Sunday, April 13, 2025

Israel announces siege of Rafah in southern Gaza

April 12, 2025
MEMO


Israeli tanks are seen by the border as the Israeli army announced that it has taken control of the Palestinian side of the Rafah border crossing in Rafah, Gaza on May 06, 2024 [IDF – Handout/Anadolu Agency]

The Israeli army announced on Saturday that it has completed the siege of Rafah, and finished establishing the Morag Corridor, isolating Rafah from Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, Anadolu reports.

In a statement, the Israeli army said: “Forces of the 36th Division have completed the encirclement of Rafah.”

It added that in the past 24 hours, troops “completed opening the Morag Corridor, which cuts through southern Gaza between Rafah and Khan Younis.”

This development follows a report earlier this week by the daily Haaretz, which revealed that the army is preparing to incorporate Rafah, an area that makes up about one-fifth of the Gaza Strip, into a so-called buffer zone where Palestinians will be prohibited from entering.

The newspaper described the move as tantamount to “the eradication of the city.”

READ: Israel deploys 6 more brigades to West Bank ahead of Passover holiday

According to Haaretz, the planned buffer zone spans approximately 75 square kilometers (29 square miles) and stretches between the Philadelphi and Morag corridors, encompassing Rafah and surrounding neighborhoods.

The Morag Corridor is named after an illegal Israeli settlement that once stood in Gaza before Israel’s 2005 unilateral disengagement from the strip. It lies between Khan Younis and Rafah in the south.

On April 2, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a video statement: “We are taking control of the Morag Corridor, which will be an additional Philadelphi Corridor.”

On Thursday, the Palestinian group Hamas accused Netanyahu of enforcing a new status quo in Rafah aimed at isolating Gaza from its Arab surroundings.

The Israeli army renewed a deadly assault on Gaza on March 18, shattering the ceasefire and prisoner exchange agreement that took hold in January.

More than 50,900 Palestinians, most of them women and children, have been killed in Gaza in a brutal Israeli onslaught since October 2023.

The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants last November for Netanyahu and his former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza.

Israel also faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice for its war on the enclave.

Israel ‘completely besieges’ Rafah, seizes corridor in southern Gaza

Israel has surrounded Rafah and taken control of a corridor in south Gaza as it displaces thousands across the strip and seizes more territory.

The New Arab Staff
12 April, 2025


Palestinians flee Rafah after Israel issued a displacement order covering the city [Getty]

Israel has surrounded Rafah and taken control of another corridor in southern Gaza as its military forcibly displaces thousands of Palestinians across the strip and seizes more territory.

Israeli Army Radio said Friday that its forces have “completely besieged” the southern border city and are occupying the strip of land referred to by the Israeli government as the ‘Morag Axis’.

The ‘Morag Axis’ is a southern corridor between the coast and the Israeli border that Israel aims to use to take full control of Rafah and Khan Younis.

“Forces from the 36th Division and the 188th Armoured Brigade were able to take full control of the axis and surround the city of Rafah from all sides,” Israel Army Radio said.

The army is now preparing to expand its attack on Rafah with the aim of annexing the entire city into the border buffer zone, it said.

Israel’s defence minister said Wednesday that it will widen its so-called “security zones” to include Rafah.

It has issued forced displacement orders covering the entire city and its surroundings.

Since it resumed its brutal military assault on 18 March, Israel has issued 15 displacement orders and seized control of more territory, incorporating it into its “security zones”.

Two-thirds of the strip is now effectively a no-go zone for civilians, according to the UN.

Almost 400,000 people are estimated to have been displaced between 18 March and 6 April.
Siege pushing Gaza into famine: UNRWA

Gaza is being pushed into “very, very deep hunger” as food supplies dwindle after six weeks of Israel’s siege, the UN’s agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA) said Saturday.

"All basic supplies are running out in Gaza," UNRWA’s communications head Juliette Touma said in a post on X.

"It means babies, children are going to bed hungry."

On 2 March Israel imposed a total siege on Gaza, preventing all goods, including food and medical supplies entering the strip.
Israel ‘purposely targeting’ women and children: Al-Haq

A UN assessment of airstrikes in Gaza provides evidence that the Israeli military is “purposely targeting women and children”, Palestinian human rights group Al-Haq said Friday.


Analysis published by the UN Human Rights Office on Friday showed that 36 Israeli strikes conducted since the collapse of the ceasefire on 18 March killed only women and children.

“Such a calculated effort to exterminate women, boys, girls and even infants has not been witnessed in any other modern conflict,” Al-Haq wrote in a post on X.

The UN report recorded 224 Israeli airstrikes on residential buildings and tents for internally displaced people between 18 March and 9 April.

“Overall, a large percentage of fatalities are children and women,” it said




Letters From Rafah: A Life Under Siege

Where is humanity? Does anyone still see us? Has the world really become this cold and dispassionate, or has it always been that way?



Palestinians, who have difficulty finding food, wait with empty pots and pans in their hands to receive meals distributed by charitable organizations at al-Mawasi in Khan Younis, Gaza on April 2, 2025.
(Photo: Doaa Albaz/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Common Dreams

Below are excerpts from letters sent to me by my friend, Hudia, of Rafah. I have saved everything she has sent me since October 2023. The entries below are taken from messages she has sent since Israel's resumption of bombing on March 18, 2025. Hudia writes to me in Arabic. I have translated and edited them for style and clarity with her permission.

March 21, 2025

The war is more terrifying than before. It seems to have reached a level of savagery and madness we've never experienced before. The bombing doesn't stop; it goes on relentlessly day and night. Some days I want to scream when I hear it. Every day there are more home demolitions, and we hear missile sounds that are new to us. Israel is testing out its newest weapons on us to see how well they blast us into pieces of flesh or vaporize us altogether; to see, perhaps, if one bomb can turn a concrete building into dust faster than another. The power of the explosions is enormous and can be heard in Jerusalem and its environs. This time around—since Israel began its war on us again—my fear has doubled—for myself, my children, my family, for everyone. The bombing is everywhere; the killing and the places being bombed are entirely arbitrary and unpredictable. Our fate lies in the hands of chance.
March 22, 2025

One of the most devastating things about this madness is that we no longer recognize the places where we used to live. We might see a video clip of a street in Gaza—a street whose markets and shops, colors, flavors, and scents we had memorized; a street that had witnessed thousands of our memories in the city. But that video clip is all that is left. Now that street has become so unrecognizable it's as if they have taken away our ability to remember. They did not leave behind a single marker to remind us of where we are. Even the trees are gone. Perhaps they think by erasing our memories they will have erased our identity. They are wrong: It just makes us swallow our past whole until we become one and the same with it.

Every day we stand ankle deep in the remains of our people, in streams of blood and debris. What tears my heart the most are the bodies of dead children. They haunt me in my dreams. I need a truce with myself to force me away from the news; a temporary truce so I can embrace what is still living after death rains down from the skies. I need to smell air without the putrid smell of rotting flesh and gunpowder. I need to see scenes other than corpses and skeletons spread everywhere; other than people with amputated limbs moving about on some violent stage where the theme is destruction.

Do you want to know how I feel? Look at the miles of rubble and debris. That's how I feel.

By God, I am so tired of seeing tents everywhere, and little children gathering in queues for food and water. I can no longer bear seeing all these things and the sickly faces of people in the streets. I want to run away from this pain. But, let me tell you honestly that in many ways the bitterness of betrayal is even harsher than the pain of this aggression—the slaughter, displacement, and starvation. We have been completely abandoned. No one is going to step in and help us. We are alone.
March 23, 2025

[NOTE: On March 23, news of Israel's execution of 15 Red Crescent and Civil Defense workers in the Tel al-Sultan area of Rafah had not yet reached the U.S. Hudia wrote in her letters to me what she heard from people in Tel al-Sultan on the day it happened and thereafter. Much that she describes was never reported in the news. Outlets such as Middle East Eye and Al Jazeera; and human rights organizations such as Al Mezan, with whose fieldworker I spoke, collected eyewitness reports and documented as much as possible.]

POEM
They buried them alive with bullets.
They stood over the hole,
piling the bodies on top of each other.
There was barely time to scream.
the spray silenced everything in seconds.
The earth swallowed them up
leaving only the sky as a witness.

The reports are terrible. The Israelis ordered the residents of Tel al-Sultan to evacuate, but didn't give them any time to pack up or coordinate plans. They had to leave immediately. Within minutes, they were fired upon by quadcopters, drones, and tanks. It was chaos.

Soldiers set up a makeshift checkpoint for people to pass through. Most were able to pass, but some were detained in a muddy area off to the side. We don't know what happened to them. We heard that somewhere they separated the men, put them in pits, and executed them. But we didn't know exactly who they meant. The ambulance crews that came to help have vanished.

Many people are still trapped in Tel al-Sultan, and no one knows anything about their fate yet either. As people were running to escape the area, anyone trying to help them was also shot so the dead and wounded were left in the streets.

Tonight, they bombed Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis. An Israeli airstrike killed a Hamas member and 16-year-old boy. This dirty war is as dirty as the world itself for allowing Israel to violate everything.
March 27, 2025

Good morning, my friend. What happened in Rafah is horrific and beyond comprehension. I don't know if we'll ever have the full truth of what the Israelis did. What is now coming out about the executed Paramedics and Civil Defense members is just the tip of the iceberg. We have reached the peak of madness. Nobody cares what's happening here. I think we are going into the unknown.

I can no longer sleep, day or night. It is after 3:00 am, and I am up writing this to you. Tomorrow I will flee again with my son's family to the Khan Younis area. I will take my tent and put it directly on the sea. Maybe there I will fall asleep. I am so tired of everything.
March 30, 2025

Yes, I am now living in one of those tents you've been seeing again and again on the open beach area of al-Mawasi. Life here is very difficult. Water trucks come, and we carry water from the street to the tents so we can clean the dishes and wash the clothes by hand. This doesn't solve the problem of sand and dust, our two constant companions. Of course, there is no gas. We cook everything over a fire, including bread.

The crossings have been closed for about a month. Nothing is entering Gaza. The markets are completely empty of almost everything, and the agricultural areas east of the strip are under Israeli control. It is possible to find only a few vegetables and fruit at food stands here and there along the streets, and most cannot afford to buy them because the prices are so high. We mostly rely on canned food when it is available. People here are hungry, scared, and sick. The general health of the people has declined because there is so little nutritious food to eat. This makes people less able to endure the hardships. So many will die with this added weakness. I am sure this is one of Israel's goals in the overall scheme to wipe us out.
April 1, 2025

I can't stand to listen to the news reports any longer. They sound like reels of dry statistics, one after another. They don't mention the empty chair at the dining table, the best friend who has disappeared, or the parents searching for their child's limbs in the rubble. They don't tell you about the families going with less and less each day, trying to keep up brave faces for their children; or how a mother feels when she passes by children playing football, which her child loved, but who died without fulfilling his share of dreams.

That news "ticker tape" at the bottom of your screen doesn't mention how many men here pretend to be strong before weeping at night from pain and longing. It lists numbers of dead, dying, wounded, and forever incapacitated, but it is those who keep going who are the future's story. They are beyond exhausted but go about their daily tasks like automatons except that they are absorbing this reality, this world of pure violence and expedited trauma, in which we are supposed to live like human beings. It is these people, plodding along half-dazed through this giant cemetery, who have internalized the reality of what Gaza has become.
April 5, 2025

Yesterday, my uncle was martyred after his tent was bombed in the Mawasi area of Khan Younis. He succumbed to his wounds. I am suffering from severe depression this time, fear and anxiety for everyone. I cannot sleep at all.
April 8, 2025

The plan to expel us is taking a serious turn, especially after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's recent visit to America. I don't know what I will do. With the new "Morag corridor," Israel has completely separated Rafah from Khan Younis and I believe after they've completed the destruction of Rafah, they will force us there, close to the Egyptian border, in preparation for mass expulsion. Then Rafah will be merged with the "buffer zone" around the strip and taken over by Jewish settlers. My city will have disappeared into history. This is the only logical conclusion I can come up with given the demolition of the remaining buildings in Rafah.

I spoke to my brother yesterday in Amsterdam. I informed him about our uncle Muhammad's martyrdom. I haven't spoken to him for a while, but I know how he is from the tone of his voice. He always tries to make me think he's fine and that everything is normal, but I know it's not—and I know he's not. He's panicking, I can feel it, and afraid for everyone, and so am I. The situation is terrifying, suffocating, and worrying. I always tell him everyone is still fine, and that I hope everyone will remain "fine." I speak to everyone in my family here daily, hoping that we and the others here will survive this holocaust, but I no longer know if we will.

You know, I used to love the sea and would sit out by it at night on the beach, drinking coffee and smoking my cigarettes. Now the sea is in front of me, but I can barely stand to look at it. It has become ominous, as if waiting to swallow us whole. The beautiful Mediterranean now terrifies me. What a strange paradox.

My friend, I know you're always thinking of me, and I always read our conversations, old and new. I'm so grateful for your continued support.
April 9, 2025

A hundred tents here, 50 more over there—in every corner there are more tents, and each one tells a story of pain.

I've asked myself a million times how people can live like this; how do they sleep, how do they endure the heat and cold, the oppressiveness of these "homes," the utter lack of privacy? Where is humanity? Does anyone still see us? Has the world really become this cold and dispassionate, or has it always been that way?

These are not just tents. These are souls, shattered families, and shattered dreams all under a thin fabric that conceals neither the pain nor the indignity of what we have become. Do you want to know how I feel? Look at the miles of rubble and debris. That's how I feel; you just can't take a picture of my soul.



Rafah “obliterated” by Israel’s attacks

Nora Barrows-Friedman 
11 April 2025
ELECTRONIC INTAFADA



First responders try to rescue Palestinians trapped under the rubble following Israeli airstrikes on Shujaiya, Gaza City, 9 April. Omar AshtawyAPA images

The following is from the news roundup during the 10 April livestream. Watch the entire episode here.

Israel has committed massacres across all areas of the Gaza Strip while, for the last six weeks, it has closed all the crossings – for food, fuel, medicines, construction vehicles and every other essential supply – plunging Gaza into another deep starvation and health crisis.

More than 390,000 people are estimated to have been displaced again, according to the United Nations, with no safe place to go.

Every day, dozens are killed in Israeli attacks. The Palestinian health ministry in Gaza said that in the three weeks since Israel broke the ceasefire on 18 March, Israel has killed nearly 1,500 Palestinians.

Al Jazeera reporter Anas al-Sharif shared this video of Israeli “fire belt” strikes hitting Gaza City on 3 April.



Our contributor Abubaker Abed has been reporting on the attacks over the last week on Deir al-Balah in central Gaza, where his cousin and his cousin’s child were killed at the gates of Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital on 5 April.



The Israeli army has issued forced expulsion orders to residents of Deir al-Balah in the past week, threatening residents with attacks if they do not leave.

The Israeli military said that it carried out attacks on 45 “targets” across Gaza between 8 and 9 April.

On Wednesday, 9 April, Israel attacked the Shujaiya neighborhood of Gaza City, destroying dozens of residential buildings and killing dozens of Palestinians.

An eyewitness told Al Jazeera, “We were talking in the street and suddenly we were shocked to see the building’s bricks flying apart – in addition to flying hands and feet.”

Another survivor said: “It is a massacre with the full meaning of the word. I haven’t seen or heard about a massacre like this since the start of the war. Most of the martyrs are children and defenseless civilians.”

Mahmoud Basal, the spokesperson for Gaza’s civil defense corps, said that there were dozens of people missing and stuck underneath the rubble.

Al Jazeera reporter Hani Mahmoud said that the Israeli army “not only dropped multiple bombs, but these were also ‘earthquake bombs’ that shook the very foundation of nearby buildings, destroying the majority of them. Entire residential buildings have been turned into ruins. A large number of casualties arrived at Al Ahli Arab Hospital in Gaza City, but they are struggling because there is not sufficient medical care available due to shortages of supplies and doctors.”

Mahmoud said that civil defense crews needed to stop their rescue operations because armed Israeli drones hovered above them.

Also on Wednesday, Israeli airstrikes bombed the tents of displaced families in the so-called “safe zone” of al-Mawasi, killing three Palestinians, including a child.

On 8 April, Doctors Without Borders said its teams in a clinic in al-Mawasi received nine victims after a strike hit 300 meters away from the facility. Two were dead on arrival, including a 2-year-old boy, and the seven others were wounded.



Dr. Mohammad Shaath, an emergency room doctor working at the clinic, said, “Honestly, I can’t describe the scene and the injuries. In the stomach, head and chest.
 Absolute horror.”

The day before, Israel bombed a community kitchen also in al-Mawasi that was distributing meals to displaced families.

Four children were killed in the airstrike.

This video by journalist Samer Abu Samra shows a man carrying the body of a small girl, who was wearing a traditional Palestinian thobe. He says, “Look, they’re all children, all of them.”


Another man says that the kitchen workers were distributing rice and lentils to children and Israel bombed them. And another witness says that the girl was 5, and the oldest of the children killed was 6.

“This is so wrong,” he says, “nothing in the world justifies the killing of children.”


Rafah “wiped off the map”


In the south, the Gaza government media office said on 7 April that Rafah is “the city that the Israeli occupation wiped off the map and turned into a complete humanitarian disaster.”

The media office stated that Israel has transformed the entire Rafah governorate “into a closed military operations zone, completely isolating it from the rest of the Gaza Strip and considering it a complete red zone. It continues to commit horrific massacres against defenseless civilians, causing the systematic and comprehensive destruction of infrastructure, vital facilities, and residential homes, rendering the city uninhabitable.”

The occupation army, the media office added, “has completely destroyed more than 90 percent of the homes in the Rafah governorate, representing more than 20,000 buildings containing more than 50,000 housing units. In addition, 22 of the 24 water wells were destroyed, including the main ‘Canada Well’ and the distribution pumps, depriving tens of thousands of families of safe drinking water.”

The isolated Rafah governorate was not only bombed, “but was systematically destroyed and obliterated, in a scene that reflects the occupation’s premeditated intent to empty the land of its people and alter its geographic and demographic features,” the office stated.

Medicines at zero stock

The Palestinian health ministry in Gaza reported this week that while medical teams and ambulance crews continue to operate under life-threatening conditions to save lives, 37 percent of medications and 59 percent of medical supplies are at zero stock.

This includes medications for operating rooms, intensive care units, and emergency departments that have been depleted to unprecedented levels, with higher percentages of critical medications being at zero stock, such as 54 percent of medications for cancer treatment, 40 percent of those for primary care and 51 percent of medicines for maternal and child health.

Furthermore, the destruction of diagnostic imaging equipment has severely restricted patients’ access to these vital services, while fuel shortages threaten to shut down the hospitals’ essential departments that rely on generators, the health ministry added.

The UN children’s fund UNICEF warned this week that Israel’s ongoing blockade of humanitarian aid is having terrible consequences for one million children in the Gaza Strip, and without essential food, medicine, shelter and safe water, malnutrition, diseases and other preventable conditions will likely surge, leading to an increase in preventable child deaths.

UNICEF said that complementary food for infants, which are crucial for growth when food stocks are low, has run out in central and southern Gaza.



Three journalists killed


Israel murdered three journalists this week in Gaza.

On 5 April, Israel bombed the home of journalist Islam Meqdad in Khan Younis, killing her and her son, Adam, along with five other members of her family.

Helmi al-Faqawi, who worked for the Palestine Today news agency, was killed when an Israeli airstrike targeted a media tent outside of the Nasser hospital in Khan Younis on 7 April. Another man, Yousef al-Khazindar, was also killed.

Al-Faqawi’s colleague, reporter Ahmed Mansour, was engulfed in flames as colleagues desperately attempted to save him.



Mansour was left in critical condition with life-threatening injuries and succumbed to his wounds on Tuesday.

A witness to the airstrike told Middle East Eye that those in the tent “tried desperately to rescue Ahmed Mansour from the flames, but there were no resources available, as the [foam], wood and nylon in the tent quickly caught fire.”

The Gaza government media office said that eight other journalists were injured in the attack. A total of 211 reporters have now been killed in Gaza since October 2023.

Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor condemned the public escalation of the slaughter of journalists.

The organization’s legal department director, Lima Bustani, stated, “Burning a journalist alive in Gaza is not aimed at silencing the truth. Israel already relies on a far greater force: the world’s indifference to the truth.”

Bustami explained that Israel’s systematic targeting of Palestinian journalists also sends a chilling message: “Your truth means nothing. We can kill you with the camera in your hand, and no one will save you.”

She added that Israel’s crimes against Palestinian journalists is “a performance of power [and] a declaration of impunity in action.”

Child prisoner Ahmad Manasra released


Turning to the occupied West Bank, The Electronic Intifada’s Tamara Nassar writes that Israel is subjecting Palestinian children in the occupied West Bank to a campaign of systematic ethnic cleansing, according to the human rights group Defense for Children International-Palestine.

Since the beginning of the year, Israel has killed 20 children in the West Bank.

Along with destroying children’s rights to live, Israeli soldiers are trying to destroy their rights to learn as well.

On 8 April, Israeli officials, accompanied by police, raided six separate UN-run schools in occupied Jerusalem and announced plans to close them within 30 days.

Phillippe Lazzarini, the head of UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestine refugees, said, “Some 800 boys and girls are directly impacted by these closure orders and are likely to miss finishing their school year.”

“These illegal closure orders come in the wake of Israeli Knesset legislation seeking to curtail UNRWA operations,” Lazzarini said.



Al Jazeera correspondent Nour Odeh said that the closure of the UNRWA schools is “extremely problematic” because the children would likely end up at Israeli institutions run by the Jerusalem Municipality.

She explained that the children admitted to Israeli schools would no longer be taught under the Palestinian curriculum, but rather under an Israeli curriculum that erases Palestinian history and identity.

Meanwhile, Israeli forces are expanding their military attacks across the occupied West Bank, and continue to destroy homes inside the Jenin refugee camp.


The army also conducted heavy raids on Nablus and the Balata refugee camp on Wednesday.



The Wafa news agency reported that Israeli occupation forces invaded the camp in the pre-dawn hours of Wednesday, deploying troops extensively inside and sealing off the camp’s entrances.

The soldiers ordered families to leave their homes at gunpoint and then ransacked them.

Palestine Red Crescent paramedics said that during the invasion of Balata, six Palestinians were shot and injured by Israeli soldiers, four with live ammunition and two with rubber-coated steel bullets. A child was hit in the face by a tear gas canister, and dozens more were suffering from tear gas inhalation.

And on Thursday, 10 April, 23-year-old Ahmad Manasra was released from Israeli prisons, after spending ten years inside and enduring what the Palestinian Prisoners Club says was physical and psychological torture, including solitary confinement, since his arrest in 2016.

The Israeli army released Manasra far from the Nafha prison in the Naqab, where he was imprisoned, while his family awaited his release at the prison gate, Al Jazeera reported.



A Bedouin resident in the Bir al-Saba area recognized Manasra, contacted his family and informed them of their son’s release.

The Electronic Intifada’s Omar Karmi wrote in 2022 that Manasra’s case “came to wider public attention in 2015 when a leaked video of his interrogation was broadcast by Palestinian media.”

Manasra spent the last 10 years in Israeli prisons, and was held in solitary confinement for the past five months, which has worsened his mental health condition, according to the family’s lawyer.


Highlighting resilience


Finally, as we always do, we wanted to highlight people expressing joy, determination and resilience across Palestine.

Afeef Nassouli, a journalist and a volunteer with the medical solidarity organization Glia, posted this clip of himself on the beach near Khan Younis this week.

He writes, “I know you’re seeing terrible things coming out of Gaza right now, and I am glad advocates are sharing the images and the realities in the north. The loudness of strikes and drones is torturous. The images are hard to watch because they are truly happening to human beings that are just down the way.”

“But, Gaza is so much more than Israel’s demolition derby and Palestinians are so much more than their suffering in this moment. My heart is having a hard time adding to the barrage of images that convey the reality of genocide because I don’t want to make my time here about sharing images you already have.”

“I went to the beach for a walk after doing some work in Khan Younis the other day, and I wanted to share with you the ultimate resistance: Palestinian kids having a little bit of fun even amidst strikes and drones and death. They are the future of this nation and their health and happiness is the purest form of resisting this mass murder.”

Nassouli adds that a colleague of his told him something that so many in Gaza express about the beach: “The beach…is the one place that the war can’t change or steal from us.”

‘Psychologically tortured to the last minute’: Ahmad Manasra, arrested at 13, is finally free after a decade in Israeli prison

Ahmad Manasra was arrested at 13 and kept in solitary confinement for years.
 He was diagnosed with schizophrenia in prison and was at serious risk of self-harm. His release to a remote location far from his family was Israel’s final act of torture.
April 10, 2025 2
MONDOWEISS

HAUNTED EYES 
Ahmad Manasra was released after nearly 10 years in Israeli prison. Released in a remote location far away from his loved ones, a Bedouin family recognized him and called his family. (Photo: Social Media)


Israeli authorities released Palestinian prisoner Ahmad Manasra, 23, on Thursday after spending ten years in Israeli prison. Imprisoned at the age of 13, Manasra’s case drew international attention due to “legal inconsistencies in his trial, the deterioration of his psychological condition as a result of his cruel arrest and treatment in prison, and denying him treatment,” his lawyer, Ahmad Zabarqa, told Mondoweiss.

Manasra was arrested during the 2015 “Knife Intifada,” a wave of Palestinian stabbing attacks against Israeli forces and settlers carried out by hundreds of Palestinian youth in the West Bank and Jerusalem, and occasionally by Palestinians holding Israeli citizenship. Manasra was involved in an incident where he was accused of “taking part” in a stabbing attack alongside his cousin, Hasan, who was shot dead by Israeli police on the scene.

When arrested, Manasra had suffered a severe injury to his head that caused a skull fracture and cranial bleeding. Video footage of Manasra lying and bleeding on the ground while being yelled and cursed at by Israeli settlers went viral at the time. Another leaked video that circulated widely among Palestinians on social media showed a moment during Manasra’s interrogation by the Israeli intelligence; an interrogation officer screamed at Manasra and attempted to intimidate him into a coerced confession, while Manasra, still a child, replied consistently that he didn’t remember anything and asked to be taken to a doctor.

Manasra’s mental health severely deteriorated in prison over his decade of incarceration. In 2022, Zabarqa pleaded for Manasra’s early release in light of being diagnosed with schizophrenia from being held in solitary confinement. At the time, Zabarqa had told Amnesty International that Manasra’s mental health condition posed “a real danger to his life,” as he had considered committing suicide. The European UnionAmnesty, and the UN also urged Israel to expedite Manasra’s early release, but the Israeli court rejected the petition in June 2022, as he was imprisoned on charges of engaging in “terrorism.”

On Thursday, Israeli authorities released Manasra in a remote location several kilometers from the Israeli prison where he was held in the Naqab desert, where his family was waiting for him at the prison gate. According to his lawyer, Ahmad Manasra was left alone without a phone and was later found and recognized by a Bedouin family, who contacted his family.


“The way Ahmad was released is a continuation of his psychological torture to the last minute,” a spokesperson for the Palestinian Mental Health Network who followed Manasra’s case told Mondoweiss.

“The way Ahmad was released is a continuation of his psychological torture to the last minute,” a spokesperson for the Palestinian Mental Health Network who followed Manasra’s case told Mondoweiss.

“Ahmad suffered a severe deterioration in his psychological condition due to his arrest and detention conditions. He was severely wounded in the head at the moment of his arrest, which caused a skull fracture, and then he was subjected to cruel interrogation,” the spokesperson noted, asking not to be named. “Ahmad was also put in solitary confinement for a prolonged period of time, which worsened his condition, and although the Israeli court allowed him medical visits, it didn’t allow the provision of psychological treatment.”

The spokesperson added that “according to a report we received from Physicians for Human Rights, who last visited Manasra in prison in September 2024, his psychological health is in very difficult condition and he needs urgent treatment.”

“Ahmad needs a gradual, slow integration into social life, which is why he needs to be surrounded by his family,” the spokesperson said. “His healing process begins today.”
Precedent for penalizing Palestinian minors

Manasra’s lawyer, Ahmad Zabarqa, told Mondoweiss that Manasra’s trial had two legal inconsistencies. “First, he was charged with assisting in a murder attempt because he was in the company of his cousin, Hasan, who was killed at the scene by Israeli police and accused of stabbing two Israelis, although Ahmad himself did nothing,” Zabarqa said. “Second, he was below the legal age to be judged as a criminal.”

Zabarqa explained that Israeli law deals with minors under 14 as cases for rehabilitation rather than punishment, which caused the Israeli court to continuously postpone his ruling for months until he was 14. “He was then retrospectively sentenced as eligible for a penal sentence,” he said.

The way the court handled Ahmad’s sentencing then formed a precedent for how Israeli courts would deal with Palestinian minors generally. “It was the first case of its kind,” Zabarqa pointed, “but later, Israeli courts practiced the same tactic of postponing the ruling and sentencing of minors according to their age in multiple cases — and they were always cases against Palestinian minors.”

“Our assessment as lawyers is that the court regarded Ahmad Manasra’s case from a nationalistic point of view, and not a legal one, breaching Israeli law itself,” Zabarqa stressed. “This is a form of discrimination.”

“Ahmad Manasra was submitted to renewed orders of solitary confinement multiple times, adding up to two years of solitary confinement, despite his fragile psychological state,” he added. “Our petition for an early release in 2022 was well-grounded in medical reports, but the court treated it again, in our opinion, from a nationalistic point of view, and not a legal one.”

In April 2022, a short Palestinian film featured the case of Ahmad Manasra as an example of the 105,000 “empty places” left behind by Palestine’s prisoners and martyrs. After Israel’s genocidal assault on Gaza, the pre-October 7 prison population nearly doubled.
 
Israel targeted my colleague in an airstrike, claiming that he was a Hamas fighter. Israel is lying.


Israel targeted my colleague, Hassan Eslayeh, claiming that he was a Hamas fighter. This isn’t the first time Israel has used this lie to justify targeting journalists, paramedics, and rescue workers.
 April 9, 2025 
MONDOWEISS

Hassan Eslayeh in Nasser Hospital after his attempted assassination by the Israeli army. (Photo: Social Media)

Last Monday, I saw several colleagues posting on social media that the Israeli army had bombed a journalists’ tent outside Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis. The tent caught fire and burned several people alive. A terrifying video emerged showing a journalist named Ahmad Mansour sitting in a chair with his head and chest on fire. People tried to pull him away from the flames, but to no avail, and he later succumbed to his wounds while in the ICU.

Another journalist in the tent was my colleague, Hassan Eslayeh, who I frequently rely upon for updates and gathering testimonies for my Mondoweiss reports. Hassan is usually the first to send me news, video footage, and interviews with people who have witnessed bombings in Gaza. But this time, Hassan was the news — and he was also the direct target of the attack.

The Israeli army declared in a statement on April 7 that the bombing had targeted Hassan, describing him as a “Hamas terrorist” and a part of the organization’s armed wing, the Qassam Brigades, in Khan Younis.
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The army stated that Hassan “operates under the guise of a journalist and owns a press company,” but is, in fact, a member of “Hamas’ Khan Yunis Brigade.”

“On October 7, he infiltrated Israeli territory and participated in Hamas’ murderous massacre,” the army stated, saying that Hassan had “documented and uploaded the footage of looting, arson, and murder to social media.”


Hassan survived the assassination attempt but was severely injured and lost two fingers.

“The occupation is trying to obliterate the image of Palestinian journalists with these false claims that they belong to Hamas and other factions,” Hassan told me over the phone from Nasser Hospital.

But it is hardly the first time that Israel accuses Palestinian civil society workers — journalists, paramedics, aid workers — of being affiliated with Hamas or other armed factions in Gaza. Last month, Israel assassinated Al Jazeera Mubasher correspondent and Drop Site News contributor Hossam Shabat, claiming that he was a Hamas operative. Shortly after, the Israeli army killed 15 paramedics and rescue workers in Rafah, falsely claiming that “at least 6” of the medics were Hamas militants. There are numerous other examples from over 18 months of genocide.

But during those 18 months, Hassan’s whereabouts were always well-known. From my experience working with him during this period, he was easily accessible via WhatsApp or phone call at all times, always based at journalists’ gathering points and never absent.

Anyone with even a passing knowledge of Hamas and how the Qassam Brigades operate will instantly recognize how utterly incoherent the Israeli army’s claims are. But Israel is counting on people’s ignorance and gullibility to believe that a dedicated journalist who operates in the field 24/7 also moonlights as a Hamas fighter.

“The army accused me of fighting in Khan Younis on October 7, but I was covering the events in Rafah,” Hassan said, referring to the moment that the Gaza border fence was torn down on October 7. “I do not belong to any party. I don’t do anything in Gaza other than my well-known journalistic work, which the entire world knows.”

However, Israeli newspapers took the Israeli army’s initial claim and launched a campaign of incitement against Hassan. Several outlets published photos and recorded clips of Hassan on October 7 as he documented the moment when the Palestinian resistance stormed the border fence and burned a tank that was stationed there. They also included a photo of him with former Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar.

The photo of Hassan with Sinwar was taken at an event Hassan was covering. Snapping a photo with the leader of a Palestinian faction in Gaza is commonplace, and something that anyone would do. The non-credible nature of such Israeli claims — or any Israeli claim — should indicate that anything the Israeli army says must be treated with extreme skepticism.

‘They do what they accuse us of doing’


At Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, Hassan wasn’t awake for long before he was overcome by pain and a headache caused by a fractured skull, amputated fingers on his right hand, shrapnel wounds, and various burns on his body. Another journalist on my team with Hassan, Ibrahim Muharab, accessed Hassan’s hospital room and put him on the phone with me on Wednesday at 3:00 p.m.

His voice was tired, but his spirits were high. I asked him about the Israeli military’s claim, and he scoffed that he wasn’t surprised by the accusations. “The majority of Israeli journalists who entered Gaza under army protection participated in the destruction of Palestinian families’ homes,” he said. “All of which is documented in video and audio. The faces and names of these Israeli journalists are well-known, and they do what they accuse us of doing.”

Every accusation is a confession. In October 2024, Israeli journalist Danny Kushmaro participated in the demolition of a home in a village in Southern Lebanon — and filmed himself doing it for a Channel 12 report. After pressing the button that blew up the house, he signed off by saying, “Don’t mess with the Jews.”

It is difficult for Hassan to speak much due to his injuries, but he tells me that he hopes to recover quickly and return to the work that Israel is trying to prevent him from doing.

But Hassan knows that there’s now a target on his back, much like Israel put six journalists on a hit list last October. One of them was Hossam Shabat.

Hassan also knows that the Israeli army has no problem bombing hospitals or schools when they want to target a specific person. Nasser Hospital, where Hassan is currently being treated, was targeted in recent weeks when a member of Hamas’s political bureau, Ismail Barhoum, sought treatment at the medical center. The strike killed Barhoum and a 16-year-old boy.

“It would not be difficult for the occupation to assassinate me again, especially with the increasing incitement I hear and see against me,” Hassan said. “They may target me inside the hospital, in this room of mine. What can I do?”

“I am not fighting. I am working, and I bear responsibility for my profession,” Hassan continued. “If the Israeli army kills me, the photos I took and the stories I told the world will live on. My name, my cause, and my voice will live on — and the occupation will die.”
Gaza finds mention at politically charged Coachella’s first Saturday


Bernie Sanders opens for US singer-songwriter Clairo at Coachella on Saturday. (AFP)

Arab News
April 13, 202512:21

DUBAI: US politician Bernie Sanders found a moment to mention Gaza as he took to the stage at Coachella music festival on Saturday night in California to introduce US singer-songwriter Clairo.

“Now I’m here to introduce Clairo, not just because they are a great band, not just because Clairo at the age of 13 posted videos on the internet as a singer-songwriter,” said Sanders. “I’m here because Clairo has used her prominence to fight for women’s rights, to try to end the terrible brutal war in Gaza where thousands of women and children are being killed. So, I want to thank Clairo not only for being in a great band, but for the great work she’s doing.”





Another political moment arrived on Saturday night, when US rock band Green Day tweaked the lyrics of their track “Jesus of Suburbia” to reflect the ongoing Israeli attacks against Gaza.

While performing the song, lead singer Billie Joe Armstrong sang, “Runnin’ away from pain, like the kids from Palestine / Tales from another broken home.”

The original song lyrics from 2004’s “American Idiot” were, “Runnin’ away from pain when you’ve been victimized.”


Coachella continues with Weezer, T-Pain and a Bernie Sanders appearance





Billie Joe Armstrong adjusted the lyrics of Green Day’s set-opening “American Idiot” to declare he’s “not a part of the MAGA agenda.” 

AP
April 13, 202507:35

Less than an hour earlier, Charli XCX commandeered a minimalist stage where she was joined by Troye Sivan and Billie Eilish

Billie Joe Armstrong adjusted the lyrics of Green Day’s set-opening “American Idiot” to declare he’s “not a part of the MAGA agenda“



INDIO: Coachella’s second day featured high-profile guests from Hollywood and Washington, D.C., an emotional performance from Weezer and a peaceful transfer of power between electropop stars. Then there was Flava Flav joining the Yo Gabba Gabba characters on-stage to rap “I love bugs!“

The cultural breadth of the influential Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival was on full display Saturday at the Empire Polo Club in Indio, California.

Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Rep. Maxwell Frost of Florida traveled from a Los Angeles rally to the desert to introduce Clairo, praising the 26-year-old singer-songwriter’s political activism.

Less than an hour earlier, Charli XCX commandeered a minimalist stage where she was joined by Troye Sivan and Billie Eilish, with an audience that included Oscar nominee Timothée Chalamet in the front row wearing a big smile and a backpack.

As for that power transfer: After last year’s “brat summer,” the English pop star concluded her “Girl, so confusing” performance with New Zealand electropop star Lorde by declaring “Lorde summer 2025.”

Sanders’ appearance wasn’t the day’s only dose of politics. Billie Joe Armstrong adjusted the lyrics of Green Day’s set-opening “American Idiot” to declare he’s “not a part of the MAGA agenda” and changed lyrics in “Jesus of Suburbia” to “running away from pain like the kids from Palestine.”

T-Pain brought mash-ups and covers to the main stage, singing Journey’s “Don’t Stop Believin’” and Chris Stapleton’s “Tennesee Whiskey.”

Earlier, Weezer delivered a dozen songs in a well-received performance featuring “Undone (The Sweater Song),” “Buddy Holly” and a cover of Metallica’s “Enter Sandman.”

The band played four days after bassist Scott Shriner’s wife Jillian Lauren was shot and injured by Los Angeles police. Lauren, an author of two memoirs, was arrested and later posted bail after police said she pointed a gun at them.

Band members didn’t specifically address the incident, but frontman Rivers Cuomo told the crowd, “It feels so good to get out here with you guys and let out these emotions.”

Coachella kicked off Friday with Lady Gaga headlining with a crowd-pleasing, extravagantly theatrical, five-act performance. K-pop star Lisa drew a massive crowd to the Sahara tent and Benson Boone announced his second album and sang “Bohemian Rhapsody” with Queen’s Brian May on guitar.

The festival runs through Sunday, with another round of performances April 18 to 20. Travis Scott headlined Saturday night on the main stage with Post Malone set to perform in the final slot Sunday night.


Most Hezbollah military sites in south Lebanon under army control

Around 190 out of 265 Hezbollah sites located in southern Lebanon have been ceded to the Lebanese army.


The New Arab Staff & Agencies
13 April, 2025


The Lebanese army was requested to be deployed in south Lebanon as per the ceasefire's agreement between Hezbollah and Israel [Getty/file photo]

Most military sites belonging to Hezbollah in southern Lebanon have been placed under Lebanese army control, a source close to the group said on Saturday.

A 27 November ceasefire that ended more than a year of conflict between Hezbollah and Israel, including two months of full-blown war which killed over 4,000 Lebanese, stipulated that only United Nations peacekeepers and Lebanon's army should be deployed in the south.

The deal required the Iran-backed group to dismantle its remaining military infrastructure in the south and move its fighters north of the Litani River, which is about 30 kilometres (19 miles) from the Israeli border.

"Out of 265 Hezbollah military positions identified south of the Litani, the movement has ceded about 190 to the army," the source said on condition of anonymity.

Under the ceasefire, Israel was ordered to complete its troop withdrawal from Lebanon by 18 February after missing a January deadline, but it has insisted to keep troops in five places it deems strategic, despite requests from the Lebanese to leave.

Israel has continued to attack several sites in Lebanon killing scores, in violation of the ceasefire.

In a speech on Saturday marking the anniversary of the outbreak of Lebanon's 1975-1990 civil war, President Joseph Aoun renewed his appeal for Hezbollah to lay down its weapons.

"Because we all unanimously believe that any bearing of weapons outside of state authority... would jeopardise the interests of Lebanon... it is time for us all to say: 'Lebanon can only be protected by the state, the army and the security forces,'" he said.

The United States deputy special envoy for the Middle East, Morgan Ortagus, discussed disarming Hezbollah with senior Lebanese figures during a visit to Beirut last weekend, a Lebanese official said.

In an interview with Lebanese television channel LBCI, Ortagus said that "we continue to press on this government to fully fulfil the cessation of hostilities, and that includes disarming Hezbollah and all militias".

She said it should happen "as soon as possible".

The United States chairs a committee, which also includes France, tasked with overseeing the ceasefire.

Following the outbreak of Israel's war on Gaza in October 2023, cross-border fire flared between Israel and Hezbollah one day after.

Months of cross-border exchanges with Israeli forces escalated into full-blown war last September, with Israel bombing several parts of Lebanon, killing over 4,000. Several high-profile members of Hezbollah were killed in such strikes.

As Israel escalates strikes in Lebanon, residents say it ‘will not keep us from the path of resistance’

The failure of the Lebanese government to protect against Israeli attacks is leading Lebanon down two roads: either Hezbollah will re-enter the war in defense of the Lebanese people, or the government will prevail and content itself to sit back.

 April 11, 2025 
MONDOWEISS

Aftermath of Israel’s bombing of Beirut’s southern Dahiya suburb.
 (Photo: Roqaya Chamseddine)


On March 28, Beirut’s southern Dahiya suburb was targeted with four Israeli airstrikes on the neighborhood of Hadath — the first attack on Beirut since the truce in November 2024. A residential building, which housed a number of Lebanese families, was left completely flattened by the airstrikes.

“The entire building is gone. The only thing left is cement and glass,” a local business owner told Mondoweiss. “We were sitting with our grandchildren when we heard the airstrikes and saw people running and screaming.” Hours later, smoke still billowed from the ash and rubble as recovery efforts continued.

Residents of Hadath communicated a sense of unease that existed among residents of Dahiya, even before the airstrikes. One woman explained that Israel’s ongoing attacks against South Lebanon were never far from people’s minds. “Many of us felt as though this attack was inevitable, and that Israel wouldn’t spare Dahiya. The ceasefire doesn’t exist for South Lebanon, and it doesn’t exist for the people of the suburb. Where any of our people exist, Israel sees a target.”

Before dawn on April 1, these words seemed almost prophetic as Dahiya was once again rocked by an Israeli airstrike, this time targeting the neighborhood of Moawad. The attack on Moawad leveled three floors of a residential building, killing four and wounding seven. Among the rubble were children’s toys, backpacks, clothing, and shoes.

“We want Israel to know one thing: that this will not keep us from the path of resistance,” a young man told Mondoweiss. “Do not think that we are afraid, no. We have put our faith in God and in our resistance.”

It is this sharpened confidence that has moved the people of Dahiya forward on what they describe as the “path of resistance” — one that has no shortcuts and has forced them to confront the brutality of the United States’ foremost vassal state in the region. To many, the battle is an unfinished one, and those loyal to Hezbollah remain posed in a state of preparedness for whatever comes next.
Frustration with government stance

As Lebanese citizens across South Lebanon and the Dahiya suburb continue to face targeted assassination campaigns, aerial bombardment, and the destruction of their historic villages, the Lebanese government has done little in the way of responding to Israel’s ongoing attacks — which also include clear violations of Lebanese sovereignty by way of drone surveillance — beyond weak condemnations. The local population considers some elements of the Lebanese government as being wholly complicit at worst and weak-willed at best, and instead have put their faith squarely in one another and the Lebanese resistance.

After the airstrikes in Hadath, a group of women standing next to a clothing store just feet from the airstrike expressed their anger and disgust with the Lebanese government, describing them as no better than the United States and Israel. “What is [the government’s] plan for us? To endure these attacks in the South and also here? Are we to feel comforted by their condemnations? Why doesn’t the puppet President Joseph Aoun come back from his trip to France and send his army to defend his people? Where is the Prime Minister? Is he still asleep?” one woman said. “All in all, we’re once again left to defend ourselves. We have no one but God and our Resistance, and that is enough for us.”

This steely conviction is not a rare, poetic expression conveyed by a handful of Lebanese residents but it is an undeniable cool-headedness that is part of the fabric of what comprises the culture of resistance found throughout the Dahiya and South Lebanon.
Hezbollah’s calculations

The Israeli attacks on Dahiya come as international political and economic pressure continues to mount on the Lebanese resistance group Hezbollah to disarm.

Despite enduring a campaign of devastating assassinations — which included the killing of Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah in September and the two waves of exploding electronics attacks — Hezbollah has shouldered a majority of the nation’s reconstruction and shelter costs amounting to $650 million, according to a report from Al-Akhbar, a pro-resistance outlet. To put this in context, the World Bank has only offered Lebanon a loan of $250 million for reconstruction, which many have described simply as a means to exert pressure on the Lebanese government in order to disarm Hezbollah.

The IMF and World Bank are conditioning reconstruction funds on Lebanon’s normalization with Israel and disarming Hezbollah. The people of Dahiya and Southern Lebanon remain opposed to this form of blackmail, as reported recently by Mondoweiss.

Lebanese writer and analyst Mohammad Hasan Sweidan characterized the current political atmosphere facing the resistance community as “the most violent cognitive war in the history of the conflict with Israel.” In this war, Sweidan argues, Israel is using the latest strategies “in the field of psychological and media warfare that target the awareness of anyone who believes in the option of resisting Israel’s arrogance.”

Among these tactics, arguably, are unconfirmed media reports that allege the Lebanese resistance has entertained the possibility of disarming in exchange for an Israeli withdrawal from Southern Lebanon and ending its aggression on Lebanese villages.

There has been no official statement released by the party or from its new Secretary General, Sheikh Naim Qassim. In fact, in February, during the funeral of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Qassim emphasized that “the resistance is not over” and that it is “present and ready” to face Israel. “We open fire when we see it appropriate, and we practice patience when we see it appropriate, and the resistance will continue.”

Hezbollah has not responded to the Israeli attacks, as they have left this up to the state.

This time has also given the Lebanese resistance the necessary ability to restore their capabilities, but the failure of the Lebanese government to do more than issue weak denunciations is leading Lebanon down two roads: either Hezbollah will have no choice but to re-enter the war in defense of the Lebanese people, or Lebanon will be left to endure further attacks while local politicians continue to sit back.

Time will tell what the future holds for Lebanon, but one thing is clear: those with the Lebanese resistance remain steadfast on this path, and no amount of Israeli violence will deter them from the battle that lies ahead.

‘Beyrouth Ya Beyrouth’: Mapping Beirut through comics




A Lebanese flag hung on a car is seen among the destroyed roads and collapsed buildings in Tyre, Lebanon on November 29, 2024. [Murat Åžengül – Anadolu Agency]


OPINION
April 3, 2025 

by Naima Morelli
naimamorelli
MEMO

There are some cities that are impossible to grasp fully. No matter how much you try to explore them, to understand them, it’s impossible to make sense of it all. Beirut is one of these cities, continually morphing, changing and rising from the ashes despite the hardships, wars and seemingly endless other crises.

We find all of these aspects and more in “Beyrouth Ya Beyrouth”, a comic book collection in the form of a newspaper created last year by the comic book festival “Rencontres du 9e Art, Festival BD d’Aix” at Aix-en-Provence in the South of France. The collection sees a group of Lebanese artists sharing different sides of Beirut that are less known to the media. Rather than focusing on the crises and turmoil, they aim to capture the city’s everyday life, emotions and experiences through the medium of comics.

Michelle Standjovski, a comic book author, illustrator and professor at the Lebanese Academy of Fine Arts (ALBA), played a central role in the creation of the collaborative project based on capturing Beirut’s different districts and their residents. The idea for this came after Standjovski was contacted by Serge Darpex, director of the Festival BD d’Aix, in which she had participated before. “Serge contacted me and suggested the idea of creating a newspaper to be distributed,” she told me.

The festival, managed by the tourism office of Aix-en-Provence, has a unique structure that offers distinct advantages. Maxime Arnaud, the spokesperson for the festival, explained that having access to the city’s communication resources is what helped boost the festival’s reach and open it up to a wider audience, rather than comic book lovers only. The idea for the journal format was also intended to let the French public get to know Beirut through the popular medium of comics.

Initially, the proposal was for a more general focus on Lebanon, but Standjovski immediately saw an opportunity to focus on Beirut. “I visualised something around the capital, rather than Lebanon in general,” she said. “I thought that it could be a choral project with several voices, several participants, resembling the kind of mosaic that is Beirut.”

Her vision was to capture Beirut as a living, breathing city through the eyes of the people who know it best and are sensitive to the changes and small details: resident artists. She reached out to a group of colleagues and students at ALBA, inviting them to participate in the project.


“We wanted to map out the city, visually and emotionally.”

The contributors were tasked with depicting different neighbourhoods, each one presenting their own personal view of the area chosen. Standjovski emphasised that the goal was not to provide a comprehensive, factual account of Beirut, but to capture emotions and lived experiences. “We haven’t tried to be exhaustive at all. We didn’t really try to tell the whole story. It’s more about emotions, sensations, personal experiences.”

READ: Lebanese artist Nadia Saikali and Beirut as the centre of abstract art

The overarching goal of the newspaper project was to avoid the stereotypical representations of Beirut often seen in foreign media. When international journalists cover Lebanon, they usually focus on the same well-worn narratives and locations. Standjovski wanted this project to break away from this and present the city in its diversity. “Our main objective was to avoid clichés. Foreign journalists often highlight the same neighbourhoods and the same narratives. We wanted to showcase Beirut in ways that aren’t typically seen.”

Each contributor focused on a neighbourhood or aspect of Beirut that had personal significance to them. Standjovski herself depicted the path of protestors during the 2019-2020 revolution, capturing the routes they took through the city and the significance of mobile phones in documenting the events. “I wanted to show the diversity of people, their different lifestyles, different mentalities,” she said.

The project allowed each artist to share a piece of Beirut that resonated with their own experiences.

The final form of “Beyrouth Ya Beyrouth” is a 24-page journal to be distributed for free during the Festival des Rencontres du 9e Art in April and May, and will continue to be available to be distributed upon request by the Festival.

A significant aspect of the project was the involvement of Standjovski’s students from ALBA. As part of the Master’s programme in Illustration and Comics, several second-year students were invited to contribute to the newspaper and attend the festival in France.

“More than others I felt that my students need to breathe, to get out of this war in which we were not yet directly involved, but we were still affected,” said Standjovski. When the students asked if all five of them could attend, she reached out to Darpex for support. “The next day, I sent a message to Serge. He called me on the phone and said, ‘Listen, Michelle, I don’t have any money, but we’re going to find some. The five of them are going to come.’”

The students’ excitement was evident when their teacher shared the news. “They were so happy. Beside the publication of the journal, we had an exhibition and a concert dessiné, a live drawing performance set to music.” This unique format allowed artists to bring their work to life in real time, creating a dynamic and engaging experience for the audience.

“The concert dessiné is a way to make the artwork come alive, to give it movement and voice,” added Arnaud.

Lebanon’s comic book scene has faced numerous challenges, particularly in terms of language and market limitations. While many Lebanese people speak Arabic, French and English, literary Arabic, the language typically used in literature, doesn’t adapt well in a comic book format. “In Lebanon, there aren’t really any comic book publishers for adults, the market is more focused on illustrated books for children,” noted Standjovski.


Despite these difficulties, ALBA has been a significant force in supporting comic artists.

Until the financial crisis of 2019, the academy regularly published students’ work as part of their academic projects. “The good thing about ALBA publications is that they are distributed in bookshops, but they are not for profit. They’re academic. So, in a way, they are published to encourage publication, to encourage students, to serve as a springboard.”

Several of her former students have used ALBA’s publications to launch their careers abroad. “It’s easier to get published in Europe or the United States,” she said. “Most of our former students either work in illustration or not in comics.” Standjovski herself has been published in France and for years she created a weekly comic strip for L’Orient-Le Jour.

Working as an artist in Lebanon is never easy, and that was especially so last year when the journal came out in the context of the country’s political and economic instability. With frequent power outages, internet disruptions and unreliable infrastructure, the logistics of creating art can be challenging. Yet, as Michelle Standjovski pointed out, these technical difficulties pale in comparison to the psychological toll that the crises take on people. “People are exhausted. Sometimes contributors would promise work and never deliver, not out of neglect, but sheer burnout,” she explained. The country’s ongoing crises make it difficult to maintain momentum in creative projects.

Despite these obstacles, Standjovski and her students found strength in their collaboration. “We weren’t doing well. But working on this, collaborating, creating; it gave us a sense of purpose. It was our compass, our flotation device. We don’t sink when we do things that interest us.”

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

America’s news channel for Middle East fires staff, goes off air after funding cuts

Chief Jeffrey Gedmin said he had given up on the US administration’s freeze lifting anytime soon


Alhurra's studio during the channel's first live broadcast in February 2004.
 (Wikimedia Commons/Alhurra)

 12 April 2025
AP

CAIRO: The head of a US-funded Arabic-language television and online news outlet that claims a 30 million-strong audience in the Middle East and North Africa terminated most staff and TV programming Saturday, accusing the Trump administration and Elon Musk of having “irresponsibly and unlawfully” cut off funding.

In notices to Alhurra news staffers about their dismissals, chief Jeffrey Gedmin said he had given up on the US administration’s freeze lifting anytime soon for the congressionally approved money for Al Hurra and its US-funded Arabic language sister organizations.

Gedmin accused Kari Lake, President Donald Trump’s appointee to the American government agency overseeing Al Hurra, Voice of America and other US-funded news programming abroad, of dodging his efforts to speak with her about the funding cutoff.
“I’m left to conclude that she is deliberately starving us of the money we need to pay you, our dedicated and hard-working staff,” Gedmin said in severance letters obtained by The Associated Press and excerpted on the website of Al Hurra’s parent company, the Middle East Broadcasting Networks.

The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment Saturday.
Mohamed Al-Sabagh, an Egyptian journalist working at the Al Hurra news website in Dubai, told the AP that all the staff in the website and the television channel received emails terminating their contracts.

Alhurra is the latest US government-funded news outlet — after Voice of America, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia and others — to cut staff and services amid what the outlets say is the move by the Trump administration and Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency to withhold their congressional appropriations.

Lake, appointed to oversee the US Agency for Global Media, describes her agency as being consumed by a “giant rot” that requires the agency’s destruction and rebuilding.
The US-backed news organizations were set up starting in the Cold War between the West and Soviet Union. Their designated goal was to provide objective news about the United States and other subjects overseas, often to people under authoritarian governments without access to a free press.

The George W. Bush administration created Al Hurra in 2003, the same year his administration’s invasion of Iraq overthrew that country’s leader. Al Hurra’s journalists covered the US occupation and sectarian and extremist violence that followed, with some them dying on the job during the 2011 Arab Spring, and other political changes across the Middle East.

While Al Hurra over the years faced charges of bias from both conservatives and liberals in the United States, it was one of the few outlets in its region providing space for freedom of the press and speech.

In his note to staffers, Getmin said his organization would retain a couple of dozen staffers and a “presence” online as court battles over the cuts play out in US courts.
“It makes no sense,” Gedmin wrote, “to silence America’s voice in the Middle East.”




PHOTO  ESSAY

50 years since the Lebanese Civil War, Palestinian refugees cling to renewed hope for liberation and return

The same reality that compelled Palestinian refugees in Lebanon to take up arms in the 1970s persist to this day. Today, the Palestinians of the camps view the resistance movement in Gaza with renewed hope for liberation.

By Sabah Haider 
 April 13, 2025 
MONDOWEISS

Fedayeen from Fatah at a rally in Beirut, Lebanon, January 1, 1979. (Photo: Wikimedia Commons)

On April 13, 1975, a busload of Palestinian civilians was ambushed in Ain al-Rummaneh, a predominantly Maronite Christian neighborhood in East Beirut, by Phalangist militiamen who committed a massacre. That moment, often cited as the spark of the Lebanese Civil War, did not emerge from a vacuum — it followed years of tension between the Lebanese state, sectarian militias, and the growing Palestinian armed presence in Lebanon, which started in 1971 when the PLO arrived after being forcibly expelled by the Jordanian state following the events of Black September.

Fifty years have passed, and the debate over the role of Palestinians — specifically Palestinian factions under the PLO — in the Lebanese Civil War remains mired in a murky combination of emotions, facts, myths, scapegoating, and to some extent, political erasure. Yet the story of the Palestinian fedayeen, the armed guerillas of the PLO and its associated factions, is integral to understanding their presence in the Lebanese Civil War itself. Their story of resistance, exile, and survival is essential to appreciating the systemic marginalization that Palestinians have faced in Lebanon from that period to the present day.

Revolutionaries-in-exile

After 1967, the PLO — and especially its largest party, Fatah, under the leadership of Yasser Arafat — gained significant influence across the Arab world, including within Jordan, where a large number of Palestinian refugees lived. Many of these refugees were housed in camps around the country, where the PLO operated with increasing autonomy, building parallel institutions and maintaining armed factions of fedayeen. It was this increasingly uncomfortable reality for the Jordanian monarchy that led to what Palestinians refer to as the Black September War.

The arrival of the Palestinian fedayeen in Lebanon in 1971 reshaped the country’s internal dynamics. With the Lebanese state unable or unwilling to absorb the Palestinian refugee population into its social and political fabric, the camps became self-sufficient, heavily policed, and politically radicalized. The PLO, especially Fatah, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), the PFLP-GC (General Command), and other leftist factions turned southern Lebanon and parts of West Beirut into what was often described by Western journalists as “Fatahland” — a semi-autonomous zone from which operations against Israel could be launched. These journalists today are the ones who love to call any area where the Shia in Lebanon reside as a “Hezbollah stronghold.” The Fakhani neighborhood in West Beirut housing the PLO’s headquarters was commonly known as the “Fakhani Republic,” where the PLO functioned as a state-within-a-state.

Palestinian fighters in Southern Lebanon, 1976. (Photo: Palestinian Museum Digital Archive, Yusef al-Qutob Collection).

For many Palestinian refugees living decades in exile in Lebanon, joining the Palestinian armed struggle in Lebanon was both a political necessity and a personal one. Stateless and under siege, they saw their fight not only as a battle against Israel but also as part of a broader anticolonial movement spanning the Arab world and beyond.

I interviewed countless former Palestinian fedayeen during my PhD fieldwork over many years, and I would always ask them what had motivated them to join. The most common answer was always, “With Fatah, we had hope that we could free our country.”

I recall one particular interview with a Palestinian fedayi originally from Nablus who led a battalion of fedayeen in South Lebanon for several years. He told me, “Fatah was organized and we trusted they had a plan. Of course, we wanted to free our country. There was dignity in that. There was no dignity in being a refugee.”

During the PLO’s heyday in Lebanon, its military and symbolic presence in the country, especially in Beirut, is now recalled as legendary by the elders in the camps. Posters of strength, of slogans, of images depicting victory, were seen not only all over West Beirut but across leftist spaces in the global south. When Fatah was strong, elders recount how it offered Palestinians in Lebanon a semblance of dignity in an otherwise precarious existence. However, to many Lebanese factions, particularly the Kataeb — the Phalangist party of the Christian far right — the Palestinian presence in Lebanon was perceived as a threat to national sovereignty and demographic balance.

Scapegoats


From the start of the Lebanese Civil War, Palestinian factions were framed by many groups as instigators and outsiders who had brought foreign wars into Lebanese soil — in reference to the PLO’s battle with Israel along South Lebanon’s borders. But this portrayal of the Palestinians in Lebanon also ignored the complex sectarian tensions and systemic inequities that had long plagued the Lebanese political order. Yet it was politically convenient.

Fawwaz Traboulsi, author of the widely cited A History of Modern Lebanon, said the Ain al-Rumman massacre was not the cause of the war, “but its pretext.” Traboulsi argues that the confrontation was long in the making, “rooted in unresolved class contradictions, sectarian anxiety, and the failure of the Lebanese state to adapt to changing regional and domestic realities.”

The Kataeb militiamen’s massacre was framed as retaliation for an earlier attack on Pierre Gemayel, their Maronite leader. Whether or not Palestinians were responsible remains disputed, but what followed was a devastating spiral: Christian militias targeted Palestinian civilians, PLO fighters responded, and within weeks, Beirut was split into a patchwork of armed zones.

A PLO poster titled “Look…these are the 3000 Martyrs of the Tal al-Zaatar Massacre,” issued by the Unified Information of the PLO in 1976
(Photo: Palestinian Museum Digital Archive, The Ali Kazak Collection)

The late Lebanese historian and journalist Samir Kassir said that the Civil War did not begin because of the Palestinians, but “because of what Lebanon had refused to address for decades — inequality, sectarian fear, and a ruling class willing to let the country burn rather than share power.”

What followed over the next 15 years was a brutal civil war in which Palestinian refugee communities came under continuous attack. The 1976 Tel al-Zaatar massacre, in which thousands of Palestinian refugees were killed by rightwing militias after a prolonged siege, underscored the ferocity of anti-Palestinian violence. The 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon culminated in the Sabra and Shatila massacre, where Christian Lebanese Phalangists — under the watch of the Israeli army — massacred thousands of civilians in the camps.

The late British journalist Robert Fisk, a longtime Beirut resident, was one of the first Western reporters to enter Sabra and Shatila after the massacre in September 1982. His description of what he saw remains haunting to this day:

“I had never seen anything like it. There were women lying in houses with their skirts torn up to their waists and their legs spread apart, children with their throats cut, rows of young men shot in the back after being lined up at an execution wall. There were babies – blackened babies – because they had been slaughtered more than 24 hours earlier and their small bodies were already in a state of decomposition”

Despite these atrocities, Palestinians have often been reduced to players in broader Lebanese historiography — present mainly when blamed, invisible when grieving. Rosemary Sayigh, a British-born anthropologist and one of the foremost scholars of Palestinian refugee experiences in Lebanon, says Palestinians have largely been characterized as a “problem” in Lebanon, with their narratives “of dispossession, resistance, and repeated victimization” ignored and relegated to the margins. “When violence is enacted against them, they are largely invisible; when accused of provoking violence, they dominate the frame,” Sayigh writes.

Destroyed house in the Shatila refugee camp during the War of the Camps, October 8, 1987. (Photo: Palestinian Museum Digital Archive, Palestinian Red Crescent Society Collection)


Memory and myth


Today, the memory of Palestinian involvement in the Lebanese Civil War is a fragmented one. In some Lebanese political narratives, the PLO is cast as a destabilizing force that brought the country to ruin. In others, particularly among leftist circles, Palestinian fighters are remembered as comrades in a shared revolutionary front against imperialism and sectarianism. Among Palestinians themselves, the memory is more personal — shaped by loss, longing, and a mixture of inherited, lived, unresolved, and compounded trauma

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A PLO poster titled “Long Live Palestinian-Lebanese Unity.”
 (Photo: Palestinian Museum Digital Archive, The Ali Kazak Collection)

Today there are officially 12 Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon: 3 in Beirut, 5 in South Lebanon, Dbayeh Camp in the Mount Lebanon area north of Beirut, and Weivel Camp in Baalbek in the Beqaa Valley. There are several additional unofficial Palestinian “gatherings,” as they are referred to throughout the country. During the Lebanese Civil War, at least five other camps were either destroyed or forcibly dismantled — Tal al-Zaater and Khaldeh are the most widely known.

Part of the reason that conditions in the other already crowded camps became so dire in the years that followed is that they absorbed the twice-displaced residents of the destroyed camps into their own.

I recall, in the summer of 2009, being taken on a walk by a Palestinian friend through the ruins of Ouzai — the dilapidated coastal neighborhood of South Beirut, which is visible when planes land in Beirut. That area used to boast luxury beach resorts, which were destroyed during the Lebanese Civil War. My friend’s family, while historically from Acre, Palestine, had settled in Tal al-Zaatar camp. After the camp was destroyed in 1976, they and many other families displaced from Tal al-Zaatar, built shelters and eventually homes on the ruins of the luxury hotels. I visited his house — a poorly constructed two-story lodging, in a cluster of the same, less than 100 meters from the sea. He recounts growing up during the Civil War playing soccer on the beach every day.

Lebanon’s Palestinian refugee camps, gatherings, and informal communities are simultaneously incredible repositories of memory, and living memorials of a past that has never ended. Graffiti of martyrs, community centers with fading posters, and children’s artwork generated through some foreign NGO’s art workshops can be found in every camp in Lebanon. So can groups of older men who were once hopeful but now sit together drinking coffee. Surrounded by clouds of cigarette smoke, they can be seen around every corner. These camps carry decades of history absent from textbooks in the schools. After all, Lebanon hasn’t had an updated, unified history curriculum since the 1970s. Every attempt to update the history books has failed due to political disagreements over what should be included. This means sensitive issues like the Palestinian refugee presence in the country, and the Lebanese Civil War are left out or glossed over to avoid stirring controversy.

Yet remembering alone cannot compensate for structural marginalization. Palestinians in Lebanon are still denied basic rights: they cannot own property, face restrictions in over 70 professions, and live in deteriorating camp conditions due to the state’s policy not to integrate them. The goal of such a policy is that the refugees go back to where they came from. Despite contributing to Lebanon’s labor force for decades, they remain politically and economically disenfranchised. As of March 2023, UNRWA reports approximately 489,292 registered Palestine refugees in Lebanon. I often hear people say that actual numbers may be less now due to unreported migration, although significantly less seems unlikely.

From past to present

  
Burj al-Barajneh refugee camp, Lebanon, 2025. (Photo: Sabah Haider)

The echoes of the Lebanese Civil War still reverberate today, not only in Beirut’s urban ruins but also in the lived experience of Palestinians who remain refugees two and three generations later. Many of the grievances that drove Palestinians to take up arms in the 1970s — statelessness, exclusion, Israeli aggression — are still a reality for them today.

October 7, 2023, was an undeniable turning point in the history of the Palestinian liberation struggle.

Every day since then, as Gaza burns under siege and genocide and West Bank cities face settler violence and military raids, the image of the Palestinian fighter has reentered the public imagination.

But this time it’s different; it’s not the fedayi in the keffiyeh, but the black-masked Hamas fighters who are celebrated as heroes for many of the Palestinians in Lebanon’s camps.

A poster of Fatah founder Yasser Arafat above green graffiti in support of Hamas’s Qassam Brigades head, Muhammad al-Deif, Burj al-Barajneh refugee camp, Lebanon, 2025. (Photo: Sabah Haider)

For decades, the camps in Lebanon were covered in photos and posters of Arafat, and Fatah flags and slogans. That iconography and those images represented hope and strength to the Palestinians during the Lebanese Civil War due to the strength of the Palestinian armed struggle, and since the Civil War, due to longing and nostalgia for the golden years of the Palestinian armed struggle.

But things have changed, and Hamas support is visibly more pronounced in the camps. A few weeks ago I briefly visited the Burj al-Barajneh camp in Beirut and couldn’t help but notice the images of Hamas and the late Hamas Politburo head, Ismail Haniyeh, around the camp, alongside and sometimes instead of images from a more distant past. To the young men and women in the camps now, Hamas represents a renewed hope that their homeland can be liberated and that the Palestinian struggle is not dead.
Toward reckoning

As Lebanon marks the 50th anniversary of the war, reckoning with the Palestinian dimension is essential — not just as a historical footnote, but as a window into how stateless people navigate the violent political landscapes.

The story of the Palestinians in Lebanon is not one of pure victimhood or romanticized resistance. It is a story with many contradictions: of being guests in a host country, of being feared. Of being forgotten.

I often think of the work of the gifted photographer Dalia Khamissy, who has been working on her powerful ongoing project on the Missing of Lebanon for the past 15 years. For this project, she has meticulously documented and told the stories of the estimated 17,000 people who went missing during the Lebanese Civil War. She has given a voice to countless mothers whose loved ones went out during the war and never came home. To this day, they wait for them. For many, the Lebanese Civil War never ended.

Sabah Haider
Sabah Haider is a visual anthropologist and journalist based between Beirut and Paris.


Lebanon’s civil war anniversary poll: Half of respondents fear conflict could return


Dozens of Palestinian women leave the Bourj Barajneh refugee camp in Beirut southern suburb 25 March 1987, to look for some food at the nearby market. (File/AFP)

Arab News
April 11, 2025

63.3% favor abolishing sectarian political system for secular state model

42.5% report direct personal or family harm from recent conflict



BEIRUT: As Lebanon marks 50 years since the outbreak of its civil war on April 13, a new poll has revealed half of the Lebanese people questioned are worried the conflict could return amid a fragile ceasefire.

The survey, conducted jointly by Annahar newspaper and International Information, sampled 1,200 Lebanese citizens across all regions between March 25 and April 2.

It showed that 51.7 percent expressed varying degrees of concern about the war’s return, while 63.3 percent believed establishing a secular civil state by abolishing the sectarian political system represented the best path forward for the country.

A total of 42.5 percent of respondents reported direct harm to themselves or family members, including deaths or injuries (23.7 percent), property damage (19.9 percent), and forced displacement (19.5 percent).

In assessing Lebanese attitudes toward Iran’s role in Lebanon, 78.6 percent of respondents evaluated this role as negative, and 75.3 percent identified Israel as Lebanon’s primary adversary.

The survey came as Israel resumed attacks on Lebanon, claiming it is targeting Hezbollah infrastructure.

In a statement, Annahar’s management described the poll as an essential tool to understand present realities by examining present and past questions, noting the significant timing on the half-century mark of a conflict whose full lessons remain unlearned.

Public opinion remains deeply divided on how to characterize the war that erupted on April 13, 1975, with 40.7 percent describing it as a Lebanese civil war while 38.5 percent view it as a war for others “fought on our soil.”

A smaller segment (8.8 percent) consider it primarily a war related to Palestinian settlement issues.

Information about the war continued to be transmitted largely through personal channels, with 81.9 percent citing family and friends as their primary source of knowledge, followed by media (44.8 percent), personal experience (28.3 percent), and academic sources (13.4 percent), according to the poll.

MULTIMEDIA PRESENTATION


SPACE/COSMOS


KSA strengthens role in global space sector


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The Saudi Space Agency supports Vision 2030 by striving to 
position the Kingdom as a global hub in the space sector (SPA)

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The Saudi Space Agency supports Vision 2030 by striving to 
position the Kingdom as a global hub in the space sector (SPA)Next

Arab New
April 13, 2025

Riyadh: On the International Day of Human Space Flight, the Kingdom reaffirmed its commitment to harnessing the benefits of outer space, recognizing its vital role in advancing humanity.

This includes developing and implementing national space policies, promoting research and industry, building local expertise, and enhancing cooperation with domestic and international partners, the Saudi Press Agency reported.

Celebrated annually on April 12, this day marks the launch of Sputnik 1 in 1957 and Yuri Gagarin’s historic spaceflight in 1961, which ushered in the space age.


The Saudi Space Agency supports Vision 2030 by striving to position the Kingdom as a global hub in the space sector, driving scientific and economic progress through innovation.

The agency’s priorities include strengthening global partnerships, building national capabilities, fostering innovation, and supporting investment in space sciences, the SPA reported.

It promotes growth through innovation, represents the Kingdom in international forums, and boosts research and development to inspire future generations and elevate Saudi Arabia’s role in global space exploration.

The agency is dedicated to advancing the civil space sector and promoting the peaceful use of space, aiming to establish the Kingdom as a leading regional and global force in space science and technology.
GIVING THEM THE BOMB

Saudi Arabia, US in talks to sign deal on nuclear technology


US Energy Secretary Chris Wright with Saudi Energy Minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman in Riyadh on Sunday.

Reina Takla
April 13, 2025
ARAB NEWS

US and Saudi Arabia to sign agreement on energy investments and civilian nuclear technology

Further details on nuclear cooperation between Washington and Riyadh would come later this year

RIYADH: The US and Saudi Arabia will sign a preliminary agreement on energy cooperation and civilian nuclear technology, Energy Secretary Chris Wright told a press conference in the Saudi capital on Sunday.

The US official said that details on nuclear cooperation between the two countries would come later this year.

He said the cooperation will focus on building a commercial nuclear power industry in the Kingdom “with meaning developments expected this year.”

“There will definitely be a 123 nuclear agreement with Saudi Arabia,” Wright said. He said Washington expects long-term cooperation with Riyadh to develop civilian nuclear industry in the Kingdom.

Responding to a question by Arab News, the top US official said the two sides will cooperate across major energy sectors with “US technologies and partnerships playing a key role.”

He said Saudi Arabia has excellent solar resources and room for technological improvement.

Wright also praised the Kingdom’s approach to efficient energy development and said it applied to all energy sources.

Commenting on the bilateral ties between the two countries, the energy secretary said: “I believe Saudi Arabia will be one of the leading countries investing in the US, which is a win for both nations.”