions who warned such a move would hurt the safety of the industry and lead to more accidents.

While the dramatic news of the deposed CEO has made many headlines, it’s also a corporate sleight of hand that obscures the ways in which corporate profit motives … have promoted unsafe production practices.

Democratic administrations have also had a hand in dismantling regulatory oversight. During the Obama administration, the FAA continued to increasingly delegate safety monitoring and oversight to private companies. Part of the justification for continuing the practice were concerns about the increasing competitive pressure from foreign jet plane manufacturing rivals above the concerns of government watchdog investigations. This practice is now deeply institutionalized, with FAA-certified employees at private companies doing 90 percent of safety certifications. Proponents of this “sharing” of regulation seek to justify the arrangement by arguing that industry innovation is outpacing the expertise of government regulators. But even private sector regulators are suffering from a lack of sufficient personnel, with high rates of turnover and retirements after COVID-19. This was also confirmed in the February FAA report, which called the turnover of “experienced personnel” a “major concern.”

The FAA report also revealed the endemic anti-safety biases within Boeing’s production process. The February 2024 FAA expert panel’s report, based on hundreds of employee interviews and review of 4,000 pages of documents, stated: “Boeing employees across all disciplines and roles expressed concerns over the lasting power of the SMS [safety management system] program and safety initiatives. This raises concerns about the sustainability of SMS. The lack of feedback and/or delay in providing feedback jeopardizes the longevity of SMS.”

According to the report, employees did not always understand Boeing’s safety managements systems. Employees did not always know the appropriate reporting channels and were not informed about the outcomes of their reports. Employees also shared examples of retaliation and interference — especially in regard to salary and furlough ranking — that occurred when workers expressed safety concerns. These retaliatory practices exacerbated the disconnect between the goals of corporate leadership and actual shop floor practices. Workers knew that reporting safety concerns would lead to slowdowns in safety certification or production processes, which in turn could hurt economic goals. A workplace where employees cannot speak up without fear of reprisal and where their input isn’t integrated in everyday production practices cannot be a company that truly prioritizes product and consumer safety.

As much as this story is one of consumer safety, Boeing’s problems are also the result of an anti-worker culture. Rich Plunkett, who is director of strategic development at Boeing’s union, the Society of Professional Engineering Employees in Aerospace, released a statement in conjunction with the publishing of the February FAA report:

Our members have long reported a disconnect between the messaging they get from Boeing headquarters in Chicago or Virginia, and the messages they get from their direct supervisors here. Quality and safety must be the Boeing Co.’s core values, embraced by everyone, but the report reflects the reality that people who see something are afraid of saying anything for fear of jeopardizing their careers.

As a result of the FAA report, the union requested the creation of an Aviation Safety Action Program, a collaboration between Boeing and FAA, that would allow workers to bring forward safety concerns, including production and design errors, without fear of retaliation.

Perhaps one of the most tragic parts of this story is the loss of whistleblower John Barnett, a former quality control manager who expressed multiple concerns about safety at the company’s 787 Dreamliner manufacturing plant in South Carolina. (The 787 has also been grounded multiple times for safety concerns, including over smoke and fire incidents.) Barnett noted the significant differences in safety reporting in his unionized plant (in Everett, Washington) in contrast to the failures of safety reporting in his nonunionized Charleston, South Carolina, Boeing plant. (There was one quality assurance inspector per 15 mechanics in Everett, but only one inspector per 50 mechanics in Charleston, and many of those mechanics were brand new to the industry.)

Barnett was participating in a deposition relating to his suit against the company for the retaliation he suffered at Boeing for his whistleblowing activities, and was found dead of an apparent self-inflicted gunshot wound in the parking lot of a Charleston, South Carolina, Holiday Inn on March 9, 2024.

Evidence of Boeing’s poor operations and organizational culture also came to light when the company declared it could not find documents related to Alaska Airlines’s blown-off door plug in response to a query from a federation investigation. It’s clear that the company’s toxicity toward safety-oriented employees has been devastating, as reflected by the February FAA report.

Aviation experts argue Boeing has consistently chosen financial gains over an abundance of caution when dealing with pressing safety concerns.

The poor working conditions at Boeing were amplified by a terrible contract negotiation in 2014, in which workers agreed to a contract that included givebacks on pensions, minimal wage increases (4 percent over 10 years) and that locked them in this suboptimal set of conditions for a decade. To force an end to the company’s fixed pension plan, Boeing threatened to take 777X production from Seattle to South Carolina. The International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM), which represents many Boeing employees (about 35 percent of its total workforce) is taking cues from the United Auto Workers and tight labor market to make strong demands.

In 2024, the union is looking for 40 percent wage increases and a return of the company’s pension plan, in addition to other workplace protections. Considering that safety problems have emerged as Boeing has shifted production away from the highly unionized Puget Sound region to the South, District 751 IAM President Jon Holden wants Boeing to commit to multiple decades of production in the Northwest. IAM machinists are also requesting a seat on Boeing’s board as a way to promote great future safety.

While the future of the 737 Max remains unclear, what is clear is that the retreat of the regulatory state, combined with Boeing’s aggressive attacks on workers — both in terms of bargaining with unions and retaliating against individual workers — has contributed to the enduring marginalization of safety culture at the company. Some consumer advocates see the Federal Bureau of Investigation and Department of Justice’s criminal investigation into the Alaska Airlines incident as progress, but this won’t be the first criminal proceeding against Boeing.

While some consumers remain understandably frightened and are deliberately avoiding Boeing flights, these problems are not exclusive to Boeing. The breakdown of consumer safety measures is endemic to the neoliberal capitalist pursuit of profit in the provision of public services, and to an employment regime that continually fails to provide adequate protections for workers.

Workers’ right to have a voice in their workplaces and to speak freely about product safety concerns is a necessary minimum for the safety of their products. Only when this basic condition is met can people in the U.S. fly safely, with confidence in the quality of their airplanes.


SUSAN KANG  is an associate professor of political science at John Jay College, City University of New York. She is the author of Human Rights and Labor Solidarity: Trade Unions in the Global Economy.

Boeing CEO's Voluntary Departure Is Not Accountability for Corporate Crime: Watchdog

"For real and lasting change to occur," said Public Citizen's Robert Weissman, "Boeing must now be held criminally accountable."


Boeing CEO Dave Calhoun leaves a meeting with Sen. Mark Warner on January 24, 2024.
(Photo: Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc. via Getty Images)


JAKE JOHNSON
Mar 25, 2024
COMMON DREAMS

Embroiled once again in an alarming quality control and safety scandal, the aircraft manufacturing giant Boeing on Monday announced a management shake-up that will see CEO Dave Calhoun step down at the end of the year, the head of the company's commercial airplanes division resign immediately, and the chairman of the board depart after Boeing's annual meeting in May.

Calhoun, who said he decided on his own to resign, took charge at Boeing in the midst of the company's previous high-profile crisis—the grounding of the 737 MAX jet following a pair of crashes in 2018 and 2019 that killed more than 340 people.

Robert Weissman, president of the consumer advocacy group Public Citizensaid in response to the news of Calhoun's coming departure that "if Boeing had been held criminally accountable after the... 737 MAX disasters, the more recent quality debacles quite likely could have been averted."

Earlier this year, a door plug of a Boeing 737 MAX 9 flew off the aircraft as it ascended, causing minor injuries and forcing the pilots to conduct an emergency landing. More than 170 MAX 9s were subsequently grounded to undergo inspections.

The incident prompted federal regulators, airlines, and journalists to—once again—closely scrutinize Boeing's manufacturing processcost-cutting effortslobbying against safety regulations, and executive and shareholder payouts.

The Leverreported days after the January 5 incident that "less than a month before a catastrophic aircraft failure prompted the grounding of more than 150 of Boeing's commercial aircraft, documents were filed in federal court alleging that former employees at the company's subcontractor repeatedly warned corporate officials about safety problems and were told to falsify records."

The outlet also found that "operators of Boeing's troubled 737 MAX planes have filed more than 1,800 service difficulty reports—more than one per day—warning government regulators about safety problems with the aircraft since the fleet was allowed to resume flying after two fatal crashes."

Alaska Airlines, the operator of the January 5 flight, said in late January that it found loose bolts on "many" of Boeing's 737 MAX 9s.

"The FAA identified noncompliance issues in Boeing's manufacturing process control, parts handling and storage, and product control."

In an update published on March 4, the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) said its six-week audit of Boeing and Spirit AeroSystems—a major Boeing contractor—uncovered "multiple instances where the companies allegedly failed to comply with manufacturing quality control requirements."

"The FAA identified noncompliance issues in Boeing's manufacturing process control, parts handling and storage, and product control," the agency said. "To hold Boeing accountable for its production quality issues, the FAA has halted production expansion of the Boeing 737 MAX, is exploring the use of a third party to conduct independent reviews of quality systems, and will continue its increased onsite presence at Boeing's facility in Renton, Washington, and Spirit AeroSystems' facility in Wichita, Kansas."

Earlier this month, days after the FAA update was published, a Boeing whistleblower who raised concerns about the company's quality control practices was found dead of what local officials said appeared to be a self-inflicted gunshot wound.

Weissman of Public Citizen said Monday that "of course CEO Dave Calhoun should be dismissed" over the company's latest safety crisis.

"But for real and lasting change to occur," he argued, "Boeing must now be held criminally accountable both for the recent safety failures and the... crashes that took 346 lives."

In 2021, Boeing entered into a deferred prosecution agreement with the U.S. Justice Department to avoid a criminal charge over an alleged conspiracy to defraud the FAA in the wake of the 2018 and 2019 crashes.

Public Citizen noted in a report published Monday that "such agreements now help the most powerful businesses in the world dodge the legal consequences of their criminal misconduct."

"Instead of facing prosecution—which would mean plea agreements or trial in a public court of law—leniency deals are negotiated quietly between prosecutors and corporate lawyers with little or no judicial oversight," the group said. "Proponents say the agreements are a streamlined way to effectively deter corporate crime. Public Citizen research, however, shows about 15% of the agreements historically involve repeat offenders, casting doubt on their deterrent effect."


If US Supreme Court Restricts Abortion Pills, Birth Control Could  WILL  Be Next


Republicans across the country have blocked Democratic efforts to codify the right to use contraception.
March 26, 2024
Demonstrators gather in front of the Supreme Court during the "Bans Off Our Mifepristone" action organized by the Women's March, on March 26, 2024, in Washington, D.C.JEMAL COUNTESS / GETTY IMAGES FOR WOMEN'S MARCH

Today the Supreme Court hears oral arguments over whether to restrict access to the abortion medication mifepristone — a drug that became crucial for reproductive freedom after the court’s conservative majority threw out the right to abortion in 2022. Meanwhile, Republicans across the country are thwarting efforts by Democrats to enshrine the right to use birth control and other methods of contraception.

If the Supreme Court offers a broad ruling against Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approvals for mifepristone, such a ruling could invite further legal challenges to other medications that are used by millions of people but remain controversial on the right, including Plan B emergency contraception, birth control pills, vaccines and gender-affirming hormone therapy.

The Supreme Court is considering a challenge from an anti-abortion group of doctors to decisions made by the FDA in 2016 and 2021 to make abortion pills available for use at up to 10 weeks of pregnancy and allowing physicians to prescribe the medication remotely. Abortion medications are typically used at home and are considered a safe way to end early pregnancy by major medical associations. Anti-abortion idealogues are attempting to convince the Supreme Court otherwise.

The FDA approvals allowed patients to receive abortion pills in the mail, and now 63 percent of abortions in the U.S. are medication abortions. If the Supreme Court sides with the anti-abortion plaintiffs, the ruling could devastate mutual aid networks that help patients in states with abortion restrictions access the medication.

Many anti-abortion groups also oppose the use of contraceptives due to religious teachings and work to wrongly stigmatize drugs such as birth control and Plan B as a form of abortion. Legislation regularly introduced in red states would declare that life begins at the moment of conception, which is widely seen as the first step toward banning birth control and Plan B.

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Meanwhile, Republicans in Congress and multiple states have rejected Democratic legislation that would codify the right to access contraceptives such as birth control pills, condoms and IUDs. Now that abortion is banned in 14 states, and abortion pills are under attack in the nation’s highest court, reproductive rights advocates warn that the anti-abortion movement has contraception in its sights, despite claims by nervous Republicans to the contrary.

Restrictions on contraception are extremely unpopular with voters, but Republican politicians remain under intense pressure to curtail contraception from the Christian nationalists and anti-abortion groups in the party’s base. Stephanie Schriock, a Democratic Strategist and former president of the pro-choice EMILY’s List, said the anti-abortion movement has always opposed contraceptives, even though it focused primarily on abortion until Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.

“They want to end all of it,” Schriock said in an interview. “That has been the case for the Susan B. Anthony Foundation, the Heritage Foundation and National Right to Life; they have all been seeking to restrict access to contraception the whole time, it just got underneath the effort to restrict abortion access.”

In 2022, just weeks after the Supreme Court threw out the right to abortion and greenlit bans and restrictions on pregnancy care in red states that have put pregnant people in danger, 195 House Republicans voted down a bill that would have codified the right to access Plan B, birth control, condoms, and other methods of contraception.

While blue states codified the right to abortion, bills to establish the right to contraception failed to gain traction in Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Florida, Iowa, Mississippi, Nevada, North Carolina, Tennessee and Wisconsin. Only Virginia passed a Right to Contraception Act, and now Gov. Glenn Youngkin, a Republican, must decide whether to sign it.

In Tennessee, GOP lawmakers recently rejected a pair of bills written to clarify that the state’s harsh post-Roe abortion ban does not criminalize contraception and in vitro fertilization for families faced with infertility, the latter being under threat after the Alabama Supreme Court ruled last month that frozen embryos in storage have the same rights as people.

Tennessee Republicans said the bills were obsolete because there are no prohibitions on the books, but Democrats pointed to a 2022 ProPublica investigation revealing that anti-abortion groups in the state privately raised the prospect pressuring lawmakers to restrict contraception and in vitro fertilization after the abortion ban went into effect.

Arizona Senate Majority Leader Sonny Borrelli recently made national headlines for suggesting that women put aspirin “between the knees” to prevent pregnancy as fellow Republicans voted unanimously to block the Right to Contraception Act. Borrelli later apologized for his misogynist comment, but Arizona Democrats say access to birth control and Plan B remains under threat as long as the GOP controls the legislature.

“This has been the case for years and years … that these Republican men in particular just didn’t know how birth control pills work, that you take one every single day, that there are actually lots of reasons why women take birth control pills that are not to prevent reproduction” said Schriock, who added that birth control is also used to treat migraines, for example.

Kimberly Inez McGuire, executive Director of URGE: Unite for Reproductive & Gender Equity, a youth-led rights group, said she used abortion medication after having a miscarriage last month to protect her health and ability to have children in the future. McGuire took misoprostol, the drug prescribed with mifepristone to end pregnancy.

“These pills, mife and miso, are essential, life-saving medications used by people all over the globe,” McGuire said during a rally outside the Supreme Court on Tuesday. “Yet right now inside that building, anti-abortion extremists are arguing a case based on junk science, busybody doctors, and plain old misogyny.”

Right-wing opposition to contraception puts Republicans between an electoral rock and a hard place. Polls consistently show that about 90 percent of voters support the right to birth control and contraception, including the vast majority of Republicans. Support for Republicans in Congress plummets when pollsters tell participants they opposed a national Right to Contraception Act.

“This is a gigantic problem for the Republican Party in every election to come,” Schriock said. “They are already on thin ice because of their abortion bans.”

Why would Republicans choose to put themselves in this position? Schriock said some in the GOP fear being primaried from the extreme right, but the extreme right has also gone mainstream within the party. The anti-abortion movement has built enormous power in the Republican Party, which benefited from consolidating the evangelical vote.

Before 2022, Republicans could virtue signal to the anti-abortion movement without considering the consequences that actually banning abortion would have on pregnancy care. That all changed after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade and red states banned abortion with few exceptions. Decades after abortion became a partisan issue, GOP is now full of ideologues such as House Speaker Mike Johnson who sincerely oppose abortion and contraception due to deeply held religious beliefs, according to Schriock.

With a conservative majority that is clearly hostile to abortion rights, Schriock said it’s unclear how the Supreme Court will rule on abortion pills. It will depend on whether the court sides with the anti-abortion plaintiffs or the government, and how broad or narrow the ruling will be. In oral arguments on Tuesday, justices questioned whether the anti-abortion doctors have standing to challenge the FDA the first place. A ruling is expected in June.

“I would think they would be very, very careful on overruling the FDA on anything, because not only would it open to [challenges to] other forms of birth control, but where would it stop after that,” Schriock said. “I can’t imagine them wanting to open this all up, but also couldn’t imagine them getting rid of Roe.”


MIKE LUDWIG is a staff reporter at Truthout based in New Orleans. He is also the writer and host of “Climate Front Lines,” a podcast about the people, places and ecosystems on the front lines of the climate crisis. Follow him on Twitter: @ludwig_mike.
Trump Is Turning the January 6 Coup Leaders Into Fascist Martyrs

Trump’s heroization of those who led the attack on the Capitol is eerily similar to tactics used by Hitler in 1923.
March 27, 2024
Republican presidential candidate and former President Donald Trump speaks to a crowd during a "Get Out The Vote" rally at Coastal Carolina University on February 10, 2024, in Conway, South Carolina.
WIN MCNAMEE/GETTY IMAGES

Backed by overwhelming support from the GOP’s primary voters, and by most Republican congressmembers and senators, former President Donald Trump is now barreling toward the 2024 presidential election as his party’s presumptive nominee.

Usually, at this point in the election process, once the base has been satisfied during the primary season, a candidate starts the long, slow, sometimes awkward pivot back toward the political middle. Trump, by contrast, is veering evermore into the extremes, plunging into political conspiracy theories and violent rhetoric.

He’s repeatedly spoken of immigrants “poisoning” the nation’s blood. He has taken to calling out individuals such as former White House Aide Cassidy Hutchinson, who testified against him in the congressional hearings into the January attack, arguing that they should be prosecuted for their words. He’s basically invited Russia to take military action against North Atlantic Treaty Organization members who don’t boost their military budgets.

But Trump is, perhaps, at his most incandescently dangerous when talking about the January 6 coup attempt and the efforts by his followers to prevent the peaceful transfer of power. Last week, at a rally in Ohio, the crowd was asked to rise to pay tribute to those imprisoned after the events of January 6. Trump got up and gave a salute, while the loudspeakers blared a version of the national anthem recorded by some of these prisoners.

The Washington Post has tracked Trump’s language surrounding the January 6 perpetrators, and recently published a graph showing his increasing usage of the incendiary term “hostages” to describe them. Between November and the third week of March, the paper identified 12 times in which Trump used this term, each time further corroding his base’s trust in the democratic political system.


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This isn’t accidental. Trump is consciously creating a martyr mythology, a stabbed-in-the-back-by-a-fifth-column storyline. It is the same narrative used by the early Nazis to describe those — including Adolf Hitler — imprisoned by the Weimar state after the failed Munich “Beer Hall Putsch” of November 1923.

In that attempted coup, Hitler and his followers tried to seize power in Munich, to capture government buildings, and from that stronghold to then launch a march on Berlin aimed at creating what Hitler termed a “national revolution.”

After the effort failed, the Nazi leader was arrested, charged with treason, and in a trial the following February, sentenced to five years in prison. He was, however, pardoned after less than a year behind bars. As they say, the rest is history.

In the subsequent Nazi mythology, the men sentenced to prison after the putsch attempt, as well as for various other violent assaults on Weimar leaders and institutions, became martyrs; instead of the malcontents and violent political extremists that in reality they were, they were painted by Nazi propagandists as heroes who had sacrificed their freedom for a noble cause.

The Nazi newspaper, Völkischer Beobachter, wrote, as the Beer Hall coup was unfolding, that it was aimed at destroying “five years of the most atrocious shame and disgrace perpetrated by Jews and the Jewish regime.” (This, just two years after the industrialist Walter Rathenau, the Weimar state’s foreign minister, was assassinated by nationalist extremists infuriated by his Jewish origins and his internationalist political leanings.)

Nineteen years later, in the depths of World War II, Hitler made a lengthy speech commemorating the uprising that was larded with antisemitic bile. He claimed:

In the beginning I did not have much more to give than faith, the faith that if anyone pursues a just aim with unchanging and undisturbed loyalty and never lets himself be diverted from it, but puts everything into it, then others will be found who are determined to be his followers, and that from this host an ever stronger faith must gradually radiate to the whole people, and that out of this host the worthiest part of the whole people must one day finally find themselves together, and that finally this worthiest part must acquire the power of the state.

In this speech, Hitler denounced Franklin D. Roosevelt for being a “half-Jew,” with a “Jewish brain-trust.” He claimed that Jews controlled the Soviet government, accused wealthy Jews of a conspiracy to control the world, and so on.

Even as Trump tries in his usual offensive fashion to persuade Jewish voters to elect him (he recently argued that “any Jewish person that votes for Democrats hates their religion”), he has long deployed thinly veiled antisemitic tropes in his speeches. For example, as the Washington Post reported, he has frequently asserted to Jewish Americans that Israel is “your country,” thus essentially accusing them of dual loyalties. Moreover, he has flaunted his friendship with the notoriously antisemitic Kanye West, and after the 2017 Unite the Right march in Charlottesville, in which fascist participants chanted “Jews shall not replace us,” Trump went out of his way to say there were “very fine people” on the fascist side of the confrontation.

Meanwhile, Trump also deploys dehumanizing, fascistic language to attack his perceived enemies in all quarters. On the campaign trail, for example, he has called his opponents “vermin,” and indicated that he would support executing ex-Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark Milley.

Trump’s wholehearted embrace of the January 6 coup leaders and his escalating martyrdom language about their fate are part of this chilling political package. Faced with more than half a billion dollars in court-imposed fines, the possibility of some of his marquis properties being seized and the imminent start of at least one of his four criminal trials, Trump is now marshalling an army of the angry and the conspiracy-minded to serve as a battering ram against the legitimacy of the state itself.

Promising to release violent paramilitary supporters — as Trump routinely does these days when pledging to free the January 6 perpetrators on day one — isn’t politics as usual. Rather, it’s an unprecedented embrace of political violence by a candidate who is, yet again, showing that he has no moral limits.


SASHA ABRAMSKY is a freelance journalist and a part-time lecturer at the University of California at Davis. His work has appeared in numerous publications, including The Nation, The Atlantic Monthly, New York Magazine, The Village Voice and Rolling Stone. He also writes a weekly political column. Originally from England, with a bachelor’s in politics, philosophy and economics from Oxford University and a master’s degree from the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism, he now lives in Sacramento, California.


Donald Trump’s Horst Wessel moment | Will Bunch Newsletter

Plus, Merrick Garland’s Neville Chamberlain moment.


by Will Bunch | Columnist
Published Mar. 19, 2024
PHILEDELPHIA INQUIRER

I know this will probably shock a lot of people, but for once I identify with Donald Trump. On Monday, his lawyers said posting the whopping $465 million bond on his New York State fraud judgment is a “practical impossibility.” It would be for me, too. Of course, I’m not a billionaire. Maybe the media should come to realize the financial wizard behind Trump Vodka and Trump University isn’t one, either.

Where did Trump learn to turn thugs into heroic martyrs? Try 1930s Germany.


Republican presidential candidate and former President Donald Trump speaks at a campaign rally Saturday, March 16, 2024, in Vandalia, Ohio.
Jeff Dean / AP

Those of us who’ve had the misfortune of chronicling the Donald Trump Era in America have learned by now never to characterize any comment or political rally, no matter how vile, as “a new low,” because the next bottomless pit is always just around the corner. That said, Saturday’s Trump rally in Dayton, Ohio was a dark abyss that the media is still exploring days later.

The never-ending debate over what the 45th president truly meant when he promised a “bloodbath” — maybe just for the auto industry, but maybe for a nation already fearful of a civil war — obscured all the other shocking things the presumptive GOP nominee for a second, non-consecutive term in the White House said that were unambiguous. Like claiming there won’t be another election in America if he loses. Or saying some refugees at the southern border are “not people.

Then there was the start of the rally, with a version of the National Anthem so horrific that it gets Roseanne Barr off the hook for the worst ever. Heck, Barr’s shrieked ballpark version sounded like Maria Callas compared to this weekend’s opening act in Dayton.

“Ladies and gentlemen, please rise for the horribly and unfairly treated Jan. 6 hostages,” boomed a man who sounded like a baritone NBA arena announcer tied up and forced to read a ransom note handwritten by Trump himself. What followed was an altered “Star Spangled Banner” as rendered by the so-called J6 Choir — insurrectionists who violently overran the U.S. Capitol and injured scores of police officers on Jan. 6, 2021 and who are held in the D.C. jail, most awaiting felony trials.

It wasn’t the first time that Trump had launched a major rally with the jazz of these felonious punks. In fact, the wannabe 47th president is featured as a voice on the record, renamed ”Justice For All” and briefly boosted to No. 1 on the iTunes chart with help from the king of schlock marketing. The latest airing comes as Trump’s re-framing of hundreds arrested for their riotous activities on Jan. 6 as unfairly treated “hostages” — an insult to the world’s too-many actual hostages from Gaza to Moscow, where U.S. journalist Evan Gershkovich has been locked up for a year — is gaining steam from formerly mainstream Republicans like Rep. Elise Stefanik, now a veep hopeful.

Indeed, Trump’s increasingly forceful promise to abuse the powers of the president to pardon the Capitol Hill insurrectionists — rioters he calls “patriots” because they were willing to upend the peaceful transfer of presidential power on his behalf — is rightly considered as Exhibit A in the ways that a second Trump term would upend 237 years of constitutional norms and plunge America’s shaky democracy into an Orbán-esque form of dictatorship.

But there’s something else about about Trump’s rhetoric, his J6 Chorus, and the revamped national anthem that I find even more disturbing. It’s just the latest incident that makes you wonder how much Trump — who was given a book of Adolf Hitler speeches in the 1980s and later praised some “good things” about the German dictator to his top aide — and his team are modeling the authoritarian rise of the Nazis in the 1930s, either consciously or unconsciously.

Trump’s literal salute to those willing to commit violence on behalf of his MAGA movement — both the arrestees he now calls “hostages” and the slain rioter Ashli Babbitt, hailed by the ex-president as a martyr — is very much in line with the way that Nazis, led by their propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels, invoked slain or jailed thugs as heroes to rally their followers.

This included the victims of Hitler’s own initial insurrection aimed at gaining power — the notorious Munich beer hall putsch of 1923 that killed 16 early Nazis and four police officers. But the most famous Nazi martyr was Horst Wessel, a young member of the Nazis’ paramilitary force officially called the SA, but better known as “the brownshirts” who brawled in the streets with their leftist enemies.

Wessel’s frequent denunciations of the rival Communist Party and his involvement in violent raids into Berlin’s working-class neighborhoods raised his profile among the pro-Hitler brownshirts but made mortal enemies on the far left. On Jan. 14, 1930, on the eve of the Nazi rise to power, Wessel was shot by two Communist Party members under very murky circumstances and later died. Goebbels seized on his death as an invaluable propaganda tool.

The future Nazi minister hailed Wessel in an article as a good Christian who “offer[ed] himself up as a sacrifice,” then lured as many as 30,000 movement members to march through the streets for his funeral and filmed the event. But Wessel and the rallying effect of his supposed martyrdom primarily lived on through music. A marching fight song that Wessel himself composed was given new lyrics and redubbed as “Horst-Wessel-Lied,” meaning “The Horst Wessel Song.

“The Horst Wessel Song” became not just a Nazi Party anthem, but later the co-national anthem of Germany (along with the “Deutschland über Alles” version of the current anthem) after Hitler took power in 1933. It was even played in churches as Goebbels forged his own version of Christian nationalism. In 1934, as the dictator consolidated his grip, legendary filmmaker Leni Riefenstahl filmed the party’s massive Nuremburg rally for her documentary, Triumph of the Will. The movie starts with “The Horst Wessel Song” as the swastika-painted plane carrying the Führer circles the massive throng before a dramatic landing.

Does any of this sound familiar?

Ruth Ben-Ghiat, the New York University historian who authored Strongmen, about the commonalities of authoritarians up through Trump, wrote after Trump’s 2022 campaign kickoff in Waco that fascists use rallies and “propaganda to change the public’s perception of violence, associating it with patriotism and national defense against internal and external enemies.” To Ben-Ghiat, the historical line from “The Horst Wessel Song” to the J6 Chorus is especially striking. She writes: “The Nuremberg rally enshrined victimhood and mourning into regime ritual and justified Nazi violence as national defense.”

Triumph of the Will supposedly survived as a cautionary tale about propaganda and mass manipulation, but apparently it’s now an instructional video for a new generation of Hitler clones. The ritual fetishizing of today’s brownshirts who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6 would be alarming if it were the only party-like-it’s-1934 flashback from the Trump campaign. Instead, it’s just one more sour Wagnerian note, along with calling enemies “vermin,” dehumanizing migrants, and agreeing that he’ll be a dictator, but “only for a day.”

Trump is currently flying high and humming his own Horst Wessel song all the way to the White House. When will Americans wake up and hear the music?


THE BROWN SHIRTS WERE HITLERS PROUD BOYS

FILM NEWS OF THE GERMAN CAPITAL; The Widely Read Story of Horst Wessel, the Nazi Movement's Almost Legendary Hero, Reaches the Screen

Feb. 4, 1934
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WHEN in the Summer the first announcement came that the Volksdeutsche Film Company had bought the rights to the popular story "Horst Wessel," by Hans Heinz Ewers, the rest of the film producers were kicking themselves for having slipped up on this fireproof chance. For at that time no one foresaw the changes in the development of the national government which were to come later. In those early days everything Nazi in book, theatre, film, was necessary propaganda. Quantity alone could give weight to the political steam roller. The making of a "Horst Wessel" film would surely have full governmental support. Was he not their officially sanctioned idol? Did not the mediocre song he had composed become their revolutionary chant? The program proves that earlier support: Supervision and music, Ernst Hanfstaengl (Hitler's press chief); SA adviser, Richard Fielder (Nazi organizer); a number of Nazi military organizations and, above all, the actual police force.Then about six weeks ago came the previewing of the film by a Nazi compendium with Dr. Goebbels at its head. One could now afford to be fastidious—the film was forbidden "for the heroic figure of Horst Wessel was incompetently interpreted, thereby endangering the interest of State and German prestige." Two weeks ago the film censor announced his okay on "Hans Westmar" (phonetic substitute for "Horst Wessel"), yesterday we had the première at the Capitol and today it has the unreserved approbation of the government. It proved to be a hundred percenter.Jazz and Communism.It shows the student, Hans Westmar, returning from a genial waltz loving Vienna to an objectionably international Berlin, where, in a bar, a Negro jazz band plays havoc with the martial rhythms of "Die Wacht am Rhein" and a Spanish dancer toys with the morals of a somewhat less martial burgher of the democratic year 1929. It shows communism as a corroding force and its head, a Russian, a serf to Moscow. Hans Westmar sees delivery from all this and more in the tenets of National Socialism. He becomes active. His organizing gifts are extraordinary, but he believes the party's growth to be in the masses. So he gives up his studies and becomes a manual laborer. He goes to live in the East of Berlin, the stronghold of the Communists. They plot against him, for he succeeds in winning over too many of their members. He is shot, and, though he lingers on a few days, the wound is fatal—he dies.Emil Lohkamp, who takes the title part, has the physical propensities of a fanatic. His abrupt manner of acting and speech underlines this to an almost unsympathetic degree. This must have been the cause of Dr. Goebbels's unfavorable verdict. Irmgard Willers, as the submissive creature of the Communists in love with Hans West-mar, outlines figure of such frail intensity in this first screen appearance that one may hopefully add her to the scant list of the more personal film faces. There are tow parts taken by Jews: a university professor advocating internationalism, which Siegmund Nunberg plays with direct simplicity; the other, a Communist leader and member of the Reichstag, is mugged by Hugo Döblin, who invests this rôle with all the approved bugbear characteristics — a contemptible performance. Neither of these two actors is mentioned in the program. The audience found cause for a laugh when the screen showed two bearded Jews watching a street fight, their whole attitude expressing a childlike and worried wonder at these combative doings—a reaction unthinkable outside the Reich's border.There is an intensely dramatic but very much abbreviated shot of a "Mensur," the German student's sabre practice, with the opponents standing close, deftly parrying heavy blows. A close-up shows their cheeks pouted. I take it this is to protect their teeth in case of cuts, which are frequent. But it did look comical and little in keeping with the seriousness of the situation and the dangerousness of this drill, which has caused the loss of so many lives. The ban which since the war had been put on this "exercise" has recently been lifted. Another one of the numerous Nazi reversions to pre-war practices.The most realistic and therefore the most vital parts of this picture are its mass scenes. The supposed to be historically exact street fight as the funeral cortège passes the Karl Liebknecht house, the Communist headquarters, is brutally convincing and gives one the sensation of an eyewitness. In the transition from "Horst Wessel" to "Hans Westmar" the film loses continuity and takes a knowledge of the book too much for granted. Because of this and in spite of an overabundance of close-ups, the intent of the picture is reversed—the story of Hans Westmar merely becomes background to a forcefully documented national movement."Bedside," which is about an X-ray photographer and the fortune he made by cultivating his professional manner, will be turned loose on Broadway soon by First National. It features Warren William and Jean Muir."The Heir Chaser," James Cagney's latest film, will be released by Warner Brothers under the title, "Blondes and Bonds." This is scheduled for an early Broadway showing. Bette Davis and Alice White are the women in it. Out in Hollywood Mr. Cagney is preparing to begin work with Joan Blondell in "Without Honor," which marks the first Cagney-Blondell collaboration since "Blonde Crazy." Most of the action takes place in a small fishing village and Lloyd Bacon, the director, has been hunting good location scenes along the California coast.Harry Wilcoxon, the young English actor, has gone to Hollywood to become Marc Antony in Cecil B. De Mille's "Cleapatra." Although he planned to spend several days in New York seeing plays and the sights, the studio demanded his presence and he sternly boarded a plane for the Coast. Mr. Wilcoxon holds a British aviation pilot's license and plans to do all his traveling in this far-flung country by plane. Just before leaving England, he played the leading rôle opposite Evelyn Laye in a British film, "Princess Charming."


A version of this article appears in print on Feb. 4, 1934 of the National edition with the headline: FILM NEWS OF THE GERMAN CAPITAL; The Widely Read Story of Horst Wessel, the Nazi Movement's Almost Legendary Hero, Reaches the Screen.


En.wikipedia.org

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horst_Wessel

Horst Wessel ... Horst Ludwig Georg Erich Wessel (9 October 1907 – 23 February 1930) was a member of the Sturmabteilung (SA), the paramilitary wing of the Nazi ...

Britannica.com

https://www.britannica.com/biography/Horst-Wessel

Feb 19, 2024 ... Horst Wessel martyr of the German Nazi movement, celebrated in the song “Horst Wessel Lied,” adopted as an anthem by Nazi Germany.

Jewishvirtuallibrary.org

https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/horst-wessel

The shooting was immediately exploited by both the Nazis and the Communists to further their political aims. The Communists portrayed Wessel as a pimp, while ...

Searches Related toHORST WESSEL

Encyclopedia.ushmm.org

https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/timeline-event/holocaust/before-1933/sa-member-horst-wessel-dies

February 23, 1930. On this date, Nazi stormtrooper Horst Wessel dies after being shot and becomes a martyr in Nazi propaganda.


Loc.gov

https://www.loc.gov/item/2005686473

14 items (13 photographic prints, 1 brochure) ; 18 x 25 cm. or smaller. | Photographs show Nazi ceremonies honoring Horst Wessel who wrote the lyrics to the ...